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tCtje 3tmt EelationsJ 


^Ilieb Bocumentsi 

This edition consists of 

five hundred sets 

all numbered 



f;fte Jesuit l^elationg 


^llieb IBotmxmt^ 





Edited by 

QUEBEC: 1636 


New York 







Assistant Editor 

Reuben Gold Thwaites 
Mary Sifton Pepper 
William Frederic Giese 
Crawford Lindsay 
William Price 
Percy Favor Bicknell 
FiNLON Alexander 
Emma Helen Blair 

Bibliographical Adviser Victor Hugo Paltsits 


Preface to Volume IX 

Document: — 

XXVI. Relation de ce qui s"est passe en la Nov- 
velle France, en I'annee 1636. [Chap- 
ters iii.-xi., completing Part I. of the 
document.] Paul le Jcune; Kebec, Au- 
gust 28, 1636 

Notes ...... 



Following is a synopsis of the second installment 
of Document XXVI., contained in the present vol- 

XXVI. A resum<S of the contents of the first two 
chapters of Part I. of Le Jeune's Relation of 1636, was 
given in Vol. VIII. of our series. In chapters iii.- 
xi., which close this portion of the document, Le 
Jeune continues his narrative of conversions and bap- 
tisms. One of these converts was a son of Carigoiian, 
the " sorcerer" who had so tormented the superior. 
The annalist describes the wretched deaths of Cari- 
goiian and his brothers, Mestigoit and Pierre (" the 
Apostate "), which he regards as the righteous judg- 
ments of an offended Deity. Several other savages 
have also died miserably, in their sins and impeni- 
tence ; and Le Jeune has met with much annoyance 
from the medicine men, whose tricks are described 
in some detail. 

Considerable space is then devoted to explaining, 
for the benefit of sundry impatient patrons of the mis- 
sion, in France, the difficulties necessarily encoun- 
tered in the conversion of the natives; satisfaction 
is expressed at the progress that has, nevertheless, 
been made in this work. The number of baptisms 
is greatly increasing, especially as the Indians are, 
since the coming of the missionaries, in wholesome 
dread of the fires of hell. 


Le Jeune hopes much from the hospital for the In- 
dians, which some pious friends at home are propos- 
ing to establish in Canada. He also anticipates good 
results from the education, in the French manner, of 
several little native girls who have been given him 
for that purpose ; these, he expects, will become the 
wives of Frenchmen or of baptized savages, and thus 
exert a great influence in civilizing their country- 
men. He also desires to establish at Quebec a semi- 
nary for the youth of both races — the native schools 
at Notre Dame des Anges being too remote from the 
settlement, to be available for the children of the 

The writer recounts various minor superstitions 
current among the natives, also some of their legends 
concerning the Manitou. 

The versatile superior next describes with admira- 
tion the skill with which the beaver constructs its 
dwelling. He mentions the attempt made by Mont- 
magny, the governor, to domesticate the native elk ; 
and hopefully anticipates the time when this animal 
may be trained as a beast of burden, thus greatly aid- 
ing the labors of both the missionaries and the colo- 
nists. He also has a plan for a " park," in which 
beavers may be enclosed and raised on a large scale, 
for both their skins and their flesh. 

Turning easily from natural history to social and 
economic conditions, the superior surveys the present 
state of Canada : he congratulates the Hundred Asso- 
ciates on their efforts to support the colony ; describes 
the fortifications, new buildings, and other improve- 
ments at the French settlements ; mentions the rapid- 
ly-increasing population ; and praises the peace, sim- 
plicity, and honesty that prevail in the community. 


Severe penalties are imposed, he says, for drunken- 
ness, blasphemy, and failure to attend mass; the 
chapel of the Jesuits has been considerably enlarged ; 
and the officials and prominent families set an edify- 
ing example of piety and devotion. Various ques- 
tions propounded by intending immigrants are 
answered, regarding the situation, resources, and op- 
portunities of this new land ; and eminently practical 
and sensible advice is proffered to those who wish to 
settle in New France. The annalist discusses at 
length, and justifies, the handling of peltries by the 
Jesuits, which had aroused in France much hostile 

The Relation concludes by the usual recital, in jour- 
nal form, of the more important events of the past 
year. The sale of intoxicating liquors to the Indians 
had been forbidden, under severe penalties. The 
death and burial of Champlain are described; also 
Indian councils held at Three Rivers and Quebec, 
and various conversations between the missionaries 
and the savages. Fathers Ragueneau, Du Marche, 
and Jogues arrive from France, and Gamier and 
Chastellain are sent as reinforcements to the Huron 
mission. The Algonkins, having been rebuked for 
their atrocious cruelty toward an Iroquois prisoner, 
as a peace offering present to the French a woman of 
that nation, who is forthwith sent to France for edu- 
cation. Daniel and Davost return from the Huron 
country with some Indian boys for the Jesuit semi- 
nary ; on the way, they are delayed by the savages 
resident at Allumettes Island, but propitiate them 
with gifts of tobacco. Apropos of these Huron chil- 
dren, Le Jeune naively remarks, " It is a Providence 
of God that Father Daniel is not bringing as many 


of them as he hoped to," since at Quebec they have 
neither lodging, food, nor clothing for many besides 
those already on their hands. The superior ends by 
giving a list of the various missions in New France, 
and of the priests and brethren employed therein. 

The second part of the Relation of 1636 consists of 
Brebeufs report of the Huron mission; it will occu- 
py all of \'ol. X. Bibliographical Data for this Rela- 
tion were given in Vol. VIII. 

R. G. T. 

Madison. Wis., June, 1897. 

XXVI (continued) 

Le Jeune's Relation, 1636 


Chaps, iii.-xi. of Part I. (Le Jeune's own Relation) are 
given in the present volume, thus closing this portion of the 
document. Part 11. (Br^beuf's Huron report) will occupy 
Volume X. 




COMME les Sauuages fe plaifent dauantage aux 
trois Riuieres, que non [52] pas k K^bec, aufli 
font-ils la plus fouuent leur fejour, & en plus 
grand nombre: c'eft pourquoy les Peres qui ont de- 
meure cette ann6e en noftre Refidence de la Conce- 
ption, ont baptif6 plus de perfonnes, que ceux qui 
font reftez k K6bec, ou ces Barbares n'arreftet pas li 
long-temps. On n'a pas laifTe neantmoins d'y faire 
quelque fruit auec eux: puis qu'on a obtenu qu'ils 
nous donnaffent quelques enfans, dont ie parleray cy 
apres, & que quelques- vns d'entre-eux ayent receu le 
fainct Baptefme. Ie ne les diftingue point des au- 
tres, qui ont receu ce Sacrement a la Conception, par- 
lant d'eu.K tons, felon I'ordre du temps qu'ils font 
entrez en I'Eglife. 

Le neufiefme de Feurier, vn Sauuage nomme At- 
tikamegou, & furnomme le Prince par nos Frangois, 
s'eftant cabane aflez proche de noflre Dame des 
Anges, enuoya querir en diligence vn de nos Peres 
pour baptifer vn fien petit fils, qui fe mouroit. Le 
Pere prend vn peu d'eau auec foy, craignant de n'en 
point trouuer en leur maifon d'ecorce, 'k raifon que 
le froid auoit gele les ruiffeaux & les fleuues ; il fe 
preffe le plus qu'il luy efl poffible; [53] arriue enfin 
tout hors d'haleine, oil eftoit I'enfant, qui s'en alloit 
expirer. Son pere s'6crie qu'on le fafle Chreflien 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 


AS the Savages like the three Rivers better than 
[52] K6bec, they stop there oftener, and in 
greater numbers. This is why the Fathers 
who have been living this year in our Residence of 
the Conception have baptized more people than did 
those who remained at K6bec, where these Barba- 
rians do not stay so long. We have not failed, how- 
ever, to gather some fruit among them, as we have 
induced them to give us some of their children, of 
whom I shall speak hereafter, and as some of them 
have received holy Baptism. I do not separate them 
from the others who received this Sacrament at the 
Conception, speaking of all according to the time 
when they entered the Church. 

On the ninth of February, a Savage named Attika- 
megou, and sumamed " the Prince" by our French- 
men, having camped quite near nostre Dame des 
Anges, sent posthaste for one of our Fathers to bap- 
t^ze^a^Jjttle boy of his, who was dying. The Fa- 
ther took a little water with him, fearing he might 
not find any in their bark house, as the cold had 
frozen the brooks and rivers. He hurried as fast as 
he could, [53] and finally, all out of breath, arrived 
at the place where lay the child, who was on the 
verge of death. His father begged that he should 
be made a Christian before his death ; his mother op- 
posed this, saying quite harshly that she did not 


auant fa mort; fa mere s'y oppofe, difant tout crue- 
ment, qu'elle ne vouloit point qu'il fuft baptife, & 
que tous ceux qui eftoient baptifez mouroient. On 
luy replique, que tous les Fran9ois eftoient bapti- 
fez; on luy nomme quelques-vns de fa nation, qui 
I'eftoient auffi, & qui cependant ioiiiffoient d'vne par- 
faite fante. Que fi apres le baptefme plulieurs Sau- 
uages mouroient, cela ne prouenoit pas du Sacre- 
ment, mais de la maladie, qui ne laifferoit pas de les 
tuer, quand ils ne feroient point baptifez, comme 
elle le voyoit en quelques-vns, qui mouroient fans 
receuoir ce Sacrement. Son mary la tance, Eft-ce le 
baptefme, dit-il, qui fait mourir maintenant ton fils? 
& cependant le voila qui trepalle, ie veux qu'il foit 
Chreftien. La mere refiftoit toiijours, & I'enfant s'en 
alloit mourant, ne pouuant quail plus refpirer. Le 
Pere preffoit la mere de fon cofte, I'affeurant que le 
baptefme, non feulement ne faifoit mourir perfonne, 
mais au contraire qu'il rendoit quelquefois la vie du 
corps, [54] & la vie de I'ame tout enfemble, & que fi 
elle vouloit croire que Dieu peuft operer cette mer- 
ueille, que fon fils pourroit guerir. Tout fur I'heure 
mefme, fur ce propos cette femme commence ^ ouurir 
les oreilles; Si tu le peux guerir, repart-elle, baptife 
le, Cnon ne le touche pas. Pour moy, dit le pere de 
I'enfant, ie croy que celuy qui a tout fait le pent gue- 
rir. Si ta femme auoit la mefme creance, luy dit on, 
tu verrois bien-toft ton fils en vie. II commence ^ 
la preffer, ^u n'as point_d'efprit, tu crains que le 
baptefme ne le faffe mourir, & tu vols qu'il meurt 
fans baptefme; celuy qui a tout fait, & qui peut tout, 
eft allez fort pour luy rendre la vie ; & quand il ne la 
luy rendroit pas, il aura toufiours pitie de fon ame. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION. 1636 9 

wish him to be baptized, and that all those who were 
baptized would die. She was told that all the 
French were baptized, and named some of her own 
tribe who also had been, and who nevertheless en- 
joyed perfect health ; that, if some Savages died after 
baptism, it did not result from the Sacrament, but 
from the disease, which would not fail to kill them 
even if they were not baptized, as she could see in 
the cases of some who died without receiving this 
Sacrament. Her husband chided her: " Is it bap- 
tism," said he, " that makes thy son die now? And 
yet he lies there dying. I wish him to be a Chris- 
tian." The mother continued to object, while the 
child was approaching nearer to death, being hardly 
able to breathe. The Father, on his part, urged the 
mother, assuring her that baptism not only did not 
make one die, but on the contrary sometimes restored 
the life of the body [54] and the life of the soul to- 
gether; and that, if she would believe God could 
perform this wonder, her son might recover. In- 
stantly, upon hearing this suggestion, the woman be- 
gins to open her ears: " If thou canst cure him," 
she replies, " baptize him; if not, do not touch him." 
" As for me," says the father of the child, " I be- 
lieve that he who has made all can cure him." " If 
thy wife had the same belief," said some one, " thou 
wouldst soon see thy son alive. ' ' He began to urge 
her: " Thou hast no sense; thou fearest that bap- 
tism will make him die, and thou seest he is dying 
without baptism; he who has made all, and can do 
all, is strong enough to restore him to life ; and, even 
if he does not restore him, he will at least have pity 
on his soul." " Let them baptize him then," said 
the mother. " Take courage," replied her husband, 


Qu'on le baptize done, dit la mere, Prends courage. 
fait fon mar ^& confidere bien fi tu crois ; car (i tu 
ments en ton coeur, Dieu ne guerira pas ton enfant, 
le croy. dit-elle; qu'on le baptife. Le Pere fe vit vn 
peu en peine : car il cognoiffoit bien que cette femme 
ne s'accordoit au baptefme de fon enfant, que fouz 
efperance de guerifon ; & par confequent Q I'enfant 
venoit ^ mourir, a quoy tons s'attendoient, [55] qu'af- 
feur^met elle decrieroit fort ce Sacrement: neant- 
moins. comme il ne le pouuoit voir perir deuant fes 
yeux, il prend refolution de le baptifer, demandant 
aux parens, qu'au cas qu'il guerift, qu'on nous le don- 
naft, quand il feroit grandelet pour I'inflruire. A 
cette demande la mere fe rebute derechef. le voy 
bien qu'il veut auoir mon fils, il ne I'aura pas. Son 
mary fe toumant vers le Pere. Demandes-tu mon 
fils pour toujours, ou feulement pour I'enfeigner? le 
ne le demande que pour I'inftruire, & encor quand il 
fera age de fix ou fept ans. Baptife le, tu I'auras, & 
prefllant fa femme, il rafl"eura qu'on luy rendroit fon 
enfant, quand il feroit bien inftruit, au cas que Dieu 
luy rendifl la fant6. Les Sauuages qui eftoient 1^, 
s'6tonnoient qu'on debatoit d'vn enfant qui eftoit aux 
abois; Le voila qui meurt, & vous debattez \ qui 
I'aura. En effect, dit fon pere, il efl mort, fi le ba- 
ptefme ne le guerit. On les affeure done derechef, 
que s'ils croyoient que Dieu fufl affez puifl!ant, & 
affez bon pour rendre la vie ^ leur enfant, qu'il le fe- 
roit. La mere enfin le prefente elle mefme au ba- 
ptefme. En temoignage de [56] fa foy, & de fon efpe- 
rance; I'enfant eft baptife fur I'heure mefme, fans 
ceremonie, & fans luy donner nom, car la maladie 
n'en permettoit pas dauantage. Chofe eftrange ! Le 

16361 LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 11 

"and consider well if thou believest; for, if thou 
liest in thy heart, God will not cure thy child." " I 
believe," said she, " let them baptize him." The 
Father found himself in a rather difficult position ; 
for he understood perfectly that this woman gave 
consent to the baptism of her child only in the hope 
of his recovery; and that, consequently, if the child 
died, which all were expecting, [55] she would be 
certain to greatly decry this Sacrament. Neverthe- 
less, as he could not see him die before his eyes, he 
resolved to baptize him, — asking the parents, in case 
he recovered, to give him to us when he grew lar- 
ger, to instruct him. At this request the mother 
again became obstinate. " I see plainly that he 
wishes to have my son; he shall not have him." 
Her husband, turning toward the Father, said, " Dost 
thou ask my son for all time, or simply to instruct 
him?" " I only want him to instruct him, and not ) 
that until he is six or seven years old." " Baptize 
him, thou canst have him;" and, urging his wife, 
he assured her that they would restore her her child 
when he should be well instructed, in case God grant- 
ed him health. The Savages who were there were 
surprised that there should be any discussion about a 1 
child who was in the throes of death. " There he i 
lies dying, and you are debating as to who shall have 
him." " In fact," said his father, "he is dead if 
baptism does not restore him." They were again 
assured that, if they believed that God was powerful 
enough and good enough to restore life to their child, 
he would do it. At last the mother herself presents 
him for baptism, as an evidence of [56] her faith 
and of her hope. The child is baptized on the in- 
stant, without ceremony and without giving him a 


Pere qui le baptifoit n'eut pas acheue de prononcer 
les paroles faintes, verfant vn peu d'eau, fur la tefte 
de ce pauure petit, que fa mere decouuroit; qu'il 
ouure les yeux, commence a refpirer, k s'etendre, & 
k fe remuer dans fon petit berceau portatif . Sa mere 
toute eperdue, luy prefente le tetin, qu'il ne pouuoit 
plus prendre : il le prend fans difficulte, & deuant 
que le Pere fortifl de la Cabane, il fut entierement 
guery. Quelques Sauuages accourent ; Le pere de 
I'enfant, leur dit ce qui eftoit arriue, ils demeurent 
eftonnez fans mot dire. Maintenant ce petit Chre- 
flien eft beau & graffet, la ioye de fes parens, & I'ad- 
miration de ceux qi:i Tont veu dans fa maladie. 

Cet effet du Sacrement a beaucoup feruy pour ar- 
racher de I'efprit de ces Barbares, que la mort eftoit 
dans ces eaux falutaires, & qu'il ne falloit qu'eftre 
baptifd pour bien-toft mourir. Le Prince, c'eft le 
furnom du pere de I'enfant, allant depuis [57] aux 
trois Riuieres, racontoit cecy par tout. Si bien que 
le Pere qui I'auoit baptife, entrant certain iour dans 
vne Cabane, par ou il auoit pafl"^; ceux qui I'habi- 
toient luy demanderent, s'il n 'auoit plus de cette eau 
qui auoit guery le fils A'Attikamegou, & qu'il en don- 
naft vn peu a vn malade qu'ils auoient. Helas! il 
en auoit affez ; mais le pauure malade n'en peut boire ; 
c'eft k dire que le Pere ne le voyant qu'en paffant 
chemin, il n'eut pas le loifir de I'inftruire, de forte 
qu'il le trouua mort au retour. Mais pour acheuer 
ce point, le Prince voyant fon fils guery, dit a fa 
femme. Aye foin de cet enfant, & garde toy bien 
d'empefcher vn iour qu'il ne foit inftruit : car la mort 
dont il deuoit mourir tomberoit fur ta tefte. Le Pere 
luy demanda s'il ne feroit pas bien aife qu'on luy ap- 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 13 

name, because the malady did not permit more. 
Strange to say, the Father who baptized him had no 
sooner finished pronouncing the holy words, pouring 
a little water upon this poor infant's head, which his 
mother uncovered, than he opened his eyes, began 
to breathe, to stretch, and to move about in his little 
portable cradle. His mother, completely beside her- 
self, offered him the breast, which he could not take 
before ; he took it now without difficulty, and before 
the Father departed from the Cabin he had entirely 
recovered. Some Savages hastening in, the father 
of the child told them what had occurred, and they 
were struck dumb with amazement. Now this little 
Christian is fine-looking and plump, the joy of his 
parents and the admiration of those who saw him 
in his sickness. 

This result of the Sacrament has aided greatly in 
uprooting from the minds of these Barbarians the 
belief that death was in these health-giving waters, 
and that it was only necessary to be baptized to soon 
die. The Prince, — this is the surname of the child's 
father, — going afterwards [57] to the three Rivers, 
related this everywhere ; so that the Father who had 
baptized him, upon entering one day a Cabin in which 
this man had been, was asked by those who lived 
there if he had any more of that water which had 
cured the son of Attikatnegou, and if he would give 
some of it to a sick man who was there. Alas ! he had 
enough of it, but the poor sick one could not drink 
it, — that is, the Father only seeing him in passing, 
had not leisure to instruct him, and on his return found 
him dead. But, to finish this subject, — the Prince, 
seeing his son recovered, said to his wife, " Take care 
of this child, and see that thou dost not prevent him 


pliquaft les faintes Ceremonies dans la Chapelle de 
K6bec. Fais luy, repond-il, toiit ce que tii fais aux 
enfans des Fran9ois; il luy affigne iour pour I'appor- 
ter, & luy donne aduis de choifir vn Francois; & vne 
Fran9oife, pour eflre Parrain & Marraine de fon en- 
fant. Luy expliquant ce que vouloient dire ces mots. 
II doutoit fi les Fran9ois [58] luy voudroient faire 
cette faueur; mais I'ayant afTeure qu'ils en feroient 
bien aifes, il inuita le fieur Oliuicr, Commis & Inter- 
prete, & Madame Hebout, qui exercerent volontiers 
cet acte de charite. Vn Dimanche au matin ces deux 
pauures Barbares apporterent eux-mefmes leur en- 
fant ^ I'Eglife de Kebec. Le Pere qui I'auoit ba- 
ptife, declara ^ nos Francois, qui efloient affemblez 
pour entendre la grande Meffe, comme tout s'efloit 
pafTe ; que les eaux faeries du Baptefme auoient ren- 
du la vie i ce petit enfant, & qu'ils le venoient pre- 
fenter eux-mefmes pour receuoir les faintes Ceremo- 
nies, qu'on ne luy auoit peu appliquer. Qu'au refte 
ils piomettoient de le donner vn iour pour le faire 
inftruire ; & comme on leur demanda derechef , en la 
prefence de tout le monde, ils confirmerent la pro- 
melle qu'ils auoient faite. La deffus on fonne la 
cloche ; vne de nos Franfoifes prend ce petit, & le 
prefente; fon Parrain, & fa Marraine, luy donnent 
nom Francois Oliuier ; on luy applique les Huiles fa- 
crees, & les autres faintes Ceremonies, auec vne 
grande confolation de tons nos Francois, & vn con- 
tentement fi fenfible [59] du pere & de la mere, que 
la ioye en redondoit fur leur face. 

On auoit emmaillotte ce petit Chreflien a la Fran- 
goife, fa mere le tenant difoit k fon mary, le ne f§ay 
qu'a noflre petit Fran9ois Oliuier; quand il efl accom- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 15 

from being instructed some day ; for the death which 
was to have killed him would fall upon thy head." 
The Father asked him if he would not like to have 
them administer to him the holy Rites in the Chapel 
at K^bec. " Do to him," said he, " all thou doest 
to the French children." The Father appointed a 
day for him to bring the boy, and advised him to 
choose a man and a woman from among the French 
to act as Godfather and Godmother to his child, ex- 
plaining to him what these words meant. The man 
doubted if the French [58] would consent to do him 
this favor ; but, having assured him that they would 
be very glad to do it, he invited sieur Olivier, Clerk 
and Interpreter, and Madame Hebout,' who willingly 
performed this act of charity. One Sunday morning 
these two poor Barbarians themselves brought their 
child to the Church of K6bec. The Father who had 
baptized him explained to our French, who had as- 
sembled to hear high Mass, how it had all happened ; 
that the consecrated waters of Baptism had restored 
life to this little child, and that they had come them- 
selves to present him to receive the holy Ceremonies 
that he had not been able to administer to him ; that, 
furthermore, they promised some day to give him to 
be instructed ; and, being asked again in the presence 
of all, they confirmed the promise they had made. 
At this point the bell is rung; one of our French 
women takes the little one and presents him ; his 
Godfather and Godmother give him the name of 
Fran§ois Olivier ; they apply to him the consecrated 
Oils and administer the other holy Rites, to the great 
satisfaction of all our French, the happiness of the 
[59] father and mother being so great that joy beamed 
upon their faces. 


inod6 \ la Frangoife, il rit touliours; quand ie I'ac- 
commode ^ noftre fagon il pleure & fe chagrine, & 
quand ie le tiens il eft tout trifte & tout mome, & 
quand vne Frangoife le tient; vous diriez qu'il veut 
touQours fauter. Elle vouloit par ce difcours tefmoi- 
gner le contentement qu'elle auoit de voir fon fils 
comme deuenu Frangois. Son pere auoit bien de 
meilleures penf^es, car certain iour ie I'efcoutois 
comme il difoit ^ fa femme, que les Sorciers n'auoient 
plus de pouuoir fur fon fils, & que par le Baptefme 
il auoit eft6 mis en la protection de celuy qui a tout 
fait. II tenoit ce difcours k I'occafion de deux Sor- 
ciers qui s'eftoient entrebattus, & qui s'eftoient re- 
prochez qu'ils auoient tue par leur art les parens I'vn 
de I'autre. Les Sauuages craigfnent grandement ces 
longleurs, & quelqu'vn de nos Francois m'a affeur^ 
qu'ordinairement ils font mourir ceux contra lef quels 
ils [60] dreffent leur fort, & que neantmoins ils n'ont; 
iamais rien pu faire aux Chreftiens. Or foit qu'en 
efifect ils ayent quelque communication tacite auec le 
Diable, dequoy ie doute fort, ou qu'ils n'en ayent 
point; ayant eu prife auec I'vn de ces deux Sorciers, 
ie le defiay de me tuer par fes fortileges; Tafleurat 
qu'eftant baptif6, & croyat en Dieu, i'eftois hors de 
fes prifes. Le pere du petit Frangois Oliuier eftoit 
prefent quand ie difois cela: Quoy done, fit-il, mon 
fils eftant baptif^, ne pent il point eftre mis k mort 
par ces gens-lk? Non, luy repartis-je, ne les crains 
pjis, & qu'ainfi ne foit, porte leur parole de ma part, 
que ie leur pardonne ma mort, s'ils me tuent par 
leurs iongleries: mais auffi qu'au cas que leurs en- 
chantemens foient trop foibles pour me nuire, dis 
leur que ie les prie de fe ietter auec moy fouz la 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 17 

They had swaddled this little Christian in the 
French fashion ; its mother, holding it, said to her 
husband: " I do not know what ails our little Fran- 
5ois Olivier ; when he is dressed in the French way 
he laughs all the time, when he is dressed in our 
way he cries and grieves; when I hold him he is 
quite sad and mournful, and when a French woman 
holds him he acts as if he wants to jump all the 
time." She wished by these words to show her sat- 
isfaction at seeing her son become French, as it were. 
His father had still better ideas, for one day I heard 
him say to his wife that the Sorcerers had no longer 
any power over his son, and that through Baptism 
he had been placed under the protection of him who 
made all. He held this conversation apropos of two 
Sorcerers who had been fighting together, each re- 
proaching the other that he had killed the other's 
parents by his arts. The Savages greatly fear these 
Jugglers, and one of our Frenchmen has assured me 
that they usually kill those against whom they [60] 
aim their charms, and that nevertheless they have 
never been able to do anything to Christians. Now 
whether they have really some secret communication 
with the Devil, which I greatly doubt, or whether 
they have not, — having taken issue with one of these 
two Sorcerers, I defied him to kill me with his magic, 
assuring him that, as I was baptized and believed in 
God, I was beyond his reach. The father of little 
Frangois Olivier was present when I said this : " Well 
then," said he, " my son being baptized, cannot he 
be put to death by these people?" "No," I an- 
swered him, " do not fear them. And even if they 
could, give them my word that I will forgive them 
for my death if they kill me by their sorceries; but 


fauuegarde de celuy qui tient tous les demos h. I'at- 
tache. Ce pauure home auoit bien retenu cette le- 
9on, voila pourqaoy il fe r6ioiiyffoit auec fa femme 
de ce que fon fils eftoit hors des prifes de ces loups- 
garous. Vne autre fois il me vint trouuer tout tre- 
blant de peur qu'il ne luy mef-arriuafl, fur ce que fa 
femme ayat port6 fon enfant en [6i] vn baquet ou 
elle alloit k fa place ; vn longleur le luy ayant pris, 
& I'ayant chants, auoit dit tout haut pour nous de- 
crediter, que nous eflions des trompeurs, que le Ba- 
ptefme n'auoit pas guery c6t enfant, puis qu'il ne pa- 
roiffoit aucune marque, qu'il euft eft^ malade. le 
I'affeuray, & me mocquay de ce baladin. Au fur- 
plus le pauure homme m'a fouuent tefmoign^ defirer 
le Baptefme ; ie luy ay donn6 quelque inftruction, & 
pour I'arrefler ie I'auois mis en la compagnie de quel- 
ques Fran9ois k cultiuer la terre, mais il n'a pas tenu 
bon. Or comme depuis peu il efloit en la compagnie 
de trente k quarante Sauuages, qui s'en alloient k la 
guerre, ie le fonday en la prefence de fes compatrio- 
tes, luy reprochant qu'il les craignoit, & que par 
refpect humain il ne vouloit pas croire en Dieu, encor 
que fouuent il m'euft affeure qu'il y f alloit croire. 
II me r6pondit deuant tous, qu'il auoit eu cette vo- 
lont6, & qu'il I'auoit encor; qu'il ne craindroit point 
de profeffer fa creance deuant tout le monde ; mais 
toy-mefme, me fit-il, tu m'as quitt6 fur la difficult^ 
que i'ay eu auec I'vn de tes Franfois. Ie fus fort 
aife de cette r^ponfe, car il n'y a [62] rien qui re- 
tienne tant les Sauuages de profeffer la foy, que la 
crainte d'eftre mocquez de leurs femblables. Ar- 
riuez que nous fufmes aux trois Riuieres, faisat feftin 
^ ces guerriers, ie luy donnay encor vne attaque, & 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 19 

also, in case their enchantments are too weak to in- 
jure me, tell them that I pray them to throw them- 
selves with me under the safeguard of him who holds 
all demons in check." The poor man had remem- 
bered this lesson well, and hence he was rejoicing 
with his wife because his son was out of the clutches 
of these human wolves. Another time he came to 
me trembling with fear lest some misfortune should 
happen to him, because, his wife having carried the 
child to [6i] a banquet, where she was going in his 
place, a Juggler took it from her and sang to it ; then 
said aloud, to discredit us, that we were deceivers, — 
that Baptism had not cured this child, since there 
was no sign that it had been sick. I reassured him, 
and ridiculed this mountebank. Furthermore, the 
poor man has often shown me that he desired Bap- 
tism; I have given him some instruction, and to 
make him stationary I placed him in the company of 
some Frenchmen to cultivate the land, but he did 
not stick to it. Now as, a short time ago, he was in 
company with from thirty to forty Savages, who were 
going to war, I sounded him in the presence of his 
compatriots, — reproaching him with being afraid of 
them, and that out of regard for others he would not 
believe in God, although he had often assured me 
that he ought to believe in him. He answered me 
before all of them that he had had this desire, and 
that he had it still ; that he would not be afraid to 
profess his belief before everybody. " But thou 
thyself," he replied, " thou hast deserted me on ac- 
count of the difficulty I had with one of thy French- 
men." I was very glad to hear this response, for 
there is [62] nothing which so deters the Savages 
from professing the faith as the fear of being mocked 


il me tefmoigna deuant tous qu'il n'efloit ny men- 
teur, ny enfant, & qu'il feroit conftant en noftre foy, 
quand il I'auroit embraffee. Cela fut caufe que ie 
I'appellay en particulier, & que ie luy dis qu'au re- 
tour de la guerre ou il alloit, que ie I'inftruirois, s'il 
vouloit fe faire inllruire. Ten fuis content, me fit- 
il. Va t'en done, luy repartis-ie, en la Chapelle, & 
prie celuy qui a tout faict de te conferuer, afin que tu 
puifle eftre baptife; il Ie fit, & k fon depart il me 
pria d'auoir foin de fon petit Fran9ois Oliuier, s'il 
mouroit en guerre, & de fecourir fa femme: s'il re- 
tourne i'efpere que Dieu luy fera mifericorde. Ie la 
recommande aux prieres de ceux qui liront cecy ; car 
fi vne fois Dieu en auoit fortement touche quelqu'vn 
qui fuft capable de bie inflruire les autres, cela feroit 
puiffant pour les attirer h. la cognoiffance de la verite. 
Le dix-feptiefme de Mars vn ieune Frangois hiuer- 
nant auec les Sauuages [63] baptifa vn petit enfant, 
qui s'en alloit mourir. Dieu eft admirable dans le 
choix des vns, & dans le rebut des autres. Ce ieune 
Francois voyant que quelques Sauuages fe venoient 
pourmener aux trois Riuieres, efcriuit fur vn bout 
d'efcorce h. fon frere, qu'il y auoit des malades en la Ca- 
bane ou il efloit, & qu'il en donnaft aduis aux Peres, 
notamment d'vn petit gargon qui s'en alloit mourant. 
Les Peres iugerent qiie ce feroit affez de bien infor- 
mer ce ieune gargon, ou pluftoft de luy refcrire de 
poinct en poinct tout ce qu'on luy auoit d^ja enfei- 
gn6, pour baptifer les petits enfans; ce qu'ils firent. 
Le Fils de Dieu qui dit qu'on laifle aller vers luy les 
petits, recent celuy-cy ; car comme ce ieune Fran9ois 
lifoit les lettres que nos Peres luy auoient enuoye ; 
le pere du petit malade I'interrogea fur ce qu'on luy 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 21 

by their fellows. When we arrived at the three Riv- 
ers, while giving a feast to these warriors, I attacked 
him again ; and he proved to me before all that he 
was neither a liar nor a child, and that he would be 
constant in our faith if he should embrace it. For 
this reason I spoke to him in private, and told him 
that, on his return from the war to which he was go- 
ing, I would instruct him, if he wished to be in- 
structed. "I would like it," he replied. "Go 
then," I said to him, " into the Chapel and pray him 
who has made all to preserve thee, that thou mayest 
be baptized." He did so, and at his departure he 
begged me to look after his little Fran9ois Olivier if 
he died in war, and to assist his wife ; if he returns, 
I hope God will be merciful to him. I commend 
him to the prayers of those who shall read this ; for 
if once God should effectually move some one of them 
who might be able properly to instruct the others, 
he would be a powerful help in attracting them to 
the knowledge of the truth. 

On the seventeenth of March, a young Frenchman 
wintering with the Savages [63] baptized a little child 
which was going to die. God is admirable in his 
choice of some and his rejection of others. This 
young Frenchman, seeing that some Savages were 
coming to visit the three Rivers, wrote on a piece of 
bark to his brother that there were some sick people 
in the Cabin where he was, and that he should in- 
form the Fathers of it, especially of a little boy who 
was going to die. The Fathers judged that it would 
be enough to carefully instruct this young man, or 
rather to rewrite for him, exactly, all that he had al- 
ready been taught for the baptism of little children ; 
this they did. The Son of God, who says that we 


mandoit. Les Peres, refpond-il, m'efcriuent qu'ils 
ayment ton fils; qu'ils font bien marris de fon mal, 
& m'inftruifent comma il le faut baptifer, au cas qu'il 
foit en danger de mort; ils m'efcriuent aufli que fi 
les grandes perfonnes font bien malades, ils vien- 
dront icy. Le Sauuage repartit, le fuis bien aife que 
men fils foit baptif6; [64] Tiens voila de I'eau, ba- 
ptife le, car il s'en va mourir. Si toft qu'il fera mort, 
ie leur enuoyeray fon corps, afin qu'ils I'honnorent 
d'vne fepulture 'k la Frangoife. L'enfant fut baptif6, 
& le pere tint fa parole, nous I'enuoyant apres fa 
mort par quelques Sauuages, auec fes d^poiiilles. 
Sur quoy nos Peres euffent eft6 en peine de f9auoir 
s'il auoit efte baptif6, & s'ils le pouuoient mettre en 
terre fainte ; fi I'vn des Sauuages ne les en euft affeu- 
rez, exprimant ce qu'il auoit veu faire au ieune Fran- 

Le premier iour d'Auril, le Pere Buteux baptifa 
vne petite fille, qu'il alia chercher enuiron dix bonnes 
lieues, plus haut que la demeure de nos Fran9ois. 
En voicy I'occafion, Quelques Algonquins eftant ve- 
nus chercher du Petun au Magafin, vindrent voir nos 
Peres deuant que de s'en retoumer, & leur donnerent 
aduis qu'ils auoient quelques perfonnes fort malades 
en leurs Cabanes. Surquoy le Pere Buteux prenant 
vn ieune gar9on, qui demeure en noftre Refidence, 
fait d^ieuner ces Barbares, & puis fe met en leur com- 
pagnie. II ne fut pas bien loing de la maifon, qu'il 
trouua, comme Ton [65] dit, ^ qui parler, les che- 
mins font icy plus blancs qu'en France, & bien plus 
fafcheux ; il leur falloit tantoft prendre des raquettes, 
tantoft les quitter ; ils marchoient fur le grand Fleuue 
glac6, qui leur d^roboit bien la veue de fes eaux, 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 23 

mtist suffer the little ones to come unto him, received 
this one. For, as this young Frenchman was reading 
the letters our Fathers had sent him, the father of 
the little sick boy asked him what they had written 
him. " The Fathers," he replied, " write me that 
they love thy son, that they are very sorry he is 
sick; and they instruct me how he should be bap- 
tized, in case he is in danger of dying; they also 
write me that, if the older persons are very sick, they 
will come here." The Savage replied, " I am very 
glad to have my son baptized. [64] Here is water; 
baptize him, for he is going to die. As soon as he is 
dead, I will send them his body, in order that they 
may honor it with a French burial." The child was 
baptized, and the father kept his word, sending him 
to us after his death by some Savages, with his be- 
longings. Whereupon our Fathers would have been 
at a loss to know whether he had been baptized, and 
whether they could put him in consecrated ground, 
if one of the Savages had not assured them of it, ex- 
plaining what he had seen the young Frenchman do. 
On the first day of April, Father Buteux baptized 
a little girl, whom he went to find about ten good 
leagues higher up than our French settlement. This 
was the occasion of it : Some Algonquins who had 
come to the Store to get Tobacco, came to see our 
Fathers before returning, and informed them that 
they had some persons in their Cabins who were 
very sick. At this Father Buteux, taking a young 
man who lives in our Residence, gave these Barba- 
rians their breakfast, and then placed himself in 
their company. He had not gone far from the house 
before he met, as they [65] say, with his match. The 
roads here are much less used than in France, and very 


mais non pas I'apprehenfion du danger de s'y perdre: 
car le Soleil auoit commence ^ fondre fes glaces, qui 
en pluCieurs endroits n'auoient plus qu'vn doigt &'€- 
paifleur. La neige aux autres endroits venant ^ mol- 
lir fur le haut du iour, les faifoit enfoncer auec leurs 
raquettes, qui fe chargeoient de ces glagons, & leur 
donnoient vne efpece de torture aux iambes : fi fallut- 
il tirer cette charue depuis fix heures du matin iuf- 
ques h. fix heures du foir, fans d6teler, finon peut eflre 
I'efpace d'vn petit quart d'heure, qu'ils s'arreflerent 
pour boire vn peu d'eau, dans vne hoftellerie de 
glace. En verit6 fi Dieu ne donnoit d' autres rafrai- 
chiflemens que ceux-cy, h. des perfonnes qui ne font 
accouftum^es h. ces courfes, la chair fuccomberoit : 
mais c'efl chofe Strange que ces iours de peines, font 
des iours de douceurs, & le corps femble mettre en 
oubly fes foibleffes, quand I'efprit [66] goufle la force 
de Dieu. le n'auois garde, dit le Pere, de me repen- 
tir d'auoir entrepris ce voyage, puis que ie trouuois 
du contentement dans ce trauail, & de I'affeurance 
dans la crainte. Enfin eftant arriue dans les Caba- 
nes, il trouue que fes Sauuages I'auoient tromp6, d6- 
criuans comme moribons, ceux qui n'efloient pas 
quafi malades; il leur t6moigne neantmoins qu'il 
efloit bien aife de les voir hors de danger; qu'il 
efloit venu pour les inflruire, & qu'il y auroit plus 
de moyen de le faire, quand ils feroient de retour 
vers les Frangois. La plufpart s'6tonnoient de la 
peine qu'il auoit prife, & fe r^iouiflans de le voir, 
luy faifoient feftin de langues & de muffles d'Orignac, 
dont ils auoient abondance. La neige ayant efle pro- 
fonde & dure cette annee, a cauf6 la mort ^ vn tres 
grand nombre d' Elans, & a donn6 la vie a plufieurs 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 25 

much worse ; sometimes they had to wear their snow- 
shoes, sometimes take them off; they walked upon 
the great frozen River, which deprived them indeed 
of the sight of its waters, but not of the apprehension 
of the danger of being lost therein ; for the Sun had 
beg^n to melt the ice, which in some places was no 
more than a finger-breadth in thickness. In other 
places, the snow beginning to melt in the middle of 
the day, they sank into it with their snowshoes ; and 
these, becoming loaded with pieces of ice, made them 
suffer a species of torture in their legs. Yet they 
had to drag this plow from six o'clock in the morning 
until six at night, without unharnessing, except per- 
haps for a little quarter of an hour when they stopped 
to drink some water in a hostelry of ice. In truth, 
if God did not give other refreshments than these to 
people who are not accustomed to such journeys, the 
flesh would succumb. But it is wonderful how these 
days of hardship are days of peace, and how the body 
seems to forget its weakness when the spirit [66] 
tastes the strength of God. " I had no inclination," 
said the Father, " to repent having undertaken this 
journey, since I found content in this labor, and se- 
curity in fear." At last, having arrived at the Cab- 
ins, he finds that his Savages had deceived him, for 
they had described as dying those who were hardly 
sick; he shows them, nevertheless, that he is very 
glad to see them out of danger, that he has come to 
instruct them, and that he would have better means 
of doing so if they would return towards the French 
settlement. Most of them were astonished at the 
trouble he had taken, and, rejoicing to see him, they 
made him a feast of Moose tongues and muzzles, 
which they had in abundance. The depth and hard- 


Sauuages. Dieu ne voulut pas que le Pere s'en re- 
toumafl les mains vuides: il efloit venu pour de 
gfrandes perfonnes, & il luy donna le falut d'vne pe- 
tite fiUe : car comma il vifitoit les todis de ces pau- 
ures Barbares, il apperceut cette enfant toute abba- 
tue, il recogneut qu'il auoit eu d6ja [67] enuie de la 
baptifer, auant qu'elle fufl conduite dans les bois; 
mais I'occafion luy ayant efcliapp6, il en auoit du 
fcrupule en fon ame, la demandant k ce fujet tons les 
iours ^ I'Autel k noflre Seigneur. Se voyant done en 
main I'occaGon qu'il n'attendoit pas, il demade k fa 
grade mere permiffion de la baptifer. Cette bonne 
vieille luy r6pond, Vous eftes bons, vous autres, vous 
auez piti6 des malades, Tu as bien eu de la peine Jl 
nous venir vifiter. Fais tout ce que tu iugeras k pro- 
pos, ie te la donne. Le ieune homme qui accompa- 
gnoit le Pere, luy donne nom Marie, & le Pere la ba- 
ptife. Apres cette action vn Sauuage f9acliant que le 
Pere auoit deffein de s'en retourner, fe prefente pour 
le reconduire ; le Pere s'etonnant de cette courtoifie ; 
ce Barbare luy dit qu'il auoit efle delegu^ auec fon 
gendre par les autres Sauuages, pour le remercier. 
Adiouflant qu'il vouloit auffi mener auec foy le corps 
d'vn fien fils mort depuis quinze iours, pour eflre en- 
terr6 au Cimetiere des Frangois. Le Pere I'ayant re- 
merci^, luy fit entendre, que cet enfant n'ayant pas 
efl6 baptife, n'auroit point de place parmy les Fran- 
5ois. Ces bonnes [68] gens nonobflant s'opiniaflre- 
rent, & fe mirent en chemin, deuan9ans le Pere de 
beaucoup: Ce qu'ils y gag^erent, fut de s'en retour- 
ner, apres vn ailez bon traitement qu'on leur fit. 

Le dix-feptiefme du mefme mois d'Auril, vne ieune 
fille recent le fainct Baptefme, qu'elle auoit ardem- 

1636] LE JEUNES RELATION, 1636 27 

ness of the snow this year has been the cause of 
death to a great many Elk, and has given life to 
many Savages. God did not will that the Father 
should return with empty hands ; he had gone for 
grown persons, and he gave him the salvation of a 
little girl. For, as he was visiting the huts of these 
poor Barbarians, he perceived this child very low; 
he remembered that he had already [67] wished to 
baptize her before she had been taken into the woods, 
but, as the opportunity had slipped by, he had mis- 
givings about it in his soul, asking her from our Lord 
for this purpose every day at the Altar. Now, seeing 
at hand the opportunity which he had not expected, 
he asked her grandmother's permission to baptize her. 
This good old woman answered, " You are good, 
you people, you take pity on the sick ; thou hast in- 
deed taken the trouble to come and visit us. Do all 
that thou deemest proper: I give her to thee." The 
young man who accompanied the Father gave her 
the name Marie, and the Father baptized her. After 
this act a Savage, knowing the Father intended to 
return, presented himself to conduct him; the Fa- 
ther was surprised at this courtesy, and the Barba- 
rian told him that he and his son-in-law had been 
delegated by the other Savages to thank him, add- 
ing that he wished also to take with him the body 
of one of his sons who had been dead for two weeks, 
to be buried in the French Cemetery. The Father 
having thanked him, gave him to understand that 
this child, not having been baptized, could not be 
placed among the French. These simple [68] people 
insisted, however, and started on their way some 
distance ahead of the Father. All they gained by 
doing this was to come back again, after receiving 
very good treatment. 


ment defir6. Noftre Seigneur, ayant chafti6 fort rude- 
ment tous ceux auec lesquels i'ay hiuern^, pour n'a- 
uoir pas voulu accomplir la promelle qu'ils luy auoient 
faite de le recognoiftre, m'a confol6 en la conuerfion 
de deux enfans de ces Barbares; I'vn ell le fils du 
Sorcier defunct, qu'on nommoit Carigouan, ie parle- 
ray de c6t enfant en fon temps : I'autre eft cette fille, 
qui par fois me rendoit quelque petit fecours, quand 
i'eftois malade en la Cabane de fon parent ; m'allant 
querir vn peu d'eau, ou me faifant fondre de la neige 
pour boire. Cette pauure enfant eflant refl6e fans 
pere ny mere, afflige d'vne maladie fort fafcheufe, 
eftoit delaiff^e, & en horreur ^ ceux de fa natio, Dieu 
voulut que nos Peres, qui efloient aux trois Riuieres, 
ou elle fe trouua, luy payafTent au centuple la charit6 
qu'elle auoit exerc6e [69] en mon endroit: car ils 
prirent foin de fon corps, & de fon ame. On luy fit 
vne Cabane au Fort, & tous les iours les Peres la 
nourriffoient, la faifoient penfer, & I'inftruifoient. 
Comme elle auoit I'efprit bon (m'^criuent les Peres) 
elle concent bien toft, & goufta la doctrine du Fils 
de Dieu, s'affectionnant particulierement k la faincte 
Vierge, dont elle voulut prendre le nom au baptefme. 
En peu de temps elle fembla fe mieux porter. Si 
bien qu'on parloit de la remettre entre les mains des 
Sauuages, cette pauure fille apprehendoit ce retour 
plus que la mort. Dieu qui la vouloit auoir pour foy, 
luy enuoya vne figure qui la mit fi bas, qu'elle co- 
gneut bien que c'eftoit fait de fa vie; c'ell pourquoy 
on luy confera le baptefme, ce qui la confola fort: 
Car quelqu'vn luy difant qu'elle s'en alloit mourir. 
Ie le voy bien, r6pond-elle, mais ie me confole de ce 
que i'iray au Ciel. O que vous ferez heureufe, luy 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 29 

On the seventeenth of the same month of April, a 
young girl received holy Baptism, which she had ar- 
dently desired. Our Lord, having chastised very 
severely all those with whom I passed the winter, 
for not having tried to fulfill the promise they had 
made him to acknowledge him, consoled me in the 
conversion of two children of these Barbarians. One 
is the son of the dead Sorcerer, who was called Cari- 
goiian;'^ of this child I shall speak at the proper time. 
The other is the girl who occasionally did me some 
little service when I was sick in the Cabin of one of 
her relations, getting me a little water or melting 
the snow for me to drink. This poor child, being 
left without father or mother, afflicted by a very 
grievous malady, was forsaken and looked upon with 
horror by the people of her own tribe. God willed 
that our Fathers, who were at the three RiversT^ 
where she was, should repay her a hundredfold for 
the charity she had exercised [69] toward me, for 
they took care of her body and of her soul. They 
made her a Cabin at the Fort, and every day the Fa- 
thers gave her food, had her cared for, and instructed 
her. As she had a good mind (the Fathers wrote 
me), she understood readily and enjoyed the doctrine 
of the Son of God, showing an especial affection for 
the holy Virgin, whose name she wished to take at 
baptism. After a little while she seemed to im- 
prove, so much so that they talked of sending her 
back to the Savages. This poor girl dreaded this 
return worse than death. God, who wished to have 
her for himself, sent upon her a fever which reduced 
her so low that she saw clearly her life was at stake. 
Hence they administered baptism to her, which 
greatly comforted her; for when some one said to 


dit-on, de voir celuy qui a tout fait dans fa gran- 
deur! Ne verray-ie pas auffi, dit-elle, la bone Ma- 
rie mere de Dieu: & comme on luy eut affeur6 
qu'elle la verroit, le luy diray, repliqua-elle, ce que 
ie luy ay toufiours dit d"vn bon coeur. [70] Ou kaouia 
I E s V s Khifadkihitin. Ie vous ayme, 6 la Mere de 
I E s V s . Cette bonne ame laude dans le fang de 1' A- 
gneau, prie maintenant pour fa Nation, & pour tons 
ceux qui la fecourent en quelque facon que ce foit. 

Le vingt quatriefme du mefme mois, vn Algon- 
quain voulant mourir Chreflien, fut baptif6, & nom- 
me lacques. Apres fa mort, en I'abfence de nos 
Peres, le Capitaine de la Nation ayant efl^ gagn^ par 
vn difn6 \ d^couurir le lieu de fa fepulture, & per- 
mettre qu'on I'enleuafl; comme on eftoit k mefme, 
on fut contraint de defifter fur les plainteF~de quel- 
ques femmes, qui crioient k pleine tefle^^ qu'on leur 
deroboit leurs morts. II faut par fois condefcendre 

Le trentiefme du mefme mois, les mefmes Peres 
baptiferent deux petits enfans, vn garjon & vne fille ; 
comme ils demanderent au pere du petit gar9on, s'il 
ne trouueroit pas bon qu'on fifl k fon enfant, ce qu'on 
faif oit aux enfans des Fran9ois ; il repondit fort f age- 
ment, Ie vous ay trouu6 fi bons, & C charitables, que 
ie ne croy pas que vous vouliez faire du mal k I'en- 
fant, ayant fait du bien au [71] pere. Au commence- 
ment de cette Lune vous ayant amen6 mon fils aifn6 
mort, pour I'enterrer k voftre fa9on, vous me r6pon- 
dites, que vous ne le pouuiez faire, pource qu'il n'e- 
ftoit pas Chreflien ; ie ne defire pas que le mefme ar- 
riue k ce pauure petit. De plus, comme le temps 
efloit fafcheux, & que ie ne pouuois m'en retoumer 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 81 

her that she was going to die, " I know it well," she 
answered, " but I console myself that I shall go to 
Heaven." " Oh, how happy you will be," some 
one remarked to her, " to see him who has made all 
in his grandeur! " " Shall I not also see," said she, 
' ' the good Mary, mother of God ? ' ' and when she 
had been assured that she would see her, " I will 
tell her," she replied, " what I have always said to 
her with a sincere heart, — [70] Ou kaouia Jesus 
Khisadkihitin, \ love you, O Mother of Jesus." 
This good soul, washed in the blood of the Lamb, 
now prays for her Nation and for all those who suc- 
cor it in any way whatsoever. , 

On the twenty-fourth of the same month, an Al- 
gonquain, wishing to die a Christian, was baptized 
and named Jacques. After his death, [which oc- 
curred] in the absence of our Fathers, the Captain of 
the Nation was won over by means of a dinner to re- 
veal the place of his burial and to permit his remains 
to be disinterred ; while this was being done, it had 
to be discontinued, on account of the complaints of 
some women, who cried loudly that their dead were i 
being stolen. One must at times humor their weak-; 

On the thirtieth of the same month, the same Fa- 
thers baptized two little children, a boy and a girl. 
When they asked the little boy's father if he did not 
approve of their doing to his child what they did to 
the children of the French, he answered very sage- 
ly, "I have found you so good and so charitable, 
that I do not believe you wish to do any harm to the 
child, having done good to the [71] father. In the 
beginning of this Moon, having brought to you the 
dead body of my oldest son, to bury him in your 


en ma Cabane, fans danger de me perdre dans les 
glaces qui fe deprenoient, vous me retintes, & nour- 
riftes quelques iours en voflre maifon, auec mon gen- 
dre, quoy que nous nous en vouluffions aller de peur 
de vous eflre ^ charge. le ne croy pas, que des 
hommes qui font tant de bien, vouluffent faire mal b. 
nos enfans ; Tenez voila mon fils, faites luy ce que 
vous voudrez. On luy fit vn bien, dont il ioui'ra dans 
r^tendue de tous les fiecles, & au dela: car on luy 
confera le fainct Baptefme, auec le nom de lacques, 
que fon Parrain le fieur Hertel luy donna. 

Pour la petite fille, fa mere fut tres contente de 
I'offrir a Dieu : le fieur Godefroy la nomma Magde- 
laine : elle efloit fille d'vn nomm6 Eroachi, qui tran- 
cboit du Capitaine parmy les Sauuages: ce [72] pau- 
ure miferable gemira auffi long-teps dans les enfers, 
que fa fille fe reioiiira dedans les Cieux. O que ces 
deux conditions font differentes ! k iamais damn6, & k 
iamais fauu6; a iamais compagnon des Anges, & k 
iamais compagnon des diables: nous rapporterons fa 
mort en fon lieu. 

Le troifiefme de May, fut baptife vn petit Sauuage 
Algonquain, age d'enuiron neuf ans, il fut appelle 
lean. Les Peres qui m'ont mis ces memoires en 
main, n'^criuent point les circonflances de ce ba- 
ptefme ; c'eft beaucoup que fon nom foit ecrit au liure 
de vie. 

Le \'ingt vniefme du mefme mois, Monfieur Gand 
eftant all6 faire vn tour aux trois Riuieres, donna le 
nom de lofeph a vn ieune gargon, age d'enuiron 
quinze ans. Les Peres le faifoient venir tous les ma- 
tins en leur chambre, pour luy donner la nourriture 
du corps, & de I'ame, le renuoyans fur le foir en fa 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 t& 

way, you answered me that you could not do it be- 
cause he was not a Christian; I do not wish the 
same thing to happen. to this poor little one. More- 
over, as the weather was bad and I could not return 
to my Cabin without danger of being lost in the ice 
which was breaking up, you kept me and my son-in- 
law for some days in your house and fed us, although 
we wished to return lest we be a burden to you. I 
do not believe that men who do so much good would 
do any harm to our children. Look, here is my son; 
do what you please with him." We did do him a 
service which he will enjoy through the lapse of all 
the centuries, and beyond them; for we conferred 
holy Baptism upon him, and the name Jacques, given 
by his Godfather, sieur Hertel.^ 

As to the little girl, her mother was very glad to 
offer her to God. Sieur Godefroy * named her Mag- 
delaine. She was the daughter of one called Ero- 
achi, who played the Captain among the Savages. 
This [72] poor wretch will groan in hell as long as 
his daughter will rejoice in Heaven. O how differ- 
ent are these two states ! Forever damned, and for- 
ever saved! Forever a companion of Angels, and 
forever an associate of devils! We will speak of 
his death in the proper place. 

On the third of May there was baptized a little Al- 
gonquain Savage, about nine years of age ; he was 
called Jean. The Fathers who placed these memoirs 
in my hands did not write me the circumstances of 
this baptism ; it is a great deal that his name is writ- 
ten in the book of life. 

On the twenty-first of the same month Monsieur 
Gand," being on a journey to the three Rivers, gave 
the name Joseph to a young lad, about fifteen years 


Cabane voifme du Fort: mais quand ce pauure en- 
fant ne pent plus marcher, le Pere Quentin I'alloit 
querir luy mefme, & I'apportoit fur fes bras, auec 
grande edification de nos Frangois, qui loiioient [73] 
cette charity. Le Pere Buteux luy demandant apres 
fon baptefme, s'il eftoit bien aife d'eftre Chreftien, & 
s'il ne craignoit point la mort; il repartit qu'il eftoit 
bien ioyeux de n'eftre plus Sauuage, & qu'il ne vou- 
loit plus qu'on I'appellaft Miskouaskoutan, c'eftoit fon 
ancien nom ; mais qu'on le nommaft lofeph. Pour 
la mort ie ne la crains non plus que cela, monftrant 
le petit bout du doig^; Pourquoy la craindray-ie ? 
puis qu'en mourant ie m'en iray au Ciel. Le Pere 
Quentin le voulat aller querir vn beau matin le trou- 
ua en I'agonie. Vne vieille Sauuage luy dit, em- 
porte le, puis qu'il efl mort ; il attendit qu'il fuft ex- 
pire, puis I'embraffant il le porta chez nous, ou I'ay- 
ant enfeuely on luy fit fes funerailles comme aux 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 35 

old. The Fathers had him come to their room every 
morning to give him nourishment for the body and 
for the soul, sending hini back towards evening to 
his Cabin near the Fort. But, when this poor child 
could no longer walk. Father Quentin himself went 
after him and brought him in his arms, to the great 
edification of our French, who lauded [73] this act of 
charity. Father Buteux asked him, after his baptism, 
if he were well-pleased to be a Christian, and if he did 
not fear death. He answered that he was very glad 
that he was no longer a Savage, and that he did not 
wish to be called hereafter Miskoiiaskoutan, which 
was his old name, but that he should be called 
Joseph. " As to death, I fear it no more than that," 
showing the little end of his finger; " why should I 
fear it? since in dying I shall go to Heaven." Fa- 
ther Quentin, on going after him one morning, found 
him in the death throes. An old Savage woman said 
to him, " Take him away, since he is dead." He 
waited until he expired, then, taking him in his 
arms, he brought him to our house where, having 
laid him out, he was buried like the others. 




SI quelqu'vn trouue ces narrez vn peu longs; ie le 
prie d'auoir egard, que de gagner quelque pau- 
ure Sauuage a Dieu, [74] & ^ I'Eglife; c'eft 
tout nollre trafic en ce nouueau monde, toute la 
manne, que nous cueillons en ces deferts ; que nous 
ne chafTons qu'a cela dans ces grads bois, & que nous 
ne faifons autre pefche fur ces larges Fleuues. 

Le vingt-troifiefme de May, la mere de cette fiUe 
tant aymee, dont i'ay parle au Chapitre fecond, fuiuit 
fon enfant au baptefme, "k la mort, a la fepulture, & 
comme nous croyons en Paradis. C'eftoit la femme 
d'vn nomme Mataonau, furnomme des Fran9ois le 
grand Oliuier, que i'ay dit auoir du credit parmy les 
fiens. II eft grand en trois fagons, grand de corps, 
grand difcoureur, & grand longleur. II s'elt mon- 
flre autant porte au baptefme de fa femme, qu'il 
auoit eu de peine "k fe refoudre qu'on baptifall fa 
fille. Et comme il auoit fait ioiier tous les rellorts 
de fon art, pour donner la vie du corps k 1 'enfant, 
aufli n'a-il rien epargne pour donner celle de I'ame ^ 
la mere. Cette femme qui auoit obtenu de fon mary 
permiflTion de faire fa fille Chreflienne, ne vouloit 
pas I'eftre, & auoit fi grand horreur des Peres, qu'elle 
ne leur vouloit rendre aucime r6ponfe. Eftant [75] 
all6 pour quelque affaire aux trois Riuieres, ie la fus 
vifiter; elle cogneut que ie n'eflois pas celuy qui 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 37 


IF any one finds these stories a little tedious, I beg 
him to remember that to win some poor Savage 
to God, [74] and to the Church, is our sole busi- 
ness in this new world, and all the manna that we 
gather in these deserts; that we hunt for no other 
game in these vast forests, and fish for nothing else 
in these broad Rivers. 

On the twenty-third of May, the mother of that so 
beloved girl, of whom I have spoken in Chapter sec- 
ond, followed her child to baptism, to death, to buri- 
al, and, as we believe, to Paradise. She was the 
wife of one named Mataouau, sumamed by the 
French, " big Olivier," who I have said had some 
standing among his people. He is great in three 
ways, great in body, a great talker, and a great Jug- 
gler. He showed himself as well disposed to the 
baptism of his wife, as he had been opposed to allow- 
ing the baptism of his daughter. And as he had 
brought into play all the resources of his art to give 
the life of the body to the child, so he did not spare 
anything to give that of the soul to the mother. 
This woman, who had obtained her husband's per- 
mission to have her daiighter made a Christian, did 
not wish to be one herself, and so abhorred the Fa- 
thers that she would make them no answer. Having 
[75] gone on some business to the three Rivers, I 
made her a visit ; she recognized that I was not the 


auois inflruit fa fille, & me r^pondit; le luy repre- 
fente doucement le danger, oti elle fe iettoit d'eftre 
^ iamais feparee de fon enfant, qu'elle a5rmoit auec 
fi gxande paflion ; qu'k mon aduis elle en eftoit malade 
de regret & de trifleffe. Ta fille, luy difois-ie, efl 
bien-heureufe, & tu feras malheureufe k iamais: elle 
efl au Ciel, & tu feras dans le fond des abyfmes, tu 
dis que tu I'aymes, & tu ne veux pas aller auec elle; 
tu ne la fgaurois fuiure, fi tu ne crois, & fi tu n'es 
baptif6e Elle fe mit k pleurer; I'adioutay, que fi ie 
faifois fejour aux trois Riuieres, ie la verrois fouuent; 
mais puis qu'il me falloit defcendre k K^bec, ie la 
priois de prefter I'oreille k mon frere; elle le fit ve- 
ritablement, mais non pas fi tofl. Les Peres apres 
mon depart I'ayat plufieurs fois vifit^e, la quitterent 
pour vn temps, comme vne acariaftre ; fon mary s'en 
formalifa, & fe vint plaindre k I'lnterprete, difant 
qu'on auoit tort de laifTer mourir fa femme fans ba- 
ptefme ; qu'il efl vray que iufques k prefent elle auoit 
perdu I'efprit, mais qu'elle efloit [76] rentr^e en fon 
bon fens, & que les Peres en fiflent I'experience. Ia- 
mais plainte ne leur fut plus agreable; ils vifitent 
cette pauure femme malade, I'inflruifent quelques 
iours durant, fon mary fe trouuant toufiours prefent, 
& luy difant beaucoup de bien des Peres, pour la 
rendre plus affectionn6e k noflre creance. Tu f§ais, 
difoit-il, que ces gens-lk font grands Capitaines, que 
tons les Fran9ois les ayment, qu'ils font perpetuelle- 
ment du bien k nos malades, que tout I'liyuer quand 
nous fommes afifamez, ils donnent k manger a ceux 
qui n'en ont point, pourquoy ne leur croiras tu pas? 
Si feray bien, refpond-elle, ils difent vray. Le Pere 
Buteux Ik deffus luy demanda, fi retoumant en fant^ 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, rdjd 39 

one who had instructed her daughter, and answered 
me. I mildly represented to her the danger into 
which she was throwing herself of being forever 
separated from her child, whom she loved so passion- 
ately that, in my opinion, she was sick from grief 
and sadness. " Thy daughter," I said to her, " is 
very happy, and thou wilt be forever unhappy ; she 
is in Heaven, and thou wilt be at the bottom of the 
abyss. Thou sayest that thou lovest her, yet thou 
dost not wish to go with her; thou canst not follow 
her, if thou dost not believe and if thou art not bap- 
tized." She heg-an to w eep- I added that if I were 
going to remain at the three Rivers I would see her 
often; but, as I had to go down to K6bec, I begged 
her to listen to my brother. She indeed did this, 
but not immediately. After my departure, the Fa- 
thers having visited her several times, gave her up 
for a while as a bad-tempered woman. Her husband 
took offense at this, and complained to the Inter- 
preter, saying that it was wrong to let his wife die 
without baptism; that it was true that up to that 
time she had been o ut of her mind, but she had [76] 
returned to her senses, and the Fathers should try 
her again. Never was a complaint more agreeable 
to them. They visited this poor sick woman and in- 
structed her during several days, — her husband al- 
ways being present and saying a great deal of good 
to her about the Fathers, to make our belief more 
acceptable to her. " Thou knowest," he said to her, 
" that these people are great Captains, that all the 
French love them ; that they are always doing good 
to our sick, that all winter, when we are hungry, 
they give food to those who have none ; why then 
wilt thou not believe them?" "Yes, I will," she 


elle ne promettoit pas d'eftre fidelle b. la creance 
qu'elle vouloit embraffer: Soit que ie viue, ou que ie 
meure, ie croiray toufiours en Dieu, refpondit-elle. 
Eftant fuffifamment inflruite, fon mary enuoya certain 
iour querir les Peres, & tous les parens de la malade, 
pource qu'elle fe mouroit. Le Pere Buteux I'appro- 
chant la voulut interroger, mais on luy dit qu'elle 
auoit perdu la parole depuis minuit, & qu'il fe haftaft 
de la baptifer [yj^ puis qu'elle mouroit. Le Pere la 
regarde, & luy dit qu'elle ouurift les yeux pour mar- 
que de fa creance, & pour tefmoigner qu'elle deCroit 
le fainct Baptefme : auffi toft elle ouure les yeux, re- 
garde le Pere, & luy dit, Ie croy en Dieu, & ie croy 
auffi ce que tu m'as dit: c'efloit plus qu'on n'en de- 
uoit efperer d'vne femme tenue pour morte: on la 
baptife done, & fon parrain luy donna nom Michelle. 
Si toft qu'elle fut lau^e dans ce facre bain, elle parle 
plus libremet, & appellat fon mary le pria de faire 
fortir beaucoup de perfonnes qui eftoiet entrez en fa 
Cabane; Feray-je auffi fortir les Peres, luy dit-il? 
Non pas, r6pond-elle, mais bie les autres. Apres 
que le Pere I'eut confol^e, il loUa le mary d'auoir ay- 
me fa femme d'vn vray amour. Si ie ne I'eufTe pas 
aim^e, replique-il, ie ne I'aurois pas preff^e de croire 
en celuy qui a tout faict ; mais ie me reioiiis de ce 
qu'elle verra au Ciel celuy qui eft tout bon, eftant 
baptifee en fon nom. C'eft chofe eftrange que ces 
Barbares trouuent nos veritez tres-adorables ; ie veux 
dire que plufieurs d'entre eux approuuent noftre cre- 
ance, & cependant ils ne la veulent receuoir qu'k la 
mort: ils ont peur d'eftre [78] mocquez de leurs com- 
patriotes, faifant comme pluGeurs Chreftiens qui iu- 
gent au fond de leur ame, que c'eft vn bie tres-grand 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, ibjb 41 

answered, " they speak the truth." Whereupon Fa- 
ther Buteux asked her whether, if she was restored 
to health, she would promise to be faithful to the 
belief she wished to embrace. " Whether I live or 
whether I die, I will always believe in God," she an- 
swered. Being sufficiently instructed, her husband 
one day sent for the Fathers and all the relatives of 
the sick woman, as she was dying. Father Buteux, 
approaching her, wished to question her; but they 
told him she had lost her speech since midnight, and 
that he should hasten to baptize her, \J^^ since she 
was dying. The Father looked at her, and told her 
to open her eyes as a sign of her belief, and as a 
proof that she desired holy Baptism. She immedi- 
ately opened her eyes, looked at the Father, and said 
to him, " I believe in God, and I believe also what 
thou hast told me." This was more than could have 
been hoped for from a woman in the grasp of death. 
She was then baptized, and her sponsor gave her the 
name Michelle. As soon as she had been cleansed in 
this sacred bath, she spoke more freely, and, calling 
her husband, she begged him to send out many of 
the people who had come into the Cabin. " Shall I 
make the Fathers go out also?" he asked her. 
" No," she replied, " but all the others." After the 
Father had consoled her, he praised her husband for 
having loved his wife with a true love. " If I had 
not loved her," he answered, " I would not have 
urged her to believe in him who has made all ; but I 
rejoice that she will see in Heaven him who is all 
good, being baptized in his name." It is strange 
that these Barbarians find our truths very adorable, — 
I mean that many of them approve our belief, — and 
yet do not wish to receive it until they are dying; 


de frequenter les Sacremens, mais comme ils ont peur 
d'eftre tenus pour deuots, & de receuoir quelque petit 
coup de dent des bouff ons ou des impies ; la crainte 
d'vn petit mal leur faict perdre le fruit d'vn tres- 
gfrand bien. 

Le trentiefme du mefme mois, Dieu fit vne efpece 
de miracle au baptefme d'vne fille Algonquine, les 
Peres I'ayant trouuee fans parole & fans iugement 
defefperoient de la pouuoir inftruire; ils s'addrefTent 
h. S. Fran9ois Xauier, luy promettant de faire porter 
fon nom ^ cette pauure creature, s'il luy plaifoit de 
luy obtenir autant de force qu'il eftoit necelfaire pour 
receuoir le Baptefme. Chofe eftrange ! cette mori- 
bonde que fes parens auoient defia peinte de noir 
comme vne trefpaff^e, reuint a foy: on appelle le 
truchement Algonquin, on I'inftruit, elle croit, elle 
fouhaite le Baptefme, on le luy donne, & fuiuant la 
promeffe faicte k ce grand Sainct, le truchement la 
nomma Frangoife: fi toft qu'elle fut defchargee du 
fardeau de fes pechez elle s'endormit [79] en terre 
pour fe refueiller au Ciel : 6 quelles benedictions ! 6 
quelles actions de graces ! de fe voir au mefme mo- 
ment dans la creance, dans le fouhait, & dans la ioiiif- 
fance d'vn bien que I'oeil n'a veu, ny I'efprit conceu. 

Le cinquiefme iour de luin vne bonne femme Sau- 
uage porta fon petit fils malade en noftre Chappelle 
des trois Riuieres pour receuoir le fainct Baptefme, 
Monfieur Roulfeau le nomma Denys: cette bonne 
mere auoit defia donne deux enfans a Dieu, ces trois 
ames adoreront k iamais les trois adorables perfonnes, 
& obtiendront le falut d'vne fi bonne mere, comme 
nous efperons. 

Le fixiefme de luin le Pere de Quen baptifa vn 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 43 

they are afraid of being [78] mocked by their coun-.^ \ 
trymen, — acting as a great many Christians do who J 
think in the depths of their souls that it is a very 
great benefit to attend the Sacraments ; but, as they 
are afraid of being considered devotees and of re- 
ceiving little bites from scoffers or impious people, 
the fear of a little annoyance makes them lose the 
fruit of a very great good. 

On the thirtieth of the same month, God performed 
a kind of miracle in the baptism of an Algonquin 
girl. The Fathers, having found her speechless and 
out of her senses, despaired of being able to instruct 
her. They addressed themselves to St. Frangois 
Xavier, promising him to give his name to this poor 
creature if it pleased him to obtain for her the neces- 
sary strength to receive Baptism. Strange to say, 
this dying girl, whom her parents had already painted 
black, as if she were dead, returned to her senses. 
The Algonquin interpreter was called, she was in- 
structed, she believed, she desired Baptism ; it was 
given to her, and, in accordance with the promise 
made to this great Saint, the interpreter called her 
Frangoise. As soon as she was freed from the burden 
of her sins, she went to sleep [79] on earth, to awake 
in Heaven. O what blessings ! O what acts of grace ! 
To see one's self at the same moment in the belief, 
in the desire, and in the enjoyment of a good that 
the eye has not seen, nor the mind conceived. 

On the fifth day of June, a good Savage woman 
brought her little sick son to our Chapel at the three 
Rivers to receive holy Baptism ; Monsieur Rousseau * 
named him Denys. This good mother had already 
given two children to God; these three souls will 
forever adore the three adorable persons, and, as we 


grand ieune Sauuage, k qui Monfieur Gand donna le 
nom de lofeph, il fe nommoit en fa langue Echkanich, 
c'efl &, dire vne petite come ; ce pauure homme eflant 
tombe malade aux trois Riuieres pendant I'liyuer, & 
fouhaittant d'eflre auec fes parens qui couroient les 
bois voifms de Kebec, vn autre Sauuage fon parent 
rattache fur fa traifne & le traifne trente lieues du- 
rant fur la neige & fur les glaces, ie vous laiffe k pen- 
fer quels reftaurans [80] il donnoit k ce pauure ma- 
lade, en quelle hoflellerie il paffoit les nuicts, il n'y 
a que les corps de bronze qui refiftent aux fatigues 
des Sauuages. Ce pauure miferable fut amen6 encor 
en vie iufques k Kebec, vn de nos Peres le va voir, 
auffi eftonne de I'entreprife de celuy qui fe portoit 
bien, comme de la refolution du malade; il donne ^ 
manger ^ tous deux, & pendant qu'ils eftoient atten- 
tifs a leurs corps, le Pere penfoit au falut de leur ame. 
Comme il les inflruifoit il vit que le pauure malade 
prenoit plaifir "k ouyr parler de I'autre vie, cognoiffant 
bien que celle qu'il menoit tres-miferable luy alloit 
efchapper: pour celuy qui eftoit en fante, comme il 
fe vit deceu de fon efperance, croyant rencontrer k 
Kebec les parens du malade, il le quitte Xk fous vn 
mefchant todis, & les va chercher dans les bois : le 
Pere en attendant prit le foin de ce Sauuage, & fur 
tout demanda "k noflre Seigneur au fainct facrifice de 
la Meffe qu'il offrit pour fon falut, que fa Majefl6 
accordaft le Baptefme k cette pauure ame qui fem- 
bloit goufter fa parole: il fe trouua k I'Autel dans 
vne grande confians qu'il efloit exauc^, mais au [81] 
fortir del^ il creut quafi tout le contraire : car voicy 
arriuer les plus proches parens de cette carcafTe, qui 
n'auoit plus que les os, lefquels ayas garotte ce far- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 45 

hope, will secure the salvation of so good a mother. 
On the sixth of June, Father de Quen baptized a 
stout young Savage, to whom Monsieur Gand gave the 
name Joseph ; he was called in his language Eckka- 
nich, meaning " a little horn." This poor young 
man having fallen sick at the three Rivers, during 
the winter, and wishing to be with his relations who 
were ranging the woods near Kebec, another Savage, 
a relative, fastened him to his sledge, and dragged 
him for thirty leagues over the snow and ice. I 
leave you to imagine what restoratives [80] he gave 
to this poor invalid and in what hostelries he passed 
the nights. None but bodies of bronze can endure 
the hardships of the Savages. This poor wretch 
was brought, still alive, as far as Kebec. One of our 
Fathers went to see him, as greatly astonished at the 
enterprise of the one who was well as at the deter- 
mination of the sick man. He gave them both some- 
thing to eat ; and, while they were attending to their 
bodies, the Father was thinking of the salvation of 
their souls. As he instructed them, he saw that the 
poor invalid took pleasure in hearing about the other 
life, knowing well that the present most miserable 
one was slipping from him. As to the well man, 
seeing himself deceived in the hope of meeting the 
sick man's relations at Kebec, he left him there in a 
wretched hut, and went to look for them in the woods. 
Meanwhile, the Father took care of this Savage, and 
above all asked our Lord in the holy sacrifice of the 
Mass which he offered for his salvation, that his Ma- 
jesty would grant Baptism to this poor soul which 
seemed to enjoy his word. At the Altar, he was 
very confident that his prayer had been heard; but, 
on [81] going out, he thought almost the contrary. 


deau mourant fur les traifnes, remmenent auec eux 
bien auant dans les forefls. Ceux qui le virent par- 
tir, ne luy donnoient pas cinq iours de vie. Cepen- 
dant il a paff^ I'hyuer, fa pauure mere, & fes parens 
le traifnant par toutes les flations des Sauuages, tan- 
tofl fur des Montagnes, tantofl dans des Valines, 
maintenant fur des Fleuues, ou des Lacs tout glaces ; 
le plus fouuent fur la neige, & toufiours dans les bois: 
le Printemps venu ils I'ont amene k Kebec. Le Pere 
qui I'auoit demand^ k Dieu, le voyant fut bien eflon- 
ne, il s'approche de luy pour I'inflruire. Ce pauure 
homme n'auoit plus que le fentiment neceffaire pour 
la foy ; c'eft k dire les oreilles, car il auoit perdu la 
veue, & tous les autres fentimens efloient fort alTou- 
pis, relTemblant k vn fquelet pluflofl qu'^ vn homme. 
II ^coute volontiers ce qu'on luy dit, fa mere mefme 
luy inculque, & luy fait doucement rendre reponfe. 
En vn mot il croit, & donne des preuues de fa cre- 
ance, inuoquant tantofl I'vne, tantofl I'autre [82] des 
trois perfonnes de la faincte Trinit6, particuliere- 
ment le fainct Efprit, lequel enfin il recent par le 
Baptefme, que luy confera le Pere de Quen. II ne 
refla que cinq ou fix iours en terre apres cette faueur, 
fa Patrie efloit le Paradis, ou il fe retira, laiffant fon 
corps ^ fa pauure mere, qui I'enueloppa dans diuerfes 
robbes, & fans nous en donner aduis I'alla loger fur 
de hautes fourches, pour I'enterrer par apres felon 
leur ancienne couftume. Le Pere qui I'auoit inftruit 
eut le vent qu'on auoit enleue ce corps, il fe tranf- 
porte aux Cabanes des Sauuages, demande k fa mere 
& k fes parens, ou on I'a mis, ils ne fonnent mot. II 
va voir le Capitaine de cette Nation, le prie de luy 
faire rendre ces d^poiiilles, que cet homme efloit ba- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 47 

For lo, there arrived the nearest relatives of this car- 
cass, which had no longer aught but bones ; and they, 
having fastened this dying bundle upon the sledges, 
took it with them into the depths of the forests. 
Those who saw him depart would not give him five 
days of life. However, he lived through the winter, 
his poor mother and relations dragging him through 
all the stations made by the Savages, — now over 
Mountains, now through Valleys, now upon frozen 
Rivers or Lakes, oftenest upon the snow and always 
in the woods. Spring came, and they brought him 
back to K6bec. The Father who had asked him of 
God was greatly astonished when he saw him, and 
approached him, to give him some instruction. This 
poor young man had only the sense necessary for 
the faith, namely, the ears; for he had lost his sight, 
and all his other senses were greatly dulled, — he 
was more like a skeleton than a man. He listened 
willingly to what was told him, his mother herself 
impressing it upon him and making him softly an- 
swer. In a word, he believed and gave proof of his 
belief, invoking sometimes one, sometimes another 
[82] of the three persons of the holy Trinity, especial- 
ly the holy Ghost, which he finally received through 
Baptism, which Father de Quen conferred upon him. 
He remained only five or six days upon earth after > 
this favor; his Country was Paradise, to which he 
withdrew, leaving his body to his poor mother, who 
enveloped it in many robes, and, without giving us 
notice, went and placed it upon a high scaffold, to I 
bury it afterwards according to their ancient custom. 
The Father who had instructed him, hearing that 
they had elevated this body, went to the Cabins of 
the Savages, and asked his mother and relatives 


ptife, & que Monfieur le Gouuerneur feroit fafch6 fi 
on ne le pla^oit au Cimetiere des Francois. Attend, 
fit-il au Pere, ie te feray donner ce que tu defires; il 
s'en va de ce pas voir les parens du defunct, leur fait 
vne belle harangue, declarant I'affection que nous 
portions h. leur Nation, rafliflance que nous rendions 
k leurs malades, & les honneurs que nous faifions ^ 
leurs morts. Auffi-tofl [83] la mere acquiefce k no- 
flre defir, & ce Capitaine preffe la ieuneffe d'aller 
querir le corps, & de nous le mettre entre les mains. 
Comme le Pere les preffoit; I'vn d'eux repartit, Ne 
te hafte pas tant, pent eftre que fon ame n'efl pas 
encore fortie de fon corps, qu'elle eit encor au bout 
de fa tefle, & cependant il y auoit deux iours qu'il 
efloit mort. Le Pere ayant receu ce depofl, fit pre- 
parer les chofes neceffaires au conuoy, & donner ad- 
uis k Monfieur de Montmagny noftre Gouuerneur de 
tout ce qui fe pafToit. C^t homme de piet6 & de cou- 
rage, qui auoit trois iours auparauat, faifant fon en- 
tree au Pais, ayd6 k donner I'entree 'k I'Eglife, & k la 
grace, k \ti pauure Sauuage, comme ie vay dire tout 
maintenant, quitta les delineamens des fortifications 
qu'il tra9oit, & qu'il fait maintenant baflir, pour ho- 
norer ces funerailles de fa prefence. II prend luy 
mefme vn flambeau, ou vn cierge en main. Monfieur 
le Cheualier de I'lde fon Lieutenant en fit autant, 
Monfieur de Repentigny, Monfieur de fainct lean, 
tous braues Gentilshommes, quantite de foldats, & 
d'autres perfonnes rendirent les demiers deuoirs k 
ce [84] nouueau Chreftien. Le Pere Gamier & le 
Pare Cbaftelain, portoient fon corps, que les Sau- 
uages fuiuoient, auec beaucoup de modeflie & de 
filence. Comme on vint ^ le defcendre dedans la 

16:W) LE /EUNE-S RELATION, 1636 49 

where they had put it. They uttered not a word. 
He went to see the Captain of this Nation, and begged 
him to restore to him the remains, saying that this 
young man was baptized, and that Monsieur the Gov- 
ernor would be angry if they did not place him in 
the Cemetery of the French. "Wait," said he to 
the Father, " I will make them give thee what thou 
desirest." He went straightway to see the relatives 
of the dead man, made them a fine speech, declaring 
the aiYection we bore to their Nation, the help we 
gave to their sick, and the honors we showed to their 
dead. At once [83] the mother yielded to our desire, 
and this Captain urged the young men to go and get 
the body and place it in our hands. As the Father 
was urging them, one of them replied, " Do not be in 
such ha.ste; perhaps his soul has not yet left his 
body, it may be still at the top of his head." And 
yet he had been dead for two days. The Father, 
having received this trust, had the necessary ar- 
rangements made for the funeral, and notified Mon- 
sieur de Montmagny, our Governor, of all that had 
passed. This man of piety and courage, who had, 
three days before, upon his arrival in the Country, 
aided in giving a poor Savage admittance to the 
Church and to grace, as I have just related, left the 
outlines of the fortifications which he was marking 
out, and which he is now having built, to honor 
these funeral ceremonies with his presence. He 
himself bears a torch or a candle in his hand. Mon- 
sieur the Chevalier de I'lsle, his Lieutenant, does the 
same ; Monsieur de Repentigny, Monsieur de sainct 
Jean, all gallant Gentlemen, a number of soldiers, 
and other persons, render the last rites to this [84] 
new Christian. Father Gamier and Father Chaste- 


foffe, fes parens y ietterent outre les robbes, dont il 
eftoit couuert, vne Caftelogne, vn Capot, vn fac con- 
tenant fon petit equipage, & vn rouleau d'efcorce. 
Le Pere leur dit affez que cela ne feruoit de rien a 
vne ame, qui eftoit au Ciel; mais ils repartiret, que 
c'efl leur couflume, & qu'ils n'oftent rien au mort, de 
ce qui luy appartient. le vous laiffe a penfer fi nos 
Fran9ois & nos Fran9oifes nouuellement venus, qui 
affifloient k c^t enterrement, c'eflonnoient de ces fa- 
§ons de faire. lis portoient compaffion aux viuans, 
& vne fainte enuie au mort, croyans ceux-lk mife- 
rables, & celuy-cy bien-heureux. 

L'onziefme du mefme mois, iour de fainct Bama- 
b6, nous fut vn iour de r^iouiffance en toutes fagons, 
comme i'ay t6moign^ k I'entr^e de cette Relation. 
Monfieur noflre Gouuerneur mettant pied h. terre, 
voulut eflre Parrain d'vn Sauuage qui demandoit le 
baptefme, il luy donna nom lofeph. Le Pere Cha- 
flellain, [85] comme i'ay d6ja dit, defcendant du 
Vaiffeau, commenga fon apprentiffage en la Nouuelle 
France, par ce baptefme. Ayant fait mention de 
cette action, ie diray feulement ce que i'ay obmis, 
toucbant ce Neophyte, I'vn des mieux difpofez pour 
le Ciel, que nous ayons veu. Le Pere qui I'inftrui- 
foit, le voyant d'vn bon naturel, & cognoiffant que la 
foy s'enracinoit dans cette ame, eut grand defir de 
luy fauuer la vie. II employe nos Chirurgiens Fran- 
9ois, le penfe luy mefme, le vifite, luy porte quel- 
ques raffraichiffemens ; mais la maladie eflant plus 
forte que les remedes, ce pauure homme luy dit, Ni- 
kanis, mon grand amy, penfons ^ I'ame ; baptife moy, 
pour le corps ie voy bien qu'il faut mourir. Le Pere 
le diflferoit, pour luy faire defirer plus ardemment vn 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 51 

lain bore his body, which was followed by the Sav- 
ages with much humility and in silence." When 
they were lowering it into the grave, his relatives 
threw in, besides the robes with which he was cov- 
ered, a Blanket, a Cloak, a bag containing his little 
belongings, and a roll of bark. The Father insisted 
that these things were of no use to a soul which was 
in Heaven ; but they replied that this was their cus- 
tom, and that they would not take, at his death, any- 
thing that belonged to him. I leave you to imagine 
how astonished were our French men and women, 
who had just arrived and who were present at this 
burial, at this way of doing things. They looked 
with compassion on the living, and with a pious en- 
vy upon the dead, considering the former miserable 
and the latter blest. 

The eleventh of the same month, day of saint Bar- 
nabas, was to us a day of rejoicing in every way, as 
I have testified at the beginning of this Relation. 
Monsieur our Governor, upon landing, consented to 
be Godfather to a Savage who had asked for baptism, 
and gave him the name Joseph. Father Chastellain, 
[85] as I have already said, upon disembarking be- 
gan his apprenticeship in New France by this bap- 
tism. Having mentioned this act, I will only tell 
what I have omitted concerning this Neophyte, who 
was one of the best prepared for Heaven that I have 
ever seen. The Father, who instructed him, seeinof 
he had a good disposition, and knowing that the faith 
was taking root in this soul, had a great desire to 
save his life. He employs our French Surgeons, 
takes care of him himself, visits him, carries him re- 
freshing food. But, as the malady was stronger 
than the remedies, this poor man said to him, " Ni- 


C gfrand bien. Or il arriua, qu'en le vifitant certain 
iour, il trouua vn longleur qui le fouffloit, criant, 
hurlant, battant fon tambour, faifant mille grimaces 
k leur fagon. II les tance tous deux fort feichement, 
le malade d'auoir eu recours a d'autres qu'a Dieu ; le 
Charlatan de s'eftre inger^ a cymbalifer vne perfonne 
qui croyoit deja en lefus-Christ. Celuy-cy [86] re- 
garde le Pere fans dire mot, & tire pais: le pauure 
patient prenant la parole, luy dit, Nikanis, pourquoy 
te fafche-tu ? cet homme m'eft venu faire felon la 
couftume de noftre Nation: s'il y a du mal, il le faut 
quitter; nous ne faifons pas ces chofes a manuals 
deffein: ceux qui eftoient prefens, adioufterent, par- 
lant au Pere, Tu n'as point d'efprit, Tu fais ce que 
tu peux pour guerir ce malade, tu n'en f9aurois ve- 
nir h. bout; I'autre te veut ayder, & tu t'en fafche? 
Ce n'eft pas trop de deux perfonnes, pour guerir vne 
fi grande maladie. Fais de ton cofle, & luy du lien; 
voila comme il fe faut accorder. lis faifoient iufte- 
ment comme les Philiftins, qui vouloient ioindre 
I'Arche, & Dagon tout enfemble. Iesvs ne s'ac- 
corde point auec Belial. II eft bien vray neantmoins, 
que ces badineries font plus innocetes, que ie ne pen- 
fois au commencement. Les plus fimples croyent 
qu'ils font fecourus par ces chants, fans fgauoir com- 
ment; d'autres les prennent, pour ainfl dire, comme 
on prendroit vne medecine ; quelques vns penfent 
que ces bruits chalTent le Manitou ; & les Charlatans 
font ces fingeries pour en tirer du [87] profit. Noftre 
malade s'^toit laiffe foufifler pour fuiure la couftume 
de fes Anceftres: il me promit fort de n'auoir iamais 
plus de recours a ces remedes. Mais ils ont beau 
faire, leurs parens les leurs procuret cotre leur gre. 

1G36] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 53 

kanis, my good friend, let us think of the soul ; bap- 
tize me ; as to the body, I see clearly that it must 
die. ' ' The Father deferred doing so in order to make 
him desire more ardently so great a blessing. Now 
it happened that, when he visited him one day, he 
found a Juggler blowing upon him, crying, howling, 
striking his drum and making a thousand grimaces, 
according to their custom. He reproached both of 
them very severely, the sick man for having had 
recourse to any one else but God, the Charlatan 
for having intruded with his drumming upon a per- 
son who already believed in Jesus Christ. The lat- 
ter [86] looked at the Father, without saying a 
word, and withdrew. The poor patient, address- 
ing him, said, " iVikanis, why art thou angry? this 
man came to treat me according to the custom of 
our Nation ; if there is any harm in it, it must be 
stopped, for we do not do these things with bad in- 
tentions." Those who were present added, speak- 
ing to the Father, " Thou hast no sense; thou dost 
what thou canst to cure this sick man, thou canst not 
succeed; the other wishes to aid thee, and thou art 
angry thereat. Two persons are not too many to 
cure so bad a disease. Do thy part, and let him do 
his; thus the matter must be arranged." They 
acted exactly like the Philistines who wished to join 
together the Ark and Dagon. Jesus does not agree 
well with Belial. It is true, however, that these ab- 
surdities are more innocent than I thought in the be- 
ginning. The most simple believe that they are re- 
stored through these songs, without knowing how; 
others take them, so to speak, as one would take 
medicine; some think that these noises drive away 
the Manitou ; and the Charlatans engage in these 


C6;ne done on continuoit de luy declarer les veritez 
Chreftiennes, il prella le Pere de le faire Chreftien, 
& de penfer a fon ame : Tu vois, difoit-il, que ie croy, 
& que pour t'obeir, ie ne veux pas, que nos Mede- 
cins m'approchent, ie ne fgaurois quafi plus me mou- 
uoir ; fi ie meurs fans Baptefme, tu dis que i'iray dans 
des feux qui iamais ne s'eteignent ; Pourquoy retarde 
tu tant? Les vaifTeaux arriuans fur cette entrefaite, 
on luy donna raccomplillement de fon delir. Eftant 
baptif6, il appelle le Fere, & luy dit, Nikanis mon 
ame efl toute confolee, elle a neantmoins encor vn 
fouhait, c'eft de voir mes parens pour la derniere 
fois; ils font Ik haut aux trois Riuieres, trouueras-tu 
k propos que i'y aille? Si tu n'en es pas content, ie 
mourray icy aupres de toy ; mais tu as Ik des freres, 
efcris leurs qu'ils ayent foin de mon ame, comme tu 
as eu. Le Pere luy repliqua qu'il mourroit en che- 
min ; Non, dit-il, ie ne mourray pas, [88] ie fens bien 
mon coeur, i'arriueray aux trois Riuieres, i'y feray 
quelque fejour, & puis ie mourray: tout cela fut vray. 
Le Pere luy donne des lettres, on I'embarque dans vn 
Canot, fa femme & fes enfans I'emmenent; eflant 
arriue, il enuoye querir le Pere Buteux, le fait affeoir 
aupres de foy, & luy rend les lettres qu'on luy auoit 
donnees. Le Pere cognoifTant par ces lettres, qu'il 
eftoit Chreflien, & filieul de Monfieur le Gouuemeur, 
I'embraffe etroitement, & luy promet toute alGflance. 
Ses parens qui I'eftoient venus voir, admiroient ces 
careffes, & ces temoignages de charite, qui ne fe 
voyent point parmy eux. Prenant done la parole, il 
dit an Pere, Ton frere aifne m'a bien fecouru k K^- 
bec : Nous ferons le mefme icy, repart le Pere ; mais 
te fouuiens tu bien de ce que mon frere fa enfeign6? 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 55 

apish tricks for their own [87] profit. Our patient 
allowed himself to be blown upon to follow the cus- 
tom of his Ancestors. He firmly promised me never 
again to have recourse to these remedies. But, do 
what they will, their relations procure these for 
them, against their own wish. Now, as they con- 
tinued to explain to him the Christian truths, he 
urged the Father to make him a Christian and to take 
care of his soul. "Thou seest," he said, "that I 
believe, and that, to obey thee, I will not have our 
Medicine Men come near me; I can now scarcely 
move ; if I die without Baptism thou sayest that I 
will go into the fires that are never extinguished. 
Why dost thou delay so long? " The ships having 
meanwhile arrived, he was granted the accomplish- 
ment of his desire. After being baptized, he called 
the Father and said to him, " Nikanis, my soul is full 
of comfort; it has, nevertheless, one more desire, — 
that is, to see my relatives for the last time ; they are 
up there at the three Rivers ; dost thou see fit that I 
should go there? If thou dost not approve this, I 
will die here near thee ; but thou hast some brothers 
up yonder ; write them to take care of my soul, as 
thou hast done." The Father answered him that he 
would die on the way. " No," said he, " I shall not 
die; [88] I feel in my heart that I shall reach three 
Rivers, and make a short stay there, and then I shall 
die;" all this was true. The Father gave him some 
letters, and they placed him in a Canoe, his wife and 
children taking him away. When they arrived, he 
sent for Father Buteux, had him sit down near him, 
and handed him the letters that had been given him. 
The Father, learning through these letters that he 
was a Christian and godson of Monsieur the Govern- 


Ouy da, fit-il, & quittant vn plat d'6corce qu'il tenoit 
entre fes mains, il commence h. marquer fur fes 
doigts les trois perfonnes de la faincte Trinite, & h. re- 
citer les premiers rudimens du Chreftien: s'il oublioit 
quelque chofe, fa femme le luy remettoit en me- 
moire. Veritablement h. peine pouuois-ie retenir mes 
[89] larmes, ecrit le Pere, voyant vn homme de qua- 
rante ans inflruit dans le fond de la Barbaric, parler 
le langage des enfans de Dieu, & rendre compte de 
fa Foy & de fon Catechifme, auec I'humilite d'vn en- 
fant, & la deuotion d'vne grande perfonne. II mou- 
rut enfin le trentiefme de luin, apres auoir paiT^ quel- 
ques iours aux trois Riuieres, comme il aiioit predit ; 
& fon corps nous fut donne pour I'enterrer, non fans 
en faire inflance en vne alTemblee, que ces Barbares 
firent exprez. 

Le feiziefme du mefme mois, deux petits Sauuages 
furent changez en deux petits Anges. Le fieur lean 
Paul vint donner aduis aux Peres de la maladie 
prefTante de I'vn des deux: les Peres fe tranf portent 
aux Cabanes, le font Chreftien, & le nom de lean 
Paul luy fut donn6 par celuy qui auoit donn6 aduis 
de fa maladie, lequel defira d'eftre fon Parrain; il 
eftoit age d'vn an feulement, fon pere promit qu'il 
le feroit Frangois, s'il rechappoit. A mefme temps 
qu'on venoit de baptifer celuy-cy, Robert Hache; 
c'eft le nom d'\Ti ieune homme qui demeuroit auec 
nos Peres aux trois Riuieres, [90] vint crier qu'on fe 
depefchaft de venir baptifer vn enfant de huict iours 
qui eftoit aux abbois. Le Pere Buteux y accourt, & 
fur la remonftrance que fit a la mere la femme du 
Capitanal, obtint permifQon de le baptifer, de le nom- 
mer Ignace, & de I'enterrer bien toft apres. 

1(536] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 57 

or, embraced him warmly, and promised him all as- 
sistance. His relations who had come to see him, 
wondered at these caresses and evidences of charity, 
which are not seen among them. Then, addressing 
the Father, he said, " Thy older brother has helped 
me at Kebec." " We will do the same here," an- 
swered the Father, ' ' but dost then keep in mind what 
my brother has taught thee?" " Yes, indeed," said 
he ; and, dropping a bark dish that he held in his hand, 
he began to indicate with his fingers the three per- 
sons of the holy Trinity, and to recite the first les- 
sons of the Christian ; if he forgot anything, his wife 
reminded him of it. " Truly, I could scarcely re- 
strain my [89] tears," writes the Father, "when I .saw 
a man of forty years reared in the depths of Barba- 
rism, speaking the language of the children of God, 
and reciting his Faith and his Catechism with the 
meekness of a child and the devotion of a mature 
person." He finally died on the thirtieth of June, 
after having passed a few days at three Rivers, as he 
had predicted; and his body was given to us for 
burial, not without making entreaty for it in an as- 
sembly which these Barbarians had purposely called 

On the sixteenth of the same month two little Sav- 
ages were changed into two little Angels. Sieur 
Jean Paul came to advise the Fathers of the danger- 
ous illness of one of them. The Fathers went to the 
Cabins, made him a Christian, and the name Jean 
Paul was given him by the one who had given notice 
of his sickness, and who wished to be his Godfather. 
He was only one year old; his father promised that 
he would make him a Frenchman, if he recovered. 
At the same time that they came to baptize this one, 


Le vingt-Gxiefme du mefme mois, Monfieur le Che- 
ualier de I'lfle fut Parrain d'vne petite fille Sauuage, 
qu'vn de nos Peres baptifa a Kebec, & la nomma Ma- 
rie, la voyant prefque mourir auffi-tofl. 

Le feptiefme de luillet, vne femme Sauuage vint 
ofFrir vne petite fille qu'elle auoit, a nos Peres des 
trois Riuieres, pour eftre baptifee, auec promeffe de 
la faire inrtruire en la foy. quand elle feroit grande. 
Le Pere Gamier qui elicit la attendant les Hurons 
pour s'embarquer auec eux, la baptifa folemnellement 
en nollre Chapelle. Le fieur de la Treille la nomma 

Le huictiefme du mefme mois vn Sauuage aag6 
d'enuiron quarante ans, defirant de paffer le refte de 
fes iours en la loy de Dieu, fut baptife par le Pere 
Charles [gi] du Marche, il receut le nom de lofeph 
que luy donna Monfieur de Repentigny fon Parrain. 
II y auoit long-temps qu'il auoit efle guery, a ce qu'il 
difoit, d'vne maladie, par les prieres qu'vn de nos 
Peres auoit fait pour luy, ou pluflofl qu'il luy auoit 
apprifes: car le Pere qui I'auoit inftruit en la foy, vi- 
fitant vne Cabane des Sauuages, vne femme malade 
luy dit, Apprends moy les paroles que tu as enfei- 
gnees a Naaktuch, c'efl ainfi qu'il fe nommoit, pource 
qu'il dit qu'elles luy ont feruy, & qu'eflant en danger 
de fa We. il s'efl veu deliure pronongant ces paroles. 
Quand les Sauuages auant fon Baptefme tomboient 
fur le propos de noftre Religion, ce pauure homme 
fe monflroit trifte, voyant que quelques-vns le blaf- 
moient, & s'en mocquoient: le Pere I'a tenu long 
temps fort fufpect, le croyant diffimule, mais en fin 
il a fait voir qu'il auoit bon ccEur. Quelque-fois il 
entroit tout feul en la Chappelle, & faifoit fa priere. 

1G36] LE /EUNE-S RELATION, 1636 59 

Robert Hache,* a young man who lived with our 
Fathers at the three Rivers, [90] came to us exclaim- 
ing that we should hasten to baptize a child but eight 
days old, who was at the last gasp. Father Buteux 
ran thither, and upon the remonstrance made to the 
mother by the wife of Capitanal,' he obtained permis- 
sion to baptize it, to name it Ignace, and to bury it 
shortly afterwards. 

On the twenty- sixth of the same month, Monsieur 
the Chevalier de I'lsle became Godfather to a little 
Savage girl that one of our Fathers baptized at Ke- 
bec; he named her Marie, seeing her die almost im- 

On the seventh of July, a Savage woman came to 
offer to our Fathers at the three Rivers, a little girl 
that she had, to be baptized, with the promise to 
have her instructed in the faith when she was large 
enough. Father Garnier, who was there waiting for 
the Hurons, to embark with them, baptized her sol- 
emnly in our Chapel. Sieur de la Treille '" named 
her Marie. 

On the eighth of the same month, a Savage of 
about forty years, wishing to pass the rest of his days 
under the law of God, was baptized by Father Charles 
[91] du Marche; " he was named Jo.seph by his God- 
father, Monsieur de Repentigny. A long time ago, 
he had been cured of a disease, as he said, through 
the prayers one of the Fathers had offered for him, 
or rather had taught him. For the Father who had 
instructed him in the faith, upon visiting one of the 
Cabins of the Savages, was asked by a sick woman, 
" Teach me the words thou hast taught to Naaktuch," 
this was the man's name, " for he says they have 
helped him, and that, when his life has been in dan- 


II demanda certain iour de fon propre mouuement 
vne image pour fe reffouuenir de celuy qui eftoit 
mort pour nous; le Pere le voyant tefmoigner publi- 
quement deuant tous ceux de fa [92] Cabane qu'il 
vouloit eftre Chreftien, I'inftruifit plainement, & puis 
luy accorda le fainct Baptefme. Sa femme voyant 
qu'on fe difpofoit pour le baptifer, fe mit a pleurer, 
difant que fi on le baptifoit qu'il mourroit bien-tolL 
Luy I'entendant, s'ecria, Tu ne fgais ce que tu dis, 
tais-toy, ie n'en mourray pas, & quand i'en deurois 
mourir, ie voudrois eftre baptife pour purifier & lauer 
mon ame. Monfieur & Madamoifelle de Repentigny 
& quelques autres perfonnes qui eftoient prefentes 
furent tous attendris, quand le Pere leur eut explique 
ce qu'il difoit, mais leur fentimet de deuotion s'ac- 
creut quand ils le virent receuoir le Baptefme d'vne 
fagon pleine de piete ; I'ayant receu il prit la main du 
Pere qui I'auoit enfeign^, & de celuy qui I'auoit ba- 
ptife, comme aulTi de Monfieur de Repentigny, & les 
baifa d'vne grande tendreffe, les remerciant du bien 
qu'ils luy auoient procure. Apres le Baptefme de 
ce pauure homme ie fus contraint de m'en aller au 
deuant des Hurons pour faire embarquer les Peres 
que nous y deftinions. Eftant aux trois Riuieres ie 
receus vne Lettre du Pere de Quen, qui parloit en 
ces termes [93] de ce Neophyte que ie luy auois re- 
command^, lofeph iadis nonimc Nahakhich a pense 
mottrir auiourd' huy, il m'a enuoyt' qiicrir comme i' allois 
dire Vefprcs: i'y fuis alle promptemcnt aucc le fieur He- 
bert qui m'a fort ajsijle. II perfeucrc dans la bonne vo- 
lonte de croirc, nous luy auofis fait faire qtielqncs actes de 
contrition, il les fait volontiers, il dit qu il ne vcut pas 
ejlre brufle' auec les mefchans, qu'il veut toufiours croirc 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 


ger, he has been delivered by pronouncing these 
words." When the Savages, before his Baptism, 
happened to speak of our Religion, this poor man 
seemed to be cast down, seeing that some of them 
found fault with, and made sport of it. For some 
time the Father suspected him greatly of being de- 
ceitful, but at last he was convinced that he had a 
good heart. Sometimes he entered the Chapel all 
alone, and offered his prayer. One day he asked of 
his own accord for a picture, to remind himself of 
him who had died for us. The Father, seeing hinT"' 
show publicly before all those of his [92] Cabin that 
he wished to be a Christian, instructed him fully, and 
then granted him holy Baptism. Hisjsdfe^ seeing 
they were getting ready to baptize him, began to 
weep, saying that if they baptized him he would die_ 
immediately^ When^He^heafd her, he exclaimed, ) 
" Thou dost liot know what thou art saying ; keep 
still; I will not die from it, and, even if I should die, , 
I wish to be baptized, to purify and wash my soul."_J 
Monsieur and Madamoiselle de Repentigny, and 
some other persons who were present, were greatly 
touched when the Father explained to them what he 
had said ; but their sense of devotion was increased 
when they saw the pious manner in which he re- 
ceived Baptism. Having received it, he took the 
hand of the Father who had taught him, and of the 
one who had baptized him, as also that of Monsieur 
de Repentigny, and kissed them with great tender- 
ness, thanking them for the good they had procured 
him. After the Baptism of this poor man, I was 
obliged to go away to meet the Hurons, in order to 
secure the embarkation of our Fathers who were ap- 
pointed to go there. Being at the three Rivers, I re- 


ce que luy a dit le Pere Ic Teune, en difant cela il pleuroit. 
II a vn grand defir de vous voir, ie dis tres-grand; ie crains 
neantmoins quit ne vous voye phis qu en F autre monde. 
Pour moy vojlre retour m apporteroit vne grande confola- 
tion, &■ vn grand foulagement \ car tandis quilfera ma- 
lade, il /era neceffaire que ie I'aille fouuent voir durant le 
iour; & ce qui me fafche, c' est que ie ne fqaurois parler. 
Ce font les propres mots du Pere, qui eft fort occupe 
& diuerty aufTi bien que les autres; voila pourquoy 
il n'aduance pas tant en la cognoiffance de la langue 
comme il defireroit. De verity c'efl vne chofe bien 
fafcheufe de voir vn pauure homme demander le pain 
de I'Euangile ^ la mort, & de ne luy pouuoir donner 
que de petites mies, qui ne font pas [94] capables de le 
raffafier. Le Pere du Marche, qui m'a rendu les 
Lettres du Pere de Quen, m'adiouftoit que ce pauure 
Sauuage pleuroit de tendreffe, & qu'au rapport du 
truchement il exhortoit vn Cen compatriote la larme 
k I'oeil k croire en Dieu, & embraffer fa faincte foy. 
En fin il mourut le dernier iour de luillet; les Sau- 
uages auoient deja mis fon corps dans \-n Canot pour 
le porter au Sault de Montmorency, quand le Pere 
Maffe furuenant les arrefta, & le fit rendre pour I'en- 
terrer auec les Chreftiens. Le Pere de Quen m'^cri- 
uit fa mort: lo/eph, dit-il, tant &■ fi fouuent recomman- 
d^, a quitti cette vie le iour de nojlre bien-heureux Pere & 
Fondateur fainct Ignacc. Ie lay vifite tous les iours trois 
fois : i'ay fait mon apprentiffage a Venfeigner, & luy f aire 
faire dcs actcs de foy &■ de douleur, fans emprunter la 
langue d'autruy. II me faifoit par fois reiterer ce que ie 
luy faifois dire pour marque qu il y prenoit goust. Mon- 
Jieur de Repentigny fon Par rain l' a fouuent vifiti dans fa 
maladie, luy faifant porter tantofl des oeufs, tantofi des 


ceived a Letter from Father de Quen, who spoke in 
these terms [93] of this Neophyte, vhom I had rec- 
ommended to him. Joseph, formerly called Nakakhich, 
thought he was going to die to-day. He sent for nte as I 
was about to say Vespers; I went to him promptly with 
sieur Hebert, '"' who assisted me greatly. He perseveres in 
his good intentions to believe; zve have had him perform 
some acts of contrition, which he does willingly; he said 
that he did not wish to be burned with the wicked, titat 
he always wished to believe ivhat Father le Jeune told 
him; in saying this he wept. He has a great desire to see 
yon, I say very great; I fear, however, that he will never 
see you again, except in the other world. As for me, your 
return would give me great comfort and relief; for as 
long as he is sick I shall have to go to see him frequently 
during the day ; and what grieves me is, that I cannot 
speak. These are the very words of the Father, who, 
as well as the others, is very busy, and has many dis- 
tractions; and this is why he has not advanced in the 
knowledge of the language as he would desire. In 
truth, it is a very sad thing to see a poor dying man 
ask for the bread of the Gospel, and only be able to 
give it to him in little crumbs, which are not [94 1 
sufi&cient to satisfy him. Father du March6, who 
delivered to me Father de Quen's Letters, added that 
this poor Savage wept pathetically ; and that, accord- 
ing to the report of the interpreter, he exhorted one 
of his countrymen, with tears in his eyes, to believe 
in God and to embrace his holy faith. Finally he 
died, on the last day of July. The Savages had al- 
ready placed his body in a Canoe to take it to the 
Falls of Montmorency, when Father Masse, coming 
upon the scene, stopped them and made them give it 
back to be buried with the Christians. Father de 


Tourterelles, quelquefois des confitures : en fin il luy a 
rendu les derniers deuoirs, F accompagnatit a la fepuUure, 
comme auJSi [95] Madamoifelle fa mere, & Madamoi- 
felle fa femme, & autres perfonnes de fa maifon. le 
donneray cette loiiange a nos Frangois, qu'ils hono- 
rent volontiers les obfeques & les Baptefmes de nos 
Sauuages de leur prefence : ce qui edifie grandement 
ces Barbares, voyant qu'on fait eftat de ceux de leur 
nation, qui re9oiuent noftre faincte foy. Quatre 
Francois portoient le corps de celuy-cy. Monfieur de 
Courpon, Monfieur Gand, Monfieur de Caftillon, & 
plufieurs autres, fe trouuerent au conuoy fuiuy des 
Sauuages qui fe trouuoient pour lors k Kebec. 

Le quatorziefme du mois d'Aouft, le Pere Antoine 
Daniel, defcendant du Pays des Hurons, & palTant par 
la petite Nation des Algonquins, baptifa vn pauure 
prifonnier Hiroquois, que les Sauuages alloient fup- 
plicier. Voyant done que cet homme entendoit bien 
le Huron, il fait quelques prefens a fes gardes pour 
le pouuoir aborder, & luy parler auec liberty ; il luy 
reprefente que c'efl fait de fa vie, qu'apres fa mort 
fon ame doit fouflfrir des tourmens incomparablemet 
plus grands, que ceux qu'il auoit delia experimente, 
& deuoit experimenter en fon [96] corps ; que fi ne- 
antmoins il veut croire en celuy qui a tout fait, il 
echapera ces tourmens, & ioiiira des delices du Ciel. 
En vn mot il I'inftruit, & le baptife immediatement 
deuant qu'on le menaft a la mort. II nous difoit 
qu'efl;ant vn foir aupres de luy, les Sauuages le vin- 
drent lier, afin qu'il ne fe fauuaft point la nuict; ils 
luy attachoient les bras & les pieds a daux gros ba- 
rtons, qui ioignoient fon pauure corps tout eftendue 
fur la terre, & place en telle polture qu'il ne le pou- 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, 1636 65 

Quen wrote me about his death. Joseph, said he, so 
much and so often commended, quitted this life on the day 
of our blessed Father and Founder, saint Ignace. I visited 
him three times every day; I served my apprenticeship by 
teaching hitn; and had him perform acts of faith and con- 
trition, without borrowing any one else's language. At 
times, he made me repeat what I had had him say, to show 
me lie had become fond of it. Monsieur de Repentig7ty, 
his Godfather, visited him often in his sickness, and sent 
him sometimes a few eggs, sometimes some Pigeons, occa- 
sionally some preserves. At the end, he reftdered him the 
last offices, accompanying him to the grave, as also did 
[95] Madamoiselle his viother and Madamoiselle his 
wife,"^^ and other members of his family. I will say thus 
much in praise of our French, they are willing to 
honor the obsequies and Baptisms of our Savages by 
their presence ; this is greatly to the edification of 
these Barbarians who see that we make a great deal 
of those of their nation who receive our holy faith. 
Four Frenchmen bore his body : Monsieur de Cour- 
pon, Monsieur Gand, Monsieur de Castillon,'^ and a 
number of others were in the funeral procession, and 
were followed by the Savages who were then at 

On the fourteenth of the month of August, Father 
Antoine Daniel, coming down from the Huron Coun- 
try, and passing by the petite Nation of the Algon- 
quins,'^ baptized a poor Hiroquois prisoner whom 
the Savages were going to torture. Seeing that this 
man understood the Huron language well, he there- 
fore made some presents to his guards, in order to 
be able to approach him and speak with him freely. 
He represented to him that his life was done ; that 
after death his soul would have to suffer torments, 
incomparably greater than those he had already ex- 


uoit remuer. Pendant que I'vn le lioit, vn autre 
6clairoit auec vn flambeau d'6corce, & tout exprez fe- 
coiioit ce flambeau, parfemant de feu ce pauure mife- 
rable, nud comme la main, lequel ne pouuoit fe d6- 
faire de ces flammes, qui s'attachoient ^ fa chair, & 
la brufloient auec vne grande douleur; il ne crioit 
point neantmoins, endurant ce tourment auec vne 
conflance digne d'6tonnement. 

Le vingt-deuxiefme du mefme mois, vne femme 
Sauuage apporta fon petit fils au Fort, demandant 
pour luy quelques raifins ou quelques pruneaux ; 
voyant ce pauure enfant fort malade, ie m'enquis fi 
elle ne feroit pas bien contente qu'on le [97] bapti- 
faft, elle s'y accorda fort volontiers, on le porte tout 
fur I'heure ^ la Chapelle, Monfieur le General fe 
trouuant 1^ voulut eftre fon Parrain, il luy donna nom 
Theodore, il fut baptife folemnellement en la pre- 
fence de la plus part de nos Fran§ois. 

Voila tous ceux qui ont efle baptifez aux Refi- 
dences plus proches de K^bec, tous les autres ont efl6 
faits Chreftiens aux Hurons. La Relation de ces 
Pais G eloignez, que i'enuoye, en fera mention, comme 
aufli de beaucoup d'autres chofes fort remarquables. 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 


perienced and would experience in his [96] body; 
that if, however, he would believe in him who has 
made all, he would escape these torments, and 
would enjoy the delights of Heaven. In a word, he 
instructed him and baptized him immediately, be- 
fore he should be led to death. The Father told us 
that one evening, when he was near him, the Sav- 
ages came and bound the prisoner so that he might 
not escape in the night ; they tied him by the arms 
and feet to two heavy pieces of wood, which fas- 
tened his poor body, stretched out upon the earth in 
such a position that he could not move. While one 
was binding him, another furnished light with a 
bark torch, purposely shaking this torch in order to 
scatter the sparks over this poor wretch, as naked as 
the hand, while he could not brush away these 
sparks, which stuck to his flesh and burned him with 
an intense pain. Yet he did not cry out, enduring 
this torment with a firmness worthy of admiration. 

On the twenty-second of the same month, a Sav- 
age woman brought her little son to the Fort, asking 
for him some raisins or prunes. Seeing this little 
child very sick, I asked if she would not like to have 
him [97] baptized. She wil lingly agre gdjo it, and he 
was immediately carried to the Chapel. Monsieur^/ 
the General was there, and consented to act as God- 
father, giving him the name Theodore. He was sol- 
emnly baptized, in the presence of most of our 
French people. 

These are all who have been baptized at the Resi- 
dences nearest to Kebec, all the others having been 
made Christians among the Hurons. The Relation 
of those so distant Countries, which I send, will 
mention these baptisms, as well as many other very 
remarkable things. 




VN certain difoit que Dieu auoit des pieds de laine, 
& des mains de plomb ; il me femble qu'il a eu 
des pieds de Cerf, & des bras de fer ou de 
bronze en la punition de quelques Sauuages. L'A- 
poflat duquel i'ay amplement parle les annees paffees 
menera la bande. le [98] me fuis fouuent elionne 
repaffant par ma memoire, comme Dieu auoit fou- 
droye, pour ainli dire, les trois freres, auec lefquels 
i'ay hyuerne; pour auoir mechamment fauffe la pro- 
meffe qu'ils luy auoient faite de le recognoiftre pour 
leur fouuerain, de I'aymer, & de luy obei'r, comme k 
leur Seigfneur. lis auoient eu recours k fa bonte dans 
leur famine extreme ; il les auoit fecourus, leur don- 
nant dequoy manger abondamment: Adiiiic efca erant 
in ore ipforum, & ira Dei afcetidit fuper eos. lis n'a- 
uoient pas encore auale le morceau, que Dieu les prit 
k la gorge. Auant que I'annee fuft expiree, I'aifne 
qui eftoit ce miferable Sorcier, qui m'a bien donne 
de I'exercice, fut brufle tout vif dans fa propre mai- 
fon. Le fecond qui efloit mon hofte, homme d'vn 
ailez bon naturel ; mais qui pour complaire k f on 
frere, voulut deplaire a Dieu, fut noye, ayant perdu 
la ceruelle, comme i'ay deja eery. Reftoit I'Apoflat, 
le plus ieune des trois. le croy que le charactere de 
Chreftien luy a pour vn peu de temps arrefle la iu- 
flice diuine ; mais comme il ne s'efl pas voulu reco- 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6s6 69 



SOME one has said that God has feet of wool and 
hands of lead. It seems to me that he has had 
the feet of a Deer and arms of iron or bronze, 
in the punishment of certain Savages. The Apos- 
tate, of whom I have spoken fully in past years, will 
lead the band. I [98] have often been astonished in 
thinking it over, how God has let his thunderbolts 
fall, so to speak, upon the three brothers with whom 
I passed the winter,'*' for having wickedly violated 
the promise they had made to acknowledge him as 
their sovereign, to love and to obey him as their 
Lord. They had had recourse to his goodness in 
their extreme famine; he had succored them, giving 
them food in abundance. Adhtic escm crant in ore ipso- 
rum, et ira Dei ascendit super cos. They had not yet 
swallowed the morsel when God took them by the 
throat. Before the year had expired, the eldest, that 
wretched Sorcerer, who had given me a great deal of 
trouble, was burned alive in his own house. The 
second, who was my host, a man who had naturally 
a good disposition, but who, to please his brother, 
was willing to displease God, was drowned, having 
lost his mind, as I have already related. There re- 
mained the Apostate, the youngest of the three. I 
believe that the stamp of the Christian for a little 
while arrested divine jiistice. But, as he would not 
acknowledge it, the same thunderbolt, that struck 


gnoirtre, le mefme carreau de foudre, qui a frappe [99] 
fes freres, I'a reduit en cendres. Ce miferable eft 
mort cette annee de mal-faim, delaiffe dans les bois, 
comme vn chien; chofe bien remarquable, qu'il n'ait 
pas eu dequoy manger dans I'abondance : car il y a 
pent eftre dix ans, que les Sauuages n'ont tue tant 
d' Elans, qu'ils ont fait cet hyuer, la neige ayant eu 
toutes les conditions qu'ils deflrent pour leur chalTe. 
le ne fgay pas bien les particularitez de cet accident: 
les Sauuages nous ont dit feulement, qu'on I'auoit 
trouu6 mort de faim dans les bois. C'eftoit bien la 
raifon que cette bouche impie manquaft de viures, 
qui auoit fi fouuent blafpheme Dieu, & que Dieu con- 
damnaft h. ce genre de mort, celuy qui auoit veu mou- 
rir deuant fes yeux de pauures malades, fans iamais 
me vouloir ayder ^ leur donner vn morceau de pain 
de la parole de Dieu. En vn mot I'Apoftat eft mort; 
s'il eft mort Apoftat, ie n'en fgay rien, du moins il 
eft mort fans aucun fecours de la terre ; le ne f9ay 
s'il en a eu du Ciel; ie ferois bien aife qu'il fuft ainfi. 
Quelqu'vn me temoignant, n'y a pas longteps, qu'il 
eftoit bie aife de fa mort, m'obiectoit que ie I'auois 
encor cette ann6e [100] inuite k me venir trouuer, 
f9achant bien que c'eftoit vn mefchant homme. I'a- 
uoue qu'il eftoit mefchant, ie confeffe que I'annde 
paffee, & encore celle-cy, i'auois eery a Tadoujfac, 
pour le faire venir aupres de moy. Ie dy bien da- 
uantage, s'il eftoit en mon pouuoir de le tirer des 
fers, & de la cadene, ou peut eltre il eft maintenant, 
que ie Ten tirerois, pour en contre-efchage du mal 
qu'il m'a fait, luy procurer le plus grand bien, que 
I'on puiffe procurer a vne creature raifonnable le falut 
etemel. Helas ! eft ce done fi peu de chofe qu'vne 


[99] his brothers, reduced him to ashes. That wretch 
died this year of hunger, abandoned in the woods 
like a dog. It is very remarkable that he did not 
have anything to eat, in their abundance; for per- 
haps not since ten years have the Savages killed so 
many Elk as they have this winter, the snow being in 
exactly the condition they desired for hunting them. 
I do not know the particulars of this accident ; the Sav- 
ages merely told us that they had found him starved 
to death in the woods. It was very reasonable that 
his impious mouth, which had so often blasphemed 
God, should lack food; and that God should condemn 
to this kind of death him who had seen poor sick per- 
sons die before his eyes, without ever consenting to 
aid me in giving them a piece of the bread of the 
word of God. In a word, the Apostate is dead. 
Whether he died an Apostate or not, I do not know, 
at least he died without any earthly help; I do not 
know whether he received any from Heaven ; I would 
be very glad if it were so. Some one assuring me, 
not long ago, that he was pleased to hear of his 
death, reproached me for having this year again 
[100] invited him to come and see me, knowing well 
that he was a wicked man. I admit that he was a 
wicked man. I confess that last year, and again this 
year, I wrote to Tadoussac to have him come to me. 
I say even more ; that, if it were in my power to free 
him from the irons and chains in which perhaps he 
now is, I would release him, that I might procure 
for him, in exchange for the wrongs he has done 
me, the greatest blessing that can be obtained for a 
reasonable creature, eternal salvation. Alas! is it 
then so small a thing that a soul be damned? All 
the g^eat affairs of Conclaves, of the Courts of sov- 


ame foit damnee! Toutes les grandes affaires des 
Conclaues, des Cours fouueraines, des Palais, & des 
Cabinets, ne font que ieux d'enfans, en comparaifon 
de fauuer, ou de perdre vne ame. Mais palTons 

Vne femme Sauuage eflant tomb6e malade i K^- 
bec, vn de nos Peres la voulut inflruire, elle faifoit 
femblant de I'^couter; mais quoy qu'on die que les 
Sauuages nous trompent par fois, faifant mine de 
prefter I'oreille k vne doctrine, que leur coeur ne 
goufle pas; fi eft-ce qu'il eft bien aife de recognoiftre 
dans vne inftruction de dur^e, fi le cceur s'accorde 
auec [loi] la langue, iamais le Pere n'eut opinion, 
qu'elle fe vouluft veritablement faire Chreftienne. 
Elle vit de fes yeux la guerifon foudaine du petit fils 
du Prince, dot i'ay parle au Chapitre III. Cela luy 
fit demander fouuet le Baptefme, pour eftre auffi gue- 
rie. Le Pere qui ne voyoit qu'vn foin du corps en 
cette ame, ne le luy voulut pas accorder, luy promet- 
tant qu'auffi toft qu'elle feroit mieux inftruite, qu'on 
la baptiferoit. Baptife moy, difoit elle, & puis tu 
m'inftruiras: c6t ordre n'eftoit pas bon. Enfin ^4/- 
tikam^gou, c'eft ce Sauuage nomme le Prince, s'en 
voulant aller k la chaffe dans les bois, luy demanda fi 
elle vouloit refter pour eftre inftruite, que nos Fran- 
9ois I'aflifteroient, & que nous la nourririons; iamais 
elle n'y voulut confentir. On la iette done fur vne 
traifne pour I'emmener. Le Pere defendit fort au 
Sauuage qui la traifnoit, de la tuer, car c'eft ainfi 
qu'ils fe d^chargent de leur fardeau. il ne la tua 
pas en effet ; mais elle mefme par def efpoir, ou par 
accident: difons pluftoft par vn iufte chaftiment de 
Dieu, fe fit mourir. Pendant certaine nuict, comme 


ereigns, of Palaces, and of Cabinets, are only child's 
play, in comparison with saving or losing a soul. 
But let us pass on. 

A Savage woman having fallen ^ick at Kdbec, one 
of our Fathers wished to instruct her; she pretended 
to listen to him. But, although they say the Sav- 
ages sometimes deceive us, pretending to lend the 
ear to a doctrine which their heart does not relish, 
yet it is easy to recognize in a continued instruction 
whether or not the heart agrees with [loi] the 
tongue. The Father never believed that she really 
wished to become a Christian. She saw with her 
own eyes the sudden recovery of the Prince's little 
son, of which I have spoken in Chapter III. This 
made her often ask for Baptism, that she also might 
be cured. The Father, who saw only concern for 
the body in this soul, did not wish to grant it to her, 
promising that, as soon as she was better instructed, 
they would baptize her. " Baptize me," she said, 
" and then thou shalt instruct me," but this was not 
the proper order. At last Attikame'gou, the Savage 
called " the Prince," wishing to go off into the woods 
to hunt, asked her if she would not remain, to be in- 
structed ; that our French would assist her, and that 
we would feed her; but she would never consent to 
this. Then she was thrown upon a sledge, to be 
taken away. The Father very positively forbade 
the Savage who dragged her to kill her, for it is thus 
they rid themselves of their burdens. Indeed, he 
did not kill her; but she herself, through despair or 
by accident, — let us say rather, through a just chas- 
tisement of God, — caused her own death. During a 
certain night, as there was a good fire in her Cabin 
and while every one was .sleeping [102] soundly, this 


il y auoit bon feu dans fa Cabane, & que tout le 
monde dormoit [102] profondement, cette femme fe 
voulant leuer tomba dans les flammes, & fut eflouff^e 
en vn moment; beuuant le feu d^s cette vie, qu'elle 
alloit trouuer bien plus ardent en I'autre. Le Prince 
nous eflant venu voir, & nous ayant raconte cette ca- 
taftrophe; le Pere qui I'inftruit luy demanda, s'il ne 
fgauoit point la raifon, pourquoy cette femme n'auoit 
pas voulu croire, ny demeurer pour eflre inftruite. 
Elle difoit, r6pondit il, que mourant parmy les Fran- 
9ois, on ne luy donneroit qu'vn drap apres fa mort. 
Et que luy as tu donn6? luy demanda-on. le I'ay 
enuelopp6e dans la peau d'Ours, que vous luy auiez 
donn6e, qui eftoit d6ja \ demy pourrie. le m'affeure, 
dit-il, en fe gauffant, que fon ame ne prendra pas la 
peine de la venir querir, car elle ne I'empefcheroit 
g^ieres de reffentir les feux, qui bruflent les infidelles. 
Ceux qui aydent k la conuerfion des ames ne font 
pas toufiours fauuez, la premiere conuerfion qu'on 
doit faire c'efl de foy mefme. Malheur k celuy qui 
fait comrae les balais, qui nettoyent la maifon, & fe 
falliffent eux-mefmes; c'efl ce qu'vn Sauuage a fait 
cette ann^e. Ce miferable [103] a fait baptifer fon 
propre fils, fa fille, fa niepce, & quelques autres, & 
luy ne I'a pas voulu eftre. Eflant tomb6 malade aux 
trois Riuieres, le Pere Buteux I'allant vifiter trouua 
vn longleur aupres de luy : il le voulut faire fortir de 
la Cabane ; mais ce Charlatan repartit qu'il 6coute- 
roit luy mefme ce qu'on enfeigneroit au malade. Le 
Pere luy demande done, s'il ne vouloit pas croire en 
Dieu, qui feul le pouuoit guerir en cette vie, & le 
rendre bien-heureux en I'autre. Ouy da, fit-il, ie 
croy que voflre Manitou eft tout puifTant, dis luy qu'il 

16361 LE JEUNE-S RELA TION, 1636 

woman, in trying to arise, fell into the flames and 
was instantly suffocated, drinking in this life the fire 
which she was about to find much hotter in the 
other. The Prince having come to see us, and hav- 
ing related this catastrophe, the Father who in- 
structed her asked him if he knew the reason why 
this woman had not been willing to believe, nor to 
remain to be instructed. " She said," he replied, 
" that if she died among the French they would on- 
ly give her a sheet after her death." " And what 
didst thou give her ?" he was asked. " I wrapped 
her in a Bear skin that you had given her, that was 
already half-rotten. I am sure," he continued, 
mockingly, ' ' that her soul will not take the trouble 
to come back and inquire about it, for it would hard- 
ly prevent her from feeling the fires which burn un- 

Those who aid in the conversion of souls are not 
always saved ; the first conversion one ought to make 
is that of one's self. Woe unto him who acts as 
a broom, cleaning the house but soiling itself. 
Thus a Savage has done this year. This wretch 
[103] has had his own son baptized, his daughter, 
his niece, and several others, and would not be bap- 
tized himself. Having fallen sick at the three Riv- 
ers, Father Buteux, upon visiting him, found a Jug- 
gler beside him ; he wished to make him leave the 
Cabin, but this Charlatan replied that he himself 
would listen to what he was going to teach the 
sick man. So the Father asked him if he did not 
wish to believe in God, who alone could cure him 
in this life, and make him happy in the other. 
•'Yes indeed," he replied, "I believe that your 
Manitou is all-powerful ; tell him to cure me, and I 


me gfueriffe, & ie te donneray dix Caflors. Tu fgay 
bien, repartit le Pere, que nous ne voyons pas les ma- 
lades pour tirer d'eux quelque prefent; mais pluflofl 
pour leur en faire. Ie le f9ay bien, & partant reuiens 
moy voir fur le midy. II fe vouloit faire chanter par 
ce longleur; mais le Pere le fit venir fecrettement, 
& I'intimida en forte qu'il ne chanta point, ny ne 
foufifla ce pauure miferable, comme il s'y attendoit. 
Le Pere I'eflant retourne voir fur le midy, foit qu'il 
fuft touchd par les prieres de fes enfans, qui font au 
Ciel, ou qu'il fifl I'hypocrite, il promit merueille; 
mais comme [104] il efloit extremement fuperbe, la 
foy ne peut entrer, ou faire long fejour dans fon ame. 
Quoinodo vos potcjlis credere, qui gloria in ah inuicem acci- 
pitis. L'orgueil met de grands obftacles entre Dieu 
& I'ame, & ferme la porte k la Foy, auffi bien qu'a la 
Charity. Quelques iours apres il fit venir le Pere, & 
luy dit qu'on I'auoit affeur6 qu'il gueriroit s'il dor- 
moit auec vn chappeau, le fuppliant de luy en don- 
ner vn ; comme on le voulut d^tourner de cette fuper- 
ftition, cette ame altiere ne voulant pas eftre contre- 
dite, fe cabre, dit des iniures aux Peres, & ^ tons 
les Francois, les appellans menteurs & impofteurs. 
On le voulut ramener ^ la raifon par la douceur ; mais 
il fe tourna par d^pit de I'autre cofte, fans iamais 
vouloir r^pondre. Quelque temps apres fon frere le 
voyant approcher de I'agonie, dit a vn ieune gargon 
Frangois, qu'il en aduertift les Peres, celuy-cy s'en 
oublia : la mort le pourfuiuant de pres, vn autre Sau- 
uage vint f rapper a la porte des Peres, mais I'vn 
d'eux difoit la faincte Meffe, & I'autre eftoit empefche 
ailleurs, fi bien qu'il ne trouua perfonne; il retourne 
encore vne fois, rencontre le Pere Buteux, I'emmene 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION, j6j6 77 

will give thee ten Beavers." " Thou knowest well," 
replied the Father, " that we do not come to see the 
sick in order to get presents from them, but rather 
to give to them." " I know it very well, and there- 
fore come and see me again about noon. ' ' He wished 
to have himself sung to by this Juggler ; but the Fa- 
ther had the latter come to him privately and so 
frightened him that he did not sing nor blow upon 
this poor wretch, as he expected to do. The Father 
having returned to see him about noon, found that 
he had either been touched by the prayers of his 
children, who are in Heaven, or else that he was act- 
ing the hypocrite, for he promised wonders. But as 
[104] he was extremely proud, the faith could not 
enter nor make a long sojourn in his soul. Quomodo 
■DOS potcstis credere, qui gloriam ab invicem accipitis. 
Pride places great barriers between God and the 
soul, and closes the door to Faith as well as to Chari- 
ty. Some days afterward, he sent for the Father, 
and told him that he had been assured he would re- 
cover, if he would sleep with a hat on, begging him 
to give him one. When they tried to divert him 
from this superstition, this haughty spirit, impatient 
of contradiction, flew into a passion and uttered in- 
sults against the Fathers and against all the French, 
calling them liars and impostors. The}' tried to re- 
store him to reason by gentleness ; but he spitefully 
turned over, and would not answer a word. A little 
later, his brother, seeing he was nearing the end, 
said to a young French boy that he should inform 
the Fathers of it, but he forgot to do so. As death 
was rapidly approaching, another Savage came and 
rapped at the Fathers' door; but one of them was 
saying the holy Mass, and the other was otherwise 


[105] auec foy; mais comme ils entroient en la Ca- 
bane, ce fuperbe rendit le dernier foufpjr. Ces acci- 
dens deuat les hommes, ne font que des accidens, 
mais deuant Dieu font de grands iugemens. II efloit 
tenu des Fran9ois pour vn mefchant homme ; quoy 
que fur la fin de fes iours il euft tafche par quelques 
bonnes actions d'effacer cette mauuaife reputation. 
Nous auons remarque fouuent, que ceux qui auoient 
quelque bonte naturelle ont efte fecourus de Dieu, & 
que les luxurieux, les arrogans, & autres femblables 
n'ont point ioiiy des mefmes faueurs h. la mort. On 
m'a dit que c'efloit ce Sauuage qui auoit mis le feu 
dans la Cabane du Sorcier, dont ie viens de parler, le 
faifant brufler tout vif pour fe deliurer de I'importu- 
nit6 qu'il luy caufoit par fa maladie, femant par apres 
vn bruit pour couurir fa cruaute, que ce feu s'eftoit 
pris par I'operation d'vn autre Sorcier, auec lequel 
celuy-cy auoit eu quelques prifes, iufque la que quel- 
qu'vn me dit, que ce feu eftoit venu par defTous terre. 
Le fils du Capitanal ag^ d'enuiron dixhuict ans a 
re(Iembl6 ^ ce malheureux; [106] pallant en I'autre 
vie d'vne fa9on tres-miferable ; il efloit enfant de 
bons parens pour eflre Sauuages, fon Pere mourut il 
y a deux ans en reputation de fage, & de vaillant Ca- 
pitaine parmy fon peuple; fa mere eft encor viuante, 
c'eft la femme Sauuage la plus modefte que i'aye 
point veu ; leur fils degeneroit de ces bonnes quali- 
tez. II y a vn an que le Pere Buteux & vn autre de 
nos Peres s'eftant rencontrez en vn feftin des morts 
que faifoient les Sauuages proche du fepulchre de fon 
pere : ils furent contraints de luy donner la chafle pu- 
bliquement, fur vne action brutale qu'il alloit com- 
mettre kleurs yeux : les affiftans recogneurent fa faute 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 163b 79 

prevented, so he could find no one. He returned 
again, met Father Buteux, and took him [105] with 
him; but, as they were entering the Cabin, this 
proud man drew his last breath. These accidents in 
the eyes of men are only accidents, but in the sight 
of God they are great judgments. He had been re- 
garded by the French as a wicked man, although 
toward the end of his days he had tried by some good 
deeds to efface this bad reputation. We have often 
observed that those who are naturally good, have 
been succored by God, while the lustful, the arro- 
gant, and other such persons, have not enjoyed the 
same favors at death. I was told that it was this 
Savage who set on fire the Cabin of the Sorcerer, of 
whom I have just spoken, burning him alive to get 
rid of the annoyance he caused him by his disease, — 
afterwards spreading the report, to cover up his cru- 
elty, that this fire had been caused by the perfor- 
mance of another Sorcerer, with whom the former 
had had some quarrel, this report being so exagger- 
ated that some one told me the fire had come up oiil 
of the ground. 

Capitanal's son, about eighteen years old, like this 
unfortunate man, [io6] passed into the other world 
in a very pitiable way. He was the child of very 
good parents, for Savages ; his Father died two years 
ago enjoying the reputation among his people of a 
wise and valiant Captain;' his mother is still liv- 
ing, being the most modest Savage woman I have 
yet seen ; their son fell short of these good qualities. 
A year ago. Father Buteux and another of our Fa- 
thers, having met at a feast of the dead, which the 
Savages were holding near the grave of his father, 
were constrained to drive him away publicly, on ac- 


pour luy, & firent cas de la remonflrance de nos 
Peres ; car ces Sauuages ont cela de bon, de ne con- 
tredire iamais laverite cogneue, bien qu'ils ne la fui- 
uent pas toufiours. le ne fgay pas ce que fit du de- 
puis cet infame, mais voicy fa mort deplorable. Eflant 
tombe malade le Pere Buteux I'alla vifiter, demande 
k fa mere fi elle ne feroit pas bien-aife qu'il parlafl k 
fon enfant; elle repart qu'elle en eftoit fort contente, 
mais que pour I'heure il y auoit quelque empefche- 
ment dans la Cabane, [107] & partant qu'il retoumafl 
dans quelque temps. Cet empefchement prouenoit 
de deux longleurs : le Pere nonobrtant cela le voulut. 
aborder, mais ces beaux Medecins luy firent figne 
qu'il le congediaft abfolument, ce qu'il fit. A peine 
le Pere eftoit-il forty que ces trompeurs fe mettet ^ 
crier, hurler, battre leur tambour, & faire leur tinta- 
marre ordinaire : cela fait, ils abordent le pauure ma- 
lade, font retirer ceux qui I'auoifinoient de trop pres, 
luy crient, Prens courage mon enfant, nous auons 
trouud la caufe de ta maladie, ferme les yeux feule- 
ment, & nous laifTe faire: ce pauure patient ferme 
les paupieres tant qu'il pent, pendant que ces lon- 
gleurs vifitent fon corps, & tirant de leur fac vn grand 
coufteau de boucher, ils font femblant de luy ouurir 
le colle, & comme s'ils eufl^ent foiiille dans la playe, 
ils produifent vn petit coufteau tout fanglant qu'ils 
monftrent aux afliflans, s'ecrians, Voila la caufe du 
mal, courage le Manitou t 'auoit mis cela dedans le 
corps, te voila foulage, ne le fens tu pas bien? Oiiy, 
repart le malade, ie me porte bien mieux. Tous les 
affii\ans s'eftonnent regardans ce coufteau [108] auec 
admiration. lA delTus mes Charlatans pour couurir 
leur ieu & leur tromperie font vne emplallre de cen- 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6j6 81 

count of a brutal action he was about to commit be- 
fore their eyes. Those present recognized his fault, 
and showed their appreciation of our Fathers' re- 
monstrance. For these Savages have this good qual- 
ity, that they never contradict the truth when they 
know it, although they do not always follow it. I 
do not know what this wretch did afterwards; but 
the following is his deplorable death. Falling sick. 
Father Buteux went to visit him, and asked his 
mother if she would not like to have him talk to her 
child; she replied that she would like it very much, 
but at present there was some obstacle to it in the 
Cabin, [107] and therefore he should return in a lit- 
tle while. This obstacle arose from two Jugglers. 
Nevertheless, the Father wished to approach him; 
but these fine Physicians .signaled him to peremp- 
torily dismiss him, which he did. Scarcely had 
the Father gone out, when these impostors began to 
cry, howl, beat their drums, and make their usual 
uproar. When this is done, they approach the poor 
sick boy, make those who are too near him retire, 
and then exclaim to him, " Take courage, my child; 
we have found the cause of thy sickness ; only close 
thy eyes, and let us do our work." The poor pa- 
tient closes the lids as tightly as he can, while the 
Jugglers, examining his body, draw from their bag 
a great butcher knife, and pretend to be opening 
his side and probing a wound ; then they produce a 
little knife covered with blood, which they show to 
those present, exclaiming, " Behold the cause of the 
trouble; courage! the Manitou had placed this in 
thy body ; behold thee relieved, dost thou not feel 
well?" "Yes," replied the patient, " I am much 
better. ' ' All those present were surprised, looking at 


dres d6trempees auec de I'eau, & I'appliquent fur le 
cofl6 qu'ils feignoient auoir ouuert, auec defenfes bie 
expreffes a la mere & a I'enfant de toucher a ce baume 
qui le deuoit guerir de tout mal, s'il fe fufl reco- 
gneu. Vn Sauuage donne aduis de tout ce precede 
aux Peres, ils courent k la Cabane du malade : le Pere 
Buteux prefTe la mere de luy dire ce qu'on a fait ^ 
fon fils: apres quelques refiftances elle decouure le 
fecret, & le Pere la fourbe des longleurs, car ayans 
leu6 doucement ce beau cataplafme, il ne trouua ny 
playe ny cicatrice. Ne vois tu pas, fit-il a cette pau- 
ure mere, que ces Manitojiouekhi fahMienil te faifant 
croire que ce couf\eau ell forty du corps de ton fils, 
fans qu'il en paroiffe aucun veflige. C'eft en cela, 
qu'efl la merueille, repart-elle, qu'ils ayent fi dextre- 
ment fait leur operation, que le corps en foit foulag6, 
& en rien du monde endommage : Peux-tu nier que 
mon fils ne fe porte mieux? Tu le vois a I'oeil. En 
efifet foit que le malade eufl quelque relafche, ou que 
I'imagination qui opere par tout [109] puiffamment 
luy fifl croire qu'il fe portoit mieux, on le voyoit plus 
gay qu'a I'ordinaire; ie croy que I'efperance que luy 
auoient donne ces faux Efculapes d'vne vraye gueri- 
fon luy caufoit cette ioye trompeufe. Le Pere con- 
tefle, mais en vain, que I'abfence de ce coufteau 
fanglant ne luy rendroit non plus la fante, que fa pre- 
fence I'auoit fait malade, &pour n'alterer d'auantage 
cette femme il la quitte. Le lendemain matin elle 
enuoye vn Capitaine Montagues porter la nouuelle 
aux Peres que fon fils eftoit mort la nuit, fans que 
perfonne I'eult veu expirer, qu'elle eftoit fort defo- 
16e, & qu'elle leur donnoit mort celuy qu'ils auoient 
defir^ en vie, & qu'encor bien qu'il euft fouhaitte 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. 1636 83 

this knife [108] with wonder. Thereupon my Char- 
latans, to cover up their game and their deceit, make 
a plaster of ashes mixed with water, and apply it to 
the side they pretend to have opened, expressly for- 
bidding the mother and child to touch this balm, 
which must cure him of all disease if its value is rec- 
ognized. A Savage informs the Fathers of all these 
proceedings, and they hasten to the Cabin of the sick 
boy. Father Buteux urges the mother to tell him \ 
what they have done to her son. After some resis- ' 
tance, she discloses the secret; and the Father ex- ' 
poses the Jugglers, for, having gently raised this 
fine plaster, he finds neither wound nor scar. ' ' Dost 
thou not see," he said to this poor mother, "that 
these Manitosiouekhi^~ are abusing thee, making thee 
believe that this knife has come out of thy son's 
body, without leaving any trace thereof?" "That 
is just the wonder of it," she replied; " they have 
performed their operation so deftly that the body has 
"^een relieved an^^et Th no wise injured thereby. 
Canst thou deny that my son is better? Thou canst 
see it at a glance." In fact, either the invalid had 
some respite, or the imagination, which everywhere 
operates [109] powerfully, made him believe he was 
better; he even seemed to be gayer than usual. I 
believe the hope of a sure recovery, which these false 
Esculapii had inspired in him, had caused this de- 
ceptive joy. The Father contends, but in vain, that 
the absence of this bloody knife restores his health 
no more than its presence had made him sick ; and, 

in order not to irritate the woman any m^rCj^ ie 

leaye5_Eer. The next morning slie sent a Montagn6s 
..aptain to bear the news to the Fathers that her son ■ 
had died during the night, without any one having \ 


d'eftre enterr^ aupres de fon pere, qu'elle leur laiffoit 
I'entiere difpofition de fon corps. Les Peres repar- 
tent qu'eftant mort en Barbare, il ne pouuoit pas eftre 
enterr6 en Chreftien. Voila vne mauuaife fin d'vn 
ieune homme qui auoit commence vne mauuaife vie. 
I'aime mieux parler des rof^es du Ciel, que de fes 
foudres, & des benedictions de la bont6 de Dieu, que 
des rigueurs de fa iuflice. le laiffe ce difcours pour 
en [no] commencer vn plus doux: apres auoir dit 
qu'vn ieune homme Algonquin recent pareille & en- 
core pire recompenfe de s'eflre 66 a ces longleurs; 
car ils luy fendirent en effet la gorge en trois en- 
droits, comme s'ils en euffent tir6 trois morceaux de 
fer recourbe, qu'ils luy mirent en main. Nos Peres 
de la refidence des trois Riuieres le vifiterent, & fans 
profit; car voulant pactifer auec Dieu d'vne fant6 
pallagere, il mourut, & s'en alia commencer vn tour- 
ment etemel. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 85 

seen him expire ; that she was very disconsolate, and 
would give them the corpse of him whom they had 
desired living; and that, although he had wished to 
be buried near his father, she would leave to them 
the entire disposition of his body. The Fathers an- 
swered that, as he had died a Barbarian, he could 
not be buried as a Christian. This was the bad end 
of a young man who had begun a bad life. 

I would rather speak of the dews of Heaven than 
of its thunderbolts, and of the blessings of the good- 
ness of God than of the severity of his justice. I 
leave this subject, to [no] begin a pleasanter one, 
after saying that a young Algonquin man received a 
like and even worse reward for having trusted to 
these Jugglers; for, in fact, they cut open his throat 
in three places, to make it appear they had drawn 
therefrom three pieces of curved iron, which they 
placed in his hand. Our Fathers of the residence at 
the three Rivers visited him, but without profit; for 
in trying to make a compact with God for transitory 
health, he died and went away to begin an eternal 



ENTRE quelques propofitions qu'on m'a fait de 
I'Ancienne France, quelqu'vn me demande, 
d'ou vient qu'en tant d'annees on a baptif6 (i 
peu de perfonnes? II me femble qu'il faudroit ren- 
uerfer la propofition, & dire, d'ou vient qu'en li peu 
d'annees on a baptife tant de perfonnes? L'Efcriture 
faincte parlant de Saiil dit qu'il n'a regn6 que deux 
ans; & cependant [i 1 1] il eft alTeure qu'il a port6 le 
Sceptre & la Couronne bien plus long-temps. Le 
fainct Efprit compte en c^t endroit fa vertu, & non 
pas les ann^es de fon Sceptre & de fa Couronne. I'en 
dis le mefme, fi vous comptez combien il y a d'annees 
qu'on vient rechercher en la Nouuelle France la d6- 
poiiille des animaux, vous en trouuerez bon nombre: 
mais fi vous demandez combien il y en a qu'on leur 
annonce le fainct Euangile, ie r^ponds qu'a peine 
a-t'on encores commence ; car k bien prendre la chofe, 
il ne faut compter que depuis le temps que Meffieurs 
de la Nouuelle Compagnie font rentrez dans Kebec. 
Et li vous remontez plus haut, vous ne vous eftonne- 
rez point que la foy n'aye rien auance en ces contrees, 
pendant qu'vn heretique y auoit la principale con- 
duite des affaires, & I'authorite fur ceux qui euffent 
peu s'y employer. Or le terme eft fi court du depuis, 
qu'on a fujet de donner mille loiianges h. Dieu du 
progrez qui s'eft faict en la Religion, dans les pre- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 87 


AMONG various propositions that have been made 
to me from Old France, some one asks me 
how it happens that in so many years so few 
persons have been baptized. It seems to me that 
the proposition ought to be reversed, and stated, 
' How happens it that in so few years so many per- 
sons have been baptized? " The holy Scriptures, in 
speaking of Saul, say that he reigned only two 
years; and yet [in] it is certain that he bore the 
Scepter and the Crown a much longer time. In this 
regard, the holy Spirit estimates his virtue, and not 
the years of his Scepter and his Crown. I say the 
same ; if you count how many years it has been since 
men came to New France in search of the spoils of 
animals, you will find it a long time. But if you ask 
how many years they have been preaching the holy 
Gospel, I answer that they have hardly yet begun ; 
for, to speak correctly, we should only reckon from 
the time that the Gentlemen of the New Company 
reentered K^bec. And if you go further back, you 
will not be astonished that the faith made no prog- 
ress in these countries, while a heretic had the prin- 
cipal administration of affairs here, and authority 
over those who might have devoted themselves to 
that work. Now the time has been so short since 
then, that we have reason to offer a thousand praisesj^ 
to God for the progress that has been made in Reli- ' 


miers begaiemens d'vne langue qu'il faut apprendre, 
maniant la truelle d'vne main, & I'efpee de I'autre; 
c'efl a dire en faifant mille autres [112] chofes. Ceux 
qui fgauent ce que c'efl des langues, iugeront bien 
que d'en apprendre vne fans liures, & prefque fans 
Truchement, parmy des peuples vagabonds, & au 
milieu de plufieurs autres occupations, n'efl pas I'oeu- 
ure d'vn iour. N'eft-ce rien, de prefcher auec cela 
\ nos Frangois, entendre les Confeflions, adminiflrer 
les Sacremens, vifiter les malades, afToupir les petits 
diuorces, qui peuuent furuenir, & faire beaucoup 
d'autres fonctions, capables d'employer tout vn 
homme. le veux conclure. que faute d'auoir vne 
pleine cognoiffance de la langue, nous n'auons pas 
encor bien commence a deployer les grandeurs de 
nortre croyance. Themiftocle difoit au Roy de Perfe, 
que la parole relTembloit a vne belle tapilTerie, qu'il 
faut derouler pour en voir les beautez: en effect il 
faut parler pour eftre entendu ; c'efl ce que nous ne 
pouuons encore faire qu'en enfans. S'il ne falloit 
que propofer en begayant quelques veritez, pour con- 
uaincre les Sauuages plainement, ce feroit bientofl 
fait ; mais il faut interroger & repondre, fatisfaire aux 
demandes, obuier aux obiections, difpofer fon audi- 
teur. Bref nos [113] veritez qui font plus nouuelles 
a ces Barbares, que ne feroient les operations de I'Al- 
gebre, k qui ne pourroit compter iufqu'k dix, leur de- 
uroi[en]t prefque faire oublier leur langue, quad nous 
nous en feruos pour les leur expliquer ; tant s'en faut 
que nous ayons peu fi toft, la nous rendre familiere 
en de fi hauts myfteres. Et puis on demande d'ou 
vient qu'on ait fi peu auance en la conuerfion de ces 
Barbares? Les grandes affaires ne fe font que dans 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, t6s6 89 

gion, in the first stammerings of a language which 
has to be learned, holding the trowel in one hand 
and the sword in the other, — that is to say, while 
doing a thousand other [112] things. Those who 
know what languages are, will rightly consider that 
to learn one without books and almost without an 
Interpreter, among wandering people, and in the 
midst of several other occupations, is not the work of 
a day. Is it nothing, in addition to that, to preach 
to our French, to hear Confessions, to administer 
the Sacraments, to visit the sick, to adjust little 
dififerences which are liable to occur, and to perform 
many other duties sufficient to keep one man con- 
stantly employed? It is my decisive opinion that for 
lack of a complete knowledge of the language we 
have not yet even begun to unfold the grandeurs of 
our belief. Themistocles said to the King of Persia 
that language was like a piece of beautiful tapestry, — 
one must unroll it, in order to see its beauties. Cer- 
tainly, one must speak in order to be understood; 
and this is what we cannot do yet, except as chil- 
dren. If nothing else were needed than to propose a 
few truths stammeringly, in order to fully convince 
the Savages, this would soon be done. But one 
must question and answer, satisfy inquiries, dispose 
of objections, and prepare one's hearers. In short, 
our [113] truths, which are newer to these Barbarians 
than the operations of Algebra would be to a person 
who could only count to ten, must almost make them 
forget their own language, when we use it to explain 
these to them. In the same way, are we far from 
being sufficiently familiar with it, in so short a time, 
for the explanation of mysteries so deep. And then 
they ask why it is that we have advanced so little in 


vn grand temps pour 1' ordinaire. Celuy qui entre- 
prit la batiffe du Temple de faincte Sophie, k Con- 
ftantinople, s'enfuit fi toll qu'il eut pof6 les fonde- 
mens de ce miracle de I'induflrie humaine. On le 
fit fouuent chercher, mais en vain ; au bout de trois 
ans parut ce braue Architecte. L'Empereur luy de- 
mandant pourquoy il s'eftoit efloign^, il repart qu'vne 
fi grande Machine ne fe pouuoit faire en peu de 
temps, qu'il falloit laiflTer repofer & affermir fes fon- 
demens deuant que de les charger, & qu'il fe doutoit 
bien que fa Majefl6 n'auroit pas eu la patience re- 
quife en cet affaire. C'efl la vertu qu'il faut auoir, 
non feulement pour baftir vne Eglife de pierres; 
mais encore plus pour [114] vne Hierufalem celefte. 
Les ames qui doiuent eflre les materiaux de c6t edi- 
fice ne reffemblent pas aux pierres dont fut bafty le 
Temple de Salomon; qu'on tailloit; & qu'on mettoit 
en oeuure fans bruit, elles ne orient que trop, elles 
refiflent, & d'vne double refiftance naturelle & ac- 
quife; eftre Barbare & bon Chreftien, viure en Sau- 
uage & en enfant de Dieu, font deux chofes bien dif- 
ferentes. Cette metamorphofe ne fe fait pas en vn 
mot, ny en vn moment. Plufieurs eftas en France, 
fe figurent qu'il ne faut qu'ouurir la bouche, & dire 
quatre paroles, & voila vn Sauuage conuerty. Et 
quand ils font icy, & qu'ils voyent ces Barbares dans 
leurs reCftances, ils crient que c'efl temps perdu de 
leur prefcher la parole de Dieu. Quel moj'en de les 
contenter, & de peupler le Ciel, de cette barbaric? 
Si ie n'entrois point deja dans la longueur, ie fe- 
rois voir que la plufpart des Chreftiens font de plus 
grandes refinances a Dieu que les Sauuages. Laiffez 
ces gueux, difent quelques-vns, vous perdez vos 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, jbsb 91 

the conversion of these Barbarians. Great affairs 
arejusually concluded only in a l ong time. He who 
undertook the building of. the Temple of saint So- 
phia, in Constantinople, ran away as soon as he had 
laid the foundations of this miracle of human inge- 
nuity. He was often sought for, but in vain ; at the 
end of three years this honest Architect reappeared. 
When the Emperor asked him why he went away, 
he answered that so great a piece of Mechanism could 
not be made in a short time, — that the foundations 
must be allowed to settle and solidify before loading 
them down ; and that he feared his Majesty would 
not have had the patience needful for that. It is 
virtue that is necessary, not only to build a Church 
of stones, but still more for [114] a celestial Jerusa- 
lem. The souls which must be the materials of this 
edifice are not like the stones of which the Temple 
of Solomon was built, which were cut and placed in 
position without noise. These cry out only too 
much, they resist, and with two kinds of resistance, 
natural and acquired. To be a Barbarian and a good 
Christian, to live as a Savage and as a child of God, 
are two very different things. This metamorphosis 
is not accomplished by a word nor in a moment. A 
great many people in France imagine that all we have 
to do is to open our mouths and utter four words, and 
behold, a Savage is converted. And when they are 
here, and see these Barbarians in their resistance, 
they exclaim that it is time lost to preach to them 
the word of God. How can they be satisfied, and 
Heaven peopled, with these barbarians? If I were 
not already somewhat tedious, I would show that 
the greater number of Christians resist God more 
than do the Savages. " Leave these beggars," say 


peines, vous-vous rompez la tefle fans fruict. le dirois 
volontiers vn mot k I'oreille ^ ces gens-la. Combien 
de fois, ou [115] voflre Confeffeur, ou les Predica- 
teurs, ou quelque bon Liure, ou voftre propre con- 
fcience, vous ont-ils repris de ce peche fecret, que 
vous commettez il y a dix ans? Que de folicitations 
de la part du Ciel, & de voflre bon Ange, pour vous 
le f aire quitter ? Vous auez refifte k toutes ces batte- 
ries, & k tous ces canons? Vous qui auez efle nourry 
dans la maifon de Dieu, qui efles marque k fa mar- 
que, qui croyez que ce monflre luy d^plaifl, qui ne 
doutez pas que fa iuflice ne foit epouuantable ; & 
vous criez qu'vn pauure Sauuage eft; vn coquin, vn 
guetix, vn opiniaftre. Que c'efl perdre le temps que 
de I'enfeigner, pour le voir faire le r^tif k la pre- 
miere ou feconde propofition qu'on luy fait d'vne 
doctrine fi nouuelle, k luy, & k tous fes anceflres. Et 
pour autant que vous ne le voyez pas courir k bras 
ouuerts apres ces veritez, qu'il ne croit pas encor, 
vous le dedaignez, & condamnez ceux qui I'inflrui- 
fent, vous qui auez des pieds de plomb pour aller 
apres la vertu que vous croyez adorable. H6 pour 
Dieu donnez vous patience ! Referunt fructtim in pa- 
tientia, les affaires les plus precipit^es ne font pas les 
mieux faites, [116] qui court trop fort, efl bien toft, 
hors d'haleine. lufques icy nous n'auons pas fujet 
de nous plaindre, graces k Dieu. Pour le futur nous 
entrons dans de bonnes efperances, que ie vous vay 
bri^uement deduire. 

Premierement vous m'auouerez, que s'il y a des 
bontez en Dieu, qu'il en fait participans fes amis; 
que s'il a des oreilles, c'efl notamment pour fes fa- 
uoris, Voluntateni timentium fe faciei. II fait la vo- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibjb 93 

some, " yoTj are losing your labors, you are racking 
your brain for nothing. ' ' I would like to whisper a 
word into the ears of those people. How many times 
has either [115] your Confessor, or the Preachers, or 
some good Book, or your own conscience, reproved 
you for that secret sin you committed ten years ago ? 
How many were the entreaties on the part of Heaven 
and of your good Angel, to make you give it up? 
Did you resist all these batteries and all these can- 
nons? You who have been reared in the house of 
God, who have been stamped by his stamp, who be- 
lieve that this monstrous sin displeases him, who do 
not doubt that his justice is terrible, — and you cry 
out that a poor Savage is a rascal, a beggar, an ob- 
stinate fellow; that it is losing time to teach him, 
when you see him grow restless at the first or second 
statement made to him of a doctrine so new to him and 
to all his ancestors. And inasmuch as you do not see 
him running with open arms to embrace these truths, 
which he does not yet believe, you despise him and 
condemn those who instruct him, — you, who have 
feet of lead in seeking the virtue which you believe 
to be adorable. Oh, that God may give you patience ! 
Referunt fructum in patientia. The most hasty affairs 1 
are not the best conducted; [116] he who runs too 
fast is soon out of breath. Up to the present we 
have no reason to complain, thank God. For the fu- , 
ture, we entertain good hopes, which I shall proceed 
briefly to explain. 

In the first place, you will grant me that if there 
is any goodness in God, he will share it with his 
friends ; that if he has ears, they are especially for 
his favorites. Voluntatem timentium se faciei. He 
does the will of those who fear him with love and 


lont6 de ceux qui le craignent auec amour & refpect : 
or eft il qu'vne infinite d'amestres pures le folicitent 
inceffamment pour la conuerfion de ces Peuples. I'ay 
fait mention de quelques-vnes cy-delTus ; i'en f9ay plu- 
lieurs autres: & toutes celles dont i'ay parle, ou dont 
i'ay cognoifTance, ne font qu'vn petit nombre, en 
comparaifon de tant d'autres qui combattent pour 
nous, comme Moi'fe pour le peuple d'Ifrael. Le 
fainct Efprit qui caufe ce grand vuide dans ces volon- 
tez fi pures, n'efl-il pas allez puiffant pour le remplir? 
le coniure toutes ces bonnes ames de continuer ; leurs 
prieres ne font pas fans benediction. Vne marque 
que Dieu veut donner, eft quand il fe fait demander, 
[117] & demander auec amour, auec ardeur, & auec 
perfeuerance. Nous fentons les effets de ce puiffant 
fecours; fi ce bruit des trompettes du Ciel dure, les 
murs de lericho tomberont; ils femblent deja s'6- 

Secondement, la bonte de Dieu leuant quelques ob- 1 
flacles 'k la foy, iette petit ^ petit fa crainte dans ces \ 
ames. Initium fapienti(£ timor Domini. Plufieurs I 
Sauuages fe font eflonnez aufli bien que nous des " 
chaftimens du Sorcier, & de fes complices ; la mort 
de I'Apoflat ne nuira point k fomenter les apprehen- 
fions que plufieurs ont de fe ioiier k Dieu. Mais ie 
ne puis affez admirer, comme il a abbaiff6 I'orgueil 
des plus fuperbes d'entre-eux, notamment d'vn cer- 
tain nomm6 Oumajlikoueiau, furnomme des Fran9ois, 
la GrenoUille. Ce mefchant homme auoit plus d'au- 
thorit6 que les Capitaines ; mefme fon credit s'eflen- 
doit parmy toutes ces Nations. Ses deffeins efloient 
de les diuertir entierement du commerce, & de I'a- 
mitie des Frangois. II auoit k cette fin traict6 de 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, j6j6 95 

respect. No-<v is it not true that a vast number of 
pure souls entreat him incessantly for the conversion 
of these Peoples? I have mentioned some of them 
above; I know of several others. And all those of 
whom I have spoken, or of whom I have any knowl- 
edge, are only a few in comparison with the many 
others who wrestle for us, as Moses did for the peo- 
ple of Israel. Is not the holy Spirit, which causes 
this great void in these so pure wills, powerful enough 
to fill it? I conjure all these good souls to continue; 
their prayers are not without blessing. A sign that 
God wishes to give, is that he causes himself to be 
asked, [117] and asked with love, with ardor, and 
with perseverance. We feel the effects of this pow- 
erful assistance; if this blare of the trumpets of 
Heaven continue, the walls of Jericho will fall ; they 
seem already to be shaking. — \ 

In the second place, the goodness of God, while r^ 

raising some obstacles to the faith, little by little :^'''"' 

casts fear into these souls. Initium sapientia tintor \ i-^-f- ] 

Domini. Many Savages, as well as we ourselves, 
were astonished at the chastisement of the Sorcerer-- 
and his accomplices. The death of the Apostate will 
not allay the fear that many have of mocking God. 
But I cannot sufficiently admire his mode of hum- 
bling the pride of the haughtiest among them, espe- 
cially of a certain man named Oumastikoueiau, sur- 
named by the French la Grenoiiille ["the Frog "J.^^ 
This wicked man had more authority than the Cap- 
tains, and his influence extended even among all these 
Tribes. His plans were laid to divert them entirely 
from commerce and friendship with the French. To 
this end he had negotiated peace with his enemies ; 
but God, who knew the malice of his heart, crushed 



paix auec fes ennemis ; mais Dieu qui cognoiffoit la 
malice de fon coeur, I'a foudroye, & a permis que las 
[i i8] plus me f chants des Sauuages fe trouuaffent en- 
ueloppes dans fes crimes. Car voulant frayer le 
chemin chez I'Eflranger par les terras de fes enne- 
mis, qu'il croyoit auoir gag^e, ils ont tremp6 leurs 
mains dans fon fang, I'egorgeant miferablemet auec 
tons ceux dont I'orgueil nous faifoit plus de refiflance. 
Quand Goliat fut terralle, I'arm^e des Philillins n'eut 
plus de force. La mort de ceux-cy rend les autres 
plus fouples. & mieux difpofez ^ nous accorder ce que 
nous defirons d'eux. 

En troifiefme lieu, plus la fplendeur des Fran9ois 
ira croiffant en ces Pais, plus les Barbares les refpe- 
cteront-ils, & plus grande crainte auront-ils de les 
offenfer. Les Peuples de I'Inde Orientale, ayans les 
Portugais en grande eftime, receurent plus aif6ment 
leur creance ; & les Sauuages venans petit k petit i 
admirer la puifTance, I'induftrie & les bonnes moeurs 
de nos Frangois: ie tremble ecriuant ces derniers 
mots, tant i"ay peur d'eflre fruftr6 de mon attete en 
ce point: feront eflat de leur foy, & I'embrafTeront 
plus aifement. 

En quatriefme lieu, S'ils commencent [i 19] d6ja a 
procurer le Baptefme k leurs enfans malades, il faut 
efperer qu'vn iour ils defireront pour eux, ce qu'ils 
penfent ellre bon pour les autres. Ie vous fupplie 
de remarquer ce point icy, & celuy qui vient apres. 
Vous voyez des meres qui apportent elles-mefmes 
leurs enfans au Baptefme, quand elles les voyent en 
danger de mourir, & quelques-vnes pleurent abondam- 
ment, entendans dire que leurs enfans font dans les 
flammes, pour n'auoir voulu croire, ou qu'ils font pri- 

163t)] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 97 

him, and permitted the [118] most wicked of the 
Savages to be involved in his crimes. For in trying 
to open a way to the Foreigners through the lands 
of their enemies, whom he thought he had won over, 
they imbrued their hands in his blood, slaughtering 
him miserably, as well as all those whose pride had 
caused us the most trouble. When Goliath was slain, 
the army of the Philistines no longer had any 
strength. The death of these men renders the others 
more pliable and more disposed to grant us what we 
desire from them. 

In the third place, the more the glory of the 
French continues to increase in these Regions, the 
more these Barbarians will respect them, and the 
more fear they will have of offending them. The 
Inhabitants of the East Indies, holding the Portu- 
guese in great esteem, more readily received their 
belief; and the Savages, coming little by little to 
admire the power, ingenuity and morality of our 
French, — I tremble while writing these last words, 
so greatly do I fear being disappointed in this ex- 
pectation,— will make much of their faith, and will 
more readily embrace it. 

In the fourth place, if they begin [119] already 
to secure Baptism to their sick children, one must 
hope that some day they will desire for themselves 
what they consider good for others. I beg you to 
note this point and the one that follows. You see 
mothers themselves bringing their children to Bap- 
tism when they see them in danger of death; and 
some weep bitterly when they hear it said that their 
children are in the flames, for not having wished to 
believe, or that they are deprived of the pleasures of 
Heaven because they were not baptized. Is not this 


uez des plaifirs du Ciel, pour n'eflre baptifez. Efl-ce 
pas Ik vn bon commencement? II eft tel, que ie ne 
I'euffe of 6 efperer en fi peu de temps. On voit par 
ces actions comme Dieu va exau9ant les prieres de 
ceux qui le follicitent pour cette Nation. 

En cinquiefme lieu, nous auons vn indice encor 
bien plus certain, que la femence de I'Euangile com- 
mence k germer dans les cceurs de ces Barbares ; c'efl 
que beaucoup d'entre-eux font bien aifes de mourir 
Chrefliens ; non tant \ la verity par amour, que pour 
la crainte de tomber dans les feux, dont on les me- 
nace: TouCoursn'eft-ce pas peu. Encore [120] plus, 
de ce qu'ils commencent "k perdre I'apprehenfion 
qu'ils auoient du Baptefme, & la croyance que ce Sa- 
crement leur doiue caufe la mort; qu'ils s'affeurent 
que leur ame eft nettoy^e par ces faintes eaux ; qu'ils 
defirent d'eftre enfeuelis auec nous: fi cette foy n'eft 
pas encor fi forte dans leurs ames, c'eft quelque 
chofe qu'elle commence d'y germer. I'en ay veu 
qui m'ont dit, Ie fgay bien que ie fuis mort, laiffons 
Ik le corps, penfons k I'ame, cela fe peut-il dire fans 
auoir la foy? Tout ce que nous difons n'eft que ref- 
uerie, s'dcrient quelques-vns : vous autres vous auez 
cognoiffance de la verite. Ces penfees ne monftrent- 
elles pas que le iour commence a poindre dans leurs 
cceurs? Le filieul de Monfieur le Gouuemeur, eftant 
all6 aux trois Riuieres, demandoit au Pere Buteux, 
s'il eftoit permis de demander k Dieu la fant^, comme 
s'il euft voulu fgauoir, s'il ne feroit pas meilleur de 
le laiHer faire. 

En fixiefme lieu, I'Hofpital qu'on nous fait efperer, 
aura, comme nous croyons, de puiffans eflfets. II eft 
certain que tous les Sauuages malades viendront [12 1] 

163G] ' LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibs6 99 

a good beginning? It is such as I would not have 
dared to hope for in so short a time. We see in 
these acts how God hearkens to the prayers of those 
who entreat him for this Nation. 

In the fifth place, we have a still surer indication 
that the seed of the Gospel is beginning to germi- | 
nate in the hearts of these Barbarians. It is that 
many of them are very glad to die Christians; not, 
in truth, so much through love as through fear of fall- 
ing into the fires with which they are threatened, j 
This is surely not a little. Still [120J more, they 
are beginning to lose the dread they had of Baptism, 
and the belief that this Sacrament must cause them ; 
to die; they are confident their souls are cleansed by 
these holy waters; they desire to be buried wiih us. 
If this faith is not yet quite strong in their souls, it>-'' 
is something that it is beginning to grow there. I 
have seen those who have said to me, " I fully re- 
alize that I am to die; let us give up the body, and 
think of the soul." Can that be said unless they 
have faith? All that we say is only idle fancy, some 
exclaim. You know what the truth is. Do not 
these thoughts show that light is beginning to dawn 
in their hearts? The godson of Monsieur the Gov- 
ernor, having gone to the three Rivers, asked Fa- 
ther Buteux if it were permitted to ask God for health, 
as if he wished to know whether it would not be bet- 
ter to leave that to him. ^- 

In the sixth place, the Hospital that we are en- 
couraged to hope for, will have, we believe, power- 
ful results." It is certain that all the sick Savages 
will come [121] to die there. For to be sick among 
these Barbarians, and to have already one foot in the 
grave, is one and the same thing; of this they are 


fondre Ik dedans ; car eflre malade parmy ces Bar- 
bares, & auoir d6ja vn pied dans la foffe, c'efl la 
mefme chofe, ils cognoiffent fort bien cela; voila 
pourquoy ie n'en f9ache point parmy eux qui ne pre- 
fere en fa maladie la plus pauure maifon des Francois 
k la plus riche Cabane des Sauuages. Quand ils fe 
verront bien couchez, bien nourris, bien logez, bien 
penfez, doutez vous que ce miracle de charity ne 
leur gagne le coeur? II nous tarde en verity que 
nous ne voyons cette merueille. Mais ie fupplie ces 
bonnes filles, qui en doiuent prendre le foin, de ne 
point paffer la mer, que leur Maifon ne foit en eflat 
d'exercer leurs fonctions. Ce n'eft pas tout que 
d'eflre icy, il y faut eftre auec fruict; autrement il 
vaudroit bien mieux eftre en France. Si toft qu'elles 
feront bafties on les mandera ; Yue grande maifon ne 
fe fait pas bie en peu de temps, & par vn petit nobre 
de perfonnes. Nous auons plus grand defir de voir 
nos malades entre leurs mains, qu'elles n'ont de les 
penfer; quoy qu'elles en bruflent, pour ainfi dire. 
Nous voyons bien que leur Hofpital peuplera les Se- 
minaires de gar9ons & de filles : car les enfans de ceux 
[122] qui y mourront leur demeureront. Ie dy bien 
dauantage, qu'en fecourat les peres & les meres, il 
leur faudra nourrir & veflir les enfans; c'efl iufle- 
ment ce qu'on demade pour les pouuoir inflruire. 
Pleuil a Dieu qu'elles fulTent deja chargdes d'vne cin- 
quantaine de petites filles penfionnaires ; elles au- 
roient bien toft de braues Vrfulines qui prendroient 
ces enfans, & leur laifferoient leurs malades, qui leur 
donneront prou d'exercice; & par confequent que les 
vnes & les autres s'exercent dans les folides vertus, 
elles auront icy enquoy les employer. Et puis il fan- 

1C36] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 101 

very well aware. Hence, I know none among them 
who do not prefer in sickness the poorest house of 
the French to the richest Cabin of the Savages. 
When they find themselves in comfortable beds, well 
fed, well lodged, well cared-for, do you doubt that 
this miracle of charity will win their hearts? We 
are very impatient indeed to see this wonder. But 
I beg those good sisters who are to have the care of^ 
them, not to cross over the sea until their House is 
in such a condition that they can exercise their du- 
ties. Simply to be here, is not all; they must 
accomplish something ; otherwise, it would be far 
better to be in France. As soon as buildings are 
erected, we shall send for them ; but a large house 
cannot be built well in a short time, and by a few 
people. We are more desirous of seeing our sick in 
their hands than they are of nursing them, although 
they burn with desire, so to speak. We see clearly 
that their Hospital will fill the Seminaries with boys 
and girls; for the children of those [122] who die 
there, will belong to them. I will say still more, — 
that, in succoring the fathers and mothers, it will be 
necessary to feed and clothe the children ; it is pre- 
cisely this that is requisite, that they may be instruct- 
ed. Would to God that they were already charged 
with fifty little girls as boarders ; they would soon 
have some brave Ursulines here, who would take 
these children, and would leave the sisters to their 
sick, who will give them enough to do; and thus 
both, in exercising the practical virtues, will have 
something to keep them busy here. And then they 
must have a good income, to feed and maintain per- 
sons who will use more clothes in one year than 
others would in three. In short, let them bear in 


dra qu'elles foient bien rent^es pour nourrir & entre- 
tenir des perfonnes, qui vferont plus d'habits en vn 
an, que d'autres ne feroient en trois. Bref qu'elles 
fe fouuiennent qu'elles quittent la France, vn Pais 
plein de douceur, & de courtoifie, pour venir en vn 
Pais fauuage & barbare. 

En feptiefme lieu, Nous auons tant fait enuers ces 
pauures mecreans, qu'ils nous ont donnez quelques- 
vnes de leurs filles, ce qui me femble vn coup de 
Dieu. Ces petites filles eftans nourries k la fa9on des 
Chrefliens, puis marines k quelques [123] Frangois, 
ou quelques Sauuages baptifez, retireront tant d'en- 
fans de leur Nation que nous voudrons. Tout con- 
fiftera ^ les fecourir, k les doter, k les ayder dans 
leur mariage; c'efl ce que ie ne croy pas qui leur 
manque, Dieu eft trop bon, & trop puiffant. Ces en- 
fans font nourris chez le fieur Hebout, qui a efpoufe 
la vefue de defunct Monfieur Hebert, premier habi- 
tant de K^bec; luy mefme en a vne ^ foy qu'il nour- 
rit & entretient. Le fieur Oliuier le Tardif en ticnt 
vne autre dans la mefme maifon, que les Sauuages 
luy ont donnee; il paye fa penfion, come nous faifons 
celle des autres qui font au mefme logis. Ces petites 
filles sot veftues a la Fran9oife, elles ne fe foucient 
non plus des Sauuages, que fi elles n'eftoient pas de 
leur Nation : Neantmoins afin de les depaifer, & de 
leur donner le moyen d'apprendre la langue, & I'hon- 
neftet^ Frangoife, pour fecourir par apres leurs com- 
patriotes; nous auons deliber6 d'en enuoyer deux ou 
trois en France, pour les faire loger & inftruire en la 
maifon des Hofpitalieres qu'on defire faire paffer en 
la Nouuelle France. Ie fupplie toutes les Commu- 
nautez qui [124] m'en demandent d'auoir patience, & 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 103 

mind that they are leaving France, a Country full of 
comfort and politeness, to come to a Country of 
rudeness and barbarism. 

In the seventh place, we have done so much for 
these poor unbelievers, that they have given us some 
of their daughters, which seems to me an act of God. 
These little girls, brought up as Christians and then 
married to [123] Frenchmen, or baptized Savages, 
will draw as many children from their Nation as we 
shall desire. All will lie in our succoring them, in 
giving them a dowry, in helping them to get mar- 
ried, which I do not think they will fail to secure ; 
God is too good and too powerful. These children 
are being kept at the house of sieur Hebout [Hubou], 
who married the widow of the late Monsieur Hebert, 
first resident of K^bec. He has one of them him- 
self, whom he feeds and supports. Sieur Olivier le 
Tardif keeps another of them in the same house, 
whom the Savages have given him; he pays her 
board, as we do that of the others who are in the 
same lodging. These little girls are dressed in the 
French fashion ; they care no more for the Savages 
than if they did not belong to their Nation. Never- 
theless, in order to wean them from their native cus- 
toms, and to give them an opportunity of learning 
the French language, virtue, and manners, that they 
may afterwards assist their countrywomen, we have 
decided to send two or three to France, to have them 
kept and taught in the house of the Hospital Nuns, 
whom it is desired to bring over into New France. 
I beg all Societies that [124] ask me for them to have 
patience, and to believe that, if I do not satisfy their 
desire, it is because I have not the power. As to 
these first ones, it seems to me that the glory of our 


de croire que fi ie ne fatisfais k leur defir, que c'eft 
par impuiffance. Pour ces premieres il me femble 
que la gloire de noftre Seigneur requiert qu'elles 
foient inftruites en la maifon des Filles qui les doiuent 
ramener en la fagon qu'on leur prefcrira. II ne me 
femble non plus k propos de les feparer, de peur 
qu'elles ne perdent la cognoiffance de leur langue : 6 
s'il nous efloit permis d'en enuoyer vne qui doit reflet 
en la maifon dont i"ay parl^, que ie confolerois les 
perfonnes qui I'auroient; c6t enfant n'a rien de fau- 
uage que Ie teint & la couleur, fa douceur, fa docility, 
fa modeftie, fon obeyffance la feroient paffer pour 
vne petite Frangoife bien n6e, & bien capable d'in- 
flruction: fon pere ne nous I'a donn6e que pour deux 
ans, ^ condition qu'elle n'iroit point en France: b^, 
que i'ay peur que c^t enfant ne nous echappe ! ie prie 
Dieu de luy donner vn fi puiffant defir de perfeuerer 
auec les Fran9ois, que fes parens ne Ten puiffent ia- 
mais retirer. Puis que ie parle des enfans qu'on en- 
uoye en France, ie diray aufli que Monfieur Gand fait 
prefent k Monfieur de Noyers Secretaire d'Eflat d'vn 
[125] petit Sauuage; i'ay bonne efperance qu'vne C 
bonne main nous Ie rendra vn iour fi bien inftruit, 
qu'il pourra feruir d'exemple k ceux de fa nation. 

En dernier lieu, ie tiens pour tres- probable, que fi 
nous eftions bien baftis k Kebec, que nous aurions 
beaucoup d'enfans par les mefmes voyes par lefquel- 
les nous defefperions d'en auoir. Nous auions tou- 
fiours penf6 que 1' amour exceffif que les Sauuages 
portent ^ leurs enfans nous empefcheroit de les auoir ; 
c'efl par ce moyen Ik mefme qu'ils feront nos penC- 
onnaires; car en ayant quelques-vns affidez qui ap- 
pellent & retiennent les autres, les peres & meres 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 106 

Lord requires that they be taught in the house of 
the Sisters who will bring them back in such way 
as shall be prescribed to them. It does not seem 
best to separate them, lest they lose the knowledge 
of their own language. Oh, if we could only send a 
certain one who is to remain in the house of which I 
have spoken, what comfort I could give those who 
would get her ! This child has nothing savage about 
her except her appearance and color ; her sweetness, 
her docility, her modesty, her obedience, would 
cause her to pass for a young well-born French girl, 
fully susceptible of education. Her father gave her 
to us only for two years, on condition that she should 
not go to France. Ah, how I fear that this child will 
escape us! I pray God to give her so strong a de- 
sire to continue with the French, that her parents 
will never be able to take her away. Since I am 
speaking of the children who are being sent to 
France, I will also say that Monsieur Gand makes a 
present to Monsieur de Noyers, Secretary of State, 
of a [125] little Savage boy. I have great hopes 
that so good a hand will return him to us some day, 
so well educated that he will serve as an example to 
the people of his nation. 

In the last place, I consider it very probable that, 
if we had a good building in Kebec, we would get 
more children through the very same means by which 
we despaired of getting them. We have always 
thought that the excessive love the Savages bear 
their children would prevent our obtaining them. It 
will be through this very means that they will be- 
come our pupils; for, by having a few settled ones, 
who will attract and retain the others, the parents, 
who do not know what it is to refuse their children, 


qui ne fgauent ce que c'efl de contrarier leurs enfans, 
les laifferont fans contredit ; & comme on leur per- 
mettra les premieres ann^es de viure dans vne grande 
liberty, ils s'accouftumeront tellement h nos viures, 
& k nos habits, qu'ils auront horreur des Sauuages 
& de leurs faletez. Nous auons veu I'exemple de 
cecy en tous les enfans nourris parmy nos Frangois ; 
ils font telle cognoifTance les vns auec les autres 
dans leurs ieux d'enfans, qu'ils ne regardent les Sau- 
uages que pour les fuir, ou fe [126] mocquer d'eux. 
Noflre grande difficult^ eft ^ baflir, & a trouuer de- 
quoy nourrir ces enfans : il ell vray que nous auons 
dequoy les loger h Noflre Dame des Anges : mais 
comme ce lieu efl folitaire; qu'il n'y a point d'enfans 
Frangois, nous changeons la penf6e que nous auons 
eu autrefois d'arrefler Ik le Seminaire. L'experience 
nous fait voir qu'il le faut neceffairement placer oti 
eft le gros de nos Fran9ois, pour arrefter les petits 
Sauuages par les petits Franfois. Et puis quVne 
perfonne de merite & de vertu a commence de don- 
ner quelque chofe pour vn Seminaire, nous allons 
quitter le foin de d^fricher quelques terres, pour faire 
vn effort de baftir k K^bec ; ie dis vn effort , car ce 
font des frais & des peines incroyables de baftir en 
ces commencemens. Quelle benediction de Dieu, fi 
nous 6criuions I'an prochain qu'on regente en trois 
ou quatre langues en la Nouuelle France : i'efpere, 
G nous pouuons auoir du logement, de voir trois dalles 
k K6bec: la premiere de petits Francois, qui feront 
peut-eftre vingt ou trente Efcoliers: la feconde de 
quelques Hurons: la troifieme de Montagn6s: nous 
pouuons auoir [127] ceux-cy tout I'hyuer; mais ie 
m 'attends bien qu'ils pafferont plus auant, ayans 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION, i6j6 107 

will let them come without opposition. And, as they 
will be permitted during the first few years to have 
a great deal of liberty, they will become so accus- 
tomed to our food and our clothes, that they will 
have a horror of the Savages and their filth. We 
have seen this exemplified in all the children 
brought up among our French. Thex^^et^ojwelL 
acquainted with each other in their childish plays, 
that^hey^do not looF^aTThe lavages except to flee 
ivova. them, or [126] make sport of them. Our great 
difficulty is to get a building, and to find the means 
with which to support these children. It is true, 
we are able to maintain them at Nostre Dame des 
Anges; but as this place is isolated, so that there 
are no French children there, we have changed the 
plan that we formerly had to locate the Seminary 
there. Experience shows us that it must be estab- 
lished where the bulk of the French population is, 
to attract the little Savages by the French children. 
And, since a worthy and virtuous person has com- 
menced by giving something for a Seminary, we 
are going to give up our attempts to clear some land, 
and shall make an effort to build at K6bec. I say an 
effort, for it is with incredible expense and labor 
that we build in these beginnings. What a blessing 
from God if we can write next year that instruction 
is being given in New France in three or four lan- 
guages. I hope, if we succeed in getting a lodging, 
to see three classes at Kebec. — the first, of little 
French children, of whom there will be perhaps 
twenty or thirty Pupils ; the second, of Hurons ; the 
third, of Montagues. We can have [127] the latter 
all winter. But I confidently expect that they will 
continue right on, after once having tasted the sweet- 


goufle la douceur d'vne vie qui ne crie pas toufiours 
^ la faim, comme font ces Barbares. Bien heureux 
ceux qui contribuent du leur a ces genereufes entre- 
prifes : il y a nombre de riches au monde, mais il y 
en a peu de choifis pour ces grands ouurages: auoir 
des biens de la terre, c'eft vne benediction de la 
terre: les employer pour le Ciel, c'efl vne benedi- 
ction du Ciel : les employer pour recueillir & appli- 
quer le fang de lefus-Chrift, ceft entrer dans les me- 
rites des Apoftres, fe ranger au nombre des amis 
plus intimes de lefus Chrift. 

Voila vne partie des raifons qui nous font efperer 
qu'auec le temps on tirera quelque chofe de nos Sau- 
uages errans : ie ne parle point des fedentaires, 
comme des Hurons, & autres Peuples qui habitent 
des bourgades, & cultiuent la terre : fi nous auons vn 
grain d'efperance de ces premiers inconftans & fu- 
gitifs, nous en auons vne liure, pour ainfi dire, des 
demiers, qui viuent ramaffez enfemble. La Relation 
qn'on nous enuoye de leur pais, & que nous faifons 
tenir en France, fera [128] voir les grandes difpofi- 
tions qu'ils ont ^ la foy. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 109 

ness of a life that is not always crying hunger, as 
do these Barbarians. Blessed are those who con- 
tribute from their means to this generous enterprise. 
There are many rich persons in the world, but few 
of them are chosen for these great works. To have 
the riches of the earth, is a blessing of the earth ; to 
use them for Heaven, is a blessing of Heaven. To 
so use them as to gather up and apply the blood of 
Jesus Christ, this is to participate in the merits of 
the Apostles, to range one's self in the number of the 
most intimate friends of Jesus Christ. 

These are some of our reasons for hoping that in 
the course of time we shall make something out of 
our wandering Savages. I say nothing of the seden- 
tary ones, like the Hurons and other Tribes who 
live in villages and cultivate the land. If we have 
a grain of hope for the former, who are fickle and 
wandering, we have a pound, so to speak, for the lat- 
ter, who live clustered together. The Relation sent 
to us from their country, which we forward to 
France, will [128] show how strongly inclined they 
are to the faith. 




I» ENTREPRENDS ce difcours pour adioufter ou 
corriger en mes Relations precedentes ce que 
de iour en iour ie decouure de nouueau, ou de 
plus affeure. Commen9ons par les feflins des Sau- 
uages: ils en ont pour la guerre; & c'efl ^ chanter, 
\ danfer par tour, felon I'aage ; qiie fi les plus ieunes 
prennent le deuant, les vieillards leiir portent com- 
panion de s'expofer 'k la mocquerie des autres. Cha- 
cun a fa chanfon, qu'vn autre n'oferoit chanter, & il 
s'en offenferoit. C'eft pour ce mefme fuiet que pour 
d^plaire k leurs ennemis, ils entonnent quelquefois de 
celles du party contraire. II s'y gliffe auffi quelques 
nuditez affectees, non par lafciuete, mais par cotn- 
plaifance enuers le Manitou qui s'y plaift, difent-ils. 
Le Fere Buteux m'efcrit que le Prince [129] s'abftint 
vn iour de la dance des filles nues, pour ce, difoit-il, 
que celuy qui a tout fait hait ces vilainies, & que le 
Pere le leune fe fafcheroit contre moy fi ie m'y trou- 
uois. Leurs viandes en ces feftins, font les ordinaires ; 
fi ce n'eft qu'en fuitte de leurs fonges, ils y mangent 
quelque chien par fois, qui efl vn mets auffi honteux 
pour nos Montagues, que rare & delicieux pour les 

I'ay d6ja fait mention, comme les Charlatans, ou 
longleurs & Sorciers, font icy obeis ; par fois mieux 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, j6j6 111 



I TAKE up this subject in order to add or cor- 
rect in my preceding Relations what from day 
to day I discover to be new or more positive in- 
formation. Let us begin with the feasts of the Sav- 
ages. They have one for war. At this, they sing 
and dance in turn, according to age ; if the younger 
ones begin, the old men pity them for exposing 
themselves to the ridicule of the others. Each has 
his own song, that another dare not sing lest he give 
offense. For this very reason, they sometimes strike 
up a tune that belongs to their enemies, in order to 
aggravate them. An unusual exhibition of naked- 
ness sometimes slips in, not through lewdness, but 
to propitiate the Manitou, who, they say, is pleased 
with this. Father Buteux wrote me, that the Prince 
[129] one day absented himself from the dance of the 
naked girls, " Because," said he, " he who has made 
all hates these indecent acts, and Father le Jeune 
would be angry with me if I went there." They 
have the usual food at these feasts, — except that in 
accordance with their dreams they occasionally eat 
a dog, a dish as shameful in the eyes of our Monta- 
gnes as it is rare and delicious in those of the Hurons. _^ 

I have already mentioned how the Charlatans, or 
Jugglers and Sorcerers are obeyed here; sometimes , 
more than he who has made all, as we say in these j 


que n'eft celuy qui a tout fait, comme nous parlous 
en ce Pais, parmy ceux qui le recognoiffent. Vn de 
ces nouueaux Medecins ordonna vn iour k vn malade 
vne paire de bas de chauffes ^ la fagon des robbes 
Noires, c'efl ainfi qu'ils nous appellant: le Pere Bu- 
teux viHtant ce pauure homme, fes parens luy dirent 
qu'il ne tenoit qu'k luy que le malade ne guerifl. Le 
Pere en demandant la raifon, ils luy repartirent, 
Donne luy tes chauffes noires, & bien toft tu le ver- 
ras fur pied: car le Manitou I'a ainfi affeur6. Le 
Pere leur replique, que ces fonges n'eftoient que fo- 
lie, & que pour en voir la preuue, qu'il [130] luy don- 
neroit ce qu'il demandoit, a condition que les ayant 
portees quatre iours, plus ou moins, s'il ne gueriffoit, 
il quitteroit ces refueries, & croiroit en Dieu. lis x€- 
pondirent, qu'il les falloit donner fans condition, & 
que le malade mefme les deuoit emporter en I'autre 
monde, s'il venoit k mourir. Quel difcours! N'e- 
ftoit-ce pas vne bonne medecine, qui deuoit profiter 
en ce monde, & en I'autre; & qui ayant d'affeurance 
k guerir fon malade ne lailToit pas neantmoins de 
pouruoir qu'il n'euft froid aux pieds apres la mort, fi 
d'auenture elle I'emportoit. 

I'ay parle fort amplement en la Relation de I'annde 
mil fix cens trente quatre, d'vn certain Tabernacle 
qu'ils font, dans lequel les longleurs font venir, & 
confultent les Genies de I'Air, ou du iour. Or non 
feulement les hommes, mais encor les femmes entrent 
dans ce beau Tabernacle. Aux trois Riuieres vn 
longleur ayant appelle le Manitou, ou autre Genie, 
& ne I'ayant peu faire venir, vne femme y entra, elle 
comence a fi bien ebranler fa maifon, & a chanter & 
crier fi fortement, qu'elle fit venir le diable, qui en 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 113 

Countries, is obeyed by those who acknowledge him. 
One of these new Physicians one day ordered a pa- 
tient to get a pair of stockings like those of the Black 
robes, the name they give us. When Father Bu- 
teux visited this poor man, his relatives declared that 
the patient's recovery depended only upon him. 
The Father asking what they meant, they replied, 
" Give him thy black stockings, and thou wilt soon 
see him upon his feet, for thus the Manitou has told 
him. ' ' The Father answered them that these dreams 
were but nonsense; and, to prove it to them, that he 
[130] would give him what he wanted, on condition 
that after he had worn them four days, more or less, 
if he did not recover he would abandon these idle fan- 
cies and believe in God. They replied that he must 
give them without any condition, and that the sick 
man must even wear them into the other world if 
he died. What talk! Is not that a good medicine 
which is to benefit both in this world and in the other, 
and which being sure of curing its patient, does not 
fail, nevertheless, to provide that he does not have 
cold feet after death, in case it carries him off ? 

I have spoken very fully in the Relation of the 
year one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, of a 
certain Tent they make, to which the Jugglers sum- 
mon and consult the Genii of the Air, or of light. 
Now not only the men, but even the women, enter 
this fine Tent. At the three Rivers, a Juggler hav- 
ing called the Manitou, or some other Genius, and 
not having succeeded in making him come, a woman 
entered and began to so shake the house and to sing 
and cry so loudly, that she caused the devil to come, 
who [131] told them more than they wanted. First, 
he said that the sick man for whom they were con- 


[131] dit plus qu'on ne vouloit. Premierement il 
dit, que le malade pour lequel on le confultoit en 
mourroit, & que fa maladie prouenoit de ce qu'ayant 
fait quelque iniure k la fille d'vn Algonquin, cette fille 
auoit prie fon pere d'en tirer vengeance, & que fon 
pere auoit fi bien fait par fes fortileges, que fa femme, 
c'efl ^ dire la femme du diable, s'eftoit iett^e dedans 
fon corps, & le rongeoit interieurement, & partant 
que c'eftoit fait de fa vie. Secondement, ce Diable 
ou ce Manitou, t^moigna que s'il n'auoit point r6pon- 
du au longleur qui auoit precede, c'eftoit pour autat 
que ce longleur eftoit Algonquin, & de la Nation de 
celuy qui auoit fait le mal. En troifiefme lieu, 
comme quelqu'vn luy demanda s'il ne voyoit point 
d'Hiroquois, fortir de leur Pais pour les venir fur- 
prendre. II r^pondit, apres que cette femme I'eut 
inuoqu6 par fes fifflemens & agitations & tintamarres. 
Haftez-vous, haftez-vous d'aller "k la guerre, ie voy 
le Pais des Hiroquois remply de toute forte d'armes, 
d'arcs, & de fleches, qu'on prepare pour vous venir 
attaquer. Ce Demon, ou pluftoft cette Demoniaque, 
car c'eftoit cette impudente [132] qui faifoit croire 
que c'eftoit le Manitou qui parloit, adioufta qu'il auoit 
mang6 quelques AUikame^ouek/ii, ce font des Peuples, 
qui demeurent au deffus du Fleuue, qu'on nomme 
les trois Riuieres ; qu'il en mangeroit bien d'autres, 
s'il n'eftoit appell6 ailleurs. Mais qu'Atc/ien, c'eft 
vne efpece de loup garou, viendroit en fa place pour 
les deuorer, s'ils faifoient vne bourgade, comme ils 
s'y eftoient refolus, qu'il les viendroit prendre iuf- 
ques aupres du Fort des Franfois, qu'il ^gorgeroit 
des Fran9ois mefmes. O la mefchante femme ! 
comme elle eft habitude h. courre de^k, del^, elle auoit 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 115 

suiting him, would die; and that the cause of his 
sickness was that, having offered some insult to the 
daughter of an Algonquin, this girl had prayed her 
father to take vengeance upon him ; and her father 
had done this so well by his sorceries, that his 
wife, — that is, the devil's wife, — had cast herself 
into his body, and was gnawing it from the inside, 
and hence it was all over with him. Secondly, this 
Devil, or this Manitou, testified that if he had not 
responded to the preceding Juggler, it was because 
this Juggler was an Algonquin and of the same Na- 
tion as the one who had caused the sickness. In the 
third place, when he was asked if he saw any Hiro- 
quois leaving their own Country to come and surprise 
them, he answered, after this woman had invoked 
him by hissings and shakings and uproar, " Hasten, 
hasten to go to war, I see the Hiroquois Country 
filled with all sorts of arms, with bows and arrows, 
that they are preparing, to come and attack you. 
This Demon, — or rather this Devilish woman, for it 
was this shameless person [132] who made them be- 
lieve that it was the Manitou who spoke, — added 
that he had eaten some Attikamegouekhi,^ — these are 
Tribes that live north of the River which is called 
the three Rivers, — and that he would eat a great 
many more of them if he were not called elsewhere. 
But that Atchen (a sort of werewolf), would come in 
his place to devour them, if they made a village, as 
they had decided to do ; that he would come to get 
them, even up to the French Fort; that he would 
slaughter the French themselves, ^h, wicked 
woman ! As she was in the habit of running here 
and there, she was afraid of being restricted to one 
village ; and consequently she wished to impart fear, 


peur d'eflre retenue dans vn bourg, & par confequent 
elle voulut donner I'^pouuante, & en effet la donna k 
fa Nation, qui ne penfa plus qu'a la guerre. Le Pare 
Buteux la reprenant de fa malice, elle tira vn cou- 
fleau, & le mena9a de le tuer. Mais ne feroit-ce pas 
icy vne rufe de I'ennemy, qui craint de perdre en 
vne vie fedentaire, ceux qui luy font tons acquis dans 
leurs courfes vagabondes. 

Voicy quelques menues fuperftitions qui leur iet- 
tent bien de la pouffiere aux yeux, & des tenebres 
dans I'efprit. lis ne [133] font pas bien aifes d'oui'r 
parler de la mort, ny de la maladie, ny d'aucun mal- 
heur, quel qu'il foit, de peur que le Manitou enten- 
dant ce difcours, ne prenne de la occafion de les affli- 
ger, ou de les faire mourir. I'ay dit autrefois qu'ils 
craignent fort la mort; cela eft veritable, car ils n'en 
peuuent fupporter le nom ; neantmoins quand ils font 
malades, ils ne I'abhorrent pas tant ; notamment 
quand ils fouffrent beaucoup, & quelques-vns mefmes 
prient qu'on les tue, ou pour fe deliurer des tour- 
mens qu'ils endurent, ou pour deliurer de peine ceux 
qui les doiuent traifner auec eux. 

lis portent par fois au bas de leurs robbes de petits 
omemens fais en pattes d'Ours, afin de tuer aif6ment 
ces animaux, & de n'eftre point offenfez d'eux. 

II y en a certains d'entre-eux, qui difent que la poi- 
trine, ou la mammelle leur fremit, quand quelqu'vn 
doit arriuer. Vn d'entre-eux, affeurant que les Sau- 
uages de I'Ifle eftoient proche de la Riuiere des Hiro- 
quois, ou fe faifoit cette annee I'affembl^e de guerre, 
n'en donna point d'autre raifon, fmon que la poitrine 
luy fremiffoit. Vn de nos Francois, qui a long-temps 
[134] conuerf^ auec ces Barbares, m'a affeur^ qu'il a 

1636] LE J EUNE'S F ELATION, 1636 117 

and in fact did impart it, to her Nation, who no 
longer thought of anything but war. When Father 
Buteux took her to task for her maliciousness, she 
drew a knife, and threatened to kill him. But was 
this not a ruse of the enemy, who fears to lose, in a 
sedentary life, those who in their vagrant journeys 
are wholly his? ~— 

Here are some minor superstitions, which throw 
dust in their eyes and darkness over their minds. 
They [133] are not pleased to hear one speak of 
death, or of sickness, or of any misfortune, whatever 
it may be, lest the Manitou, hearing this talk, may 
take occasion to afflict them, or make them die. I 
have said before that they have a great fear of death ; 
it is true, for they cannot endure the word. Yet, 
when they are sick, they have not such a horror of it ; 
especially when they suffer a great deal ; then some 
even beg to be killed, either to be delivered from 
the torments they are enduring, or to relieve from 
trouble those who have to drag them about with 

They sometimes wear on the bottom of their gar- 
ments little ornaments made from Bears' claws, that 
they may more easily kill these animals, and not be 
hurt by them. 

There are some among them who say that their 
chest or breast throbs when some one is about to 
come. One of them, declaring that the Savages of 
the Island were near the River of the Hiroquois,** 
where this year the council of war is to be held, gave 
no other reason than that his chest was throbbing. 
One of our Frenchmen, who has long [134] associ- 
ated with these Barbarians, has assured me that he 
has frequently found out by experience the truth of 


plufieurs fois experiment6 qu'ils efloient veritables en 
leurs fauffes propheties, & de nouueau, difoit-il, vne 
telle femme Sauuage fentant fremir fa mamelle, dit 
k fa mere, & aux autres, qui eftoient dans la Cabana, 
les Fran9ois arriueront bien toft icy, ce qui fut vray; 
il eftoit I'vn de ceux qui parurent. le ne fgay fi le 
diable s'y fourre: cela f^ay-ie bien, qu'examinant 
toutes ces fourbes de plus pres, vous trouuerez que 
les premiers autheurs en font morts ou abfens. 

Le ieune homme qui ell; auec nos Peres des trois 
Riuieres, ayant pris certain poilfon, qui reffemble en 
quelque fa^on k vn gros lezart; car il a quatre pattes 
& vne queue alTez longue; quelques Sauuages s'en 
eftant apperceus, vindrent dire aux Peres, qu'on 
auoit mal fait de prendre c6t unimal, qui caufoit les 
vents, & que de long-temps les barques n'arriue- 
roient k caufe de cela, & partant qu'on feroit bien de 
le letter au plus toft k la riuiere pour appaifer le vent 
qui eftoit contraire; ces bonnes gens n'entendent pas 
que Dieu tire les vents de fes threfors, & non pas du 
ventre & de I'eltomach d'vne [135] befte. Les ieunes 
femmes & les filles ne veulent point manger de teftes 
de brochets, de peur de n'auoir point d'enfans. 

II y en a qui portent fur eux quelque chofe par 
I'ordonnance du Manitou, pour viure long-temps, a 
ce qu'on m'a dit; en quoy il arriua vne chofe agre- 
able ^ I'vn de nos Peres aux trois Riuieres. Voyant 
vn Sauuage par6 d'vne belle ceinture, il luy demanda 
s'il I'aymoit beaucoup ; Ouy, repond-il, car le Mani- 
tou m'a fait dire, que ie la portaffe pour viure long- 
temps. Et celuy qui a tout fait, repart le Pere, dit 
que cela ne fert de rien, pour la mort, ny pour la vie. 
Ce Sauuage s'en va; mais ruminant k part foy, ce 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 119 

these pretended prophecies; and lately, said he, a 
certain Savage woman, feeling her breast throb, said 
to her mother and the others who were in the Cabin, 
" The French will soon come here," which was true; 
he was one of those who appeared. I do not know 
whether the devil thrusts himself into this ; but I do 
know well that, in examining these frauds a little 
closer, you will find that the first inventors of them 
are either dead or absent. 

The young man who is with our Fathers at the 
three Rivers, having caught a certain fish which in 
some respects resembles a great lizard, as it has four 
feet and a rather long tail, — some Savages who saw 
him came to tell our Fathers that it was wrong to 
catch this animal, which caused the winds, and that 
the barks would not arrive for a long time, on ac- 
count of this ; hence it would be better to throw it 
immediately into the river, to appease the wind^ 
which was contrary. These simple people do not 
understand that God draws the winds from his treas- 
ure-house, and not from the belly and chest of a 
[135] beast. The young women and girls will not 
eat the heads of pike, for fear they will have no chil- 

There are those who carry about them some article 
prescribed by the Manitou, in order to live a long 
time, as I am told. Concerning this custom, some- 
thing very amusing happened to one of our Fathers 
at the three Rivers. Seeing a Savage adorned with 
a handsome belt, he asked him if he was very fond of 
it. " Yes," he replied, " for the Manitou told me 
to wear it, in order to live long." " And he who 
has made all," replied the Father, " says that it is 
of no use whatever, either for death or for life." 


que luy auoit dit le Pere, le retoume voir, & luy dit, 
Tiens voila ma ceinture, donne m'en quelque chofe; 
i'ay penfe que ton Manitou auoit plus d'efprit que le 
noftre ; & par confequent ie ne me foucie pas de m'en 
deffaire. Le Pere fe mit 'k rire voyant vn homme Q 

Vn autre voyant la folemnit6 qu'on fait la veille de 
la fainct lean, croyoit qu'on faifoit cette fefle pour 
chaffer le Manitou, & difoit que nous entendions bien 
mieux ^ I'eloigner & le bannir de [136] nous, que non 
pas eux ; c'efl pourquoy nous viuions plus long-temps ; 
cela me confirme dans I'opinion que i'ay qu'ils font 
leurs tintamarres, & battent leurs tambours pour 
chaffer le diable, afin qu'il ne tue point les malades: 
ie crains que I'vn de ces iours ils ne nous viennent 
prier de tirer nos canons pour les guerir. 

II arriue par fois, que les Sauuages fe fafchants 
I'hyuer contre la rigueur du froid, qui les empefche 
de chaffer, dechargent leur colere d'vne fa9on ridi- 
cule. Tous ceux qui font nez I'efl^, fortent de leurs 
Cabanes, armez de feux, & de tifons ardens, qu'ils 
lancent contre Kapipoii noitkhct, c'ell ^ dire contre ce- 
luy qui a fait I'hyuer, & par ce moyen le froid s'ap- 
paife. Ceux qui font nez I'hyuer, ne font point de la 
partie ; car s'ils fe mefloiet auec les autres, le froid 
s'augmenteroit au lieu de s'appaifer. Ie n'ay point 
veu cette ceremonie; ie I'ay apprife de la bouche 
d'vn Sauuage. 

Vn Sauuage voyant qu'vn Francois mangeoit le 
cceur d'vn certain oyfeau: Comment, luy dit-il, toy 
qui es homme ofe tu manger de cela? Si nous en 
mangions nous autres, nos ennemis [137] nous fur- 
prendroient, & nous tueroient; c'efl vn manger de 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 121 

This Savage went away; but, upon thinking over 
what the Father had said to him, he returned and 
said to him, "Here, take my belt, give me something 
for it ; I have concluded that thy Manitou has more 
sense than ours, and consequently I do not mind 
parting with it." The Father began to laugh at see- 
ing a man so easy-going. 

Another one, seeing the solemn ceremonies per- 
formed on the eve of saint John, thought this feast 
was observed to drive away the Manitou; and said 
that we understood much better how to send him 
away and banish him from [136] us than they did, 
and that was the reason why we lived longer. This 
confirms me in my opinion that they make their up- 
roars and beat their drums to drive away the devil, so 
that he will not kill the sick person. I fear that 
one of these days they will come and beg us to 
shoot off our cannons in order to cure them. 

It sometimes happens that the Savages get angry 
ill the winter at the severity of the cold, which pre- 
vents them from hunting, and give vent to their 
wrath in a ridiculous manner. All those who were 
bom in the summer go out from their Cabins, armed 
with fire and blazing torches, which they throw at 
Kapipou noukhet, namely, at him who has made the 
winter,** and by this means the cold is appeased. 
Those who were born in winter are not among the 
company; for, if they were to mingle with the 
others, the cold would increase instead of diminish- 
ing. I have not seen this ceremony, but have heard 
of it from the lips of a Savage. 

A Savage, seeing a Frenchman eat the heart of a 
certain bird, said to him, "How! thou who art a 
man, darest thou eat that? If we people should eat 


Vn autre difoit, que les oifeaux faifoient ordinaire- 
ment leurs feftins pendant les plus courtes nuits de 
I'ann^e : les Orignaux dans les longues, & les Caftors 
dans les mediocres. 

Vn des noftres vifitant vn Sauuage malade, & le 
trouuant tout d6confort6, luy demanda ce qui luy 
eftoit furuenu de nouueau. Helas, luy dit il, ie com- 
men^ois h. me mieux porter, ie fuis forty de de ma Ca- 
bane, vne fille qui a fes mois m'a regard^, ie fuis re- 
tomb6 dans la rigueur de mon mal. I'ay d6ja dit que 
ces filles fe retirent hors la Cabane quand elles ont 
cette infirmity, & que les Sauuages apprenhendent 
mefme leur rencontre. Le Pere le confola, luy fai- 
fant entendre que ce regard eftoit incapable de luy 

Voicy le voyage admirable d'vn Nipifirinien, qui 
m'a eft6 racont^ par vn Montagues. C^t homme s'en 
eflant all6 bien loing, arriua en fin ^ la Cabane ou 
maifon de Dieu, qu'il nommoit celuy qui donne k 
manger : il le trouua feul, mais fa fille furuint bien- 
toft apres; il n'a que cette [138] fille, & encor ne 
f§ait-on comme il I'a eue, car il n'a point de femme. 
Toutes fortes d'animaux I'enuironnet, il les touche, 
les manie comme il veut, fans qu'ils s'enfuient, auffi 
ne leur fait-il aucun mal, car comme il ne mange 
point, il ne les tue pas; il demanda neantmoins k ce 
nouuel hofte, ce qu'il defiroit manger, & ayant fceu 
qu'il mangeroit volon tiers d'vn Caftor, il en prend 
vn fans peine, & le luy fait manger, puis luy demanda 
quand il s'en vouloit aller; Dans deux nuits, refpond- 
il: Bien, dit-il, vous ferez deux nuits auec moy: ces 
deux nuits furent deux ann6es; car ce que nous ap- 
pellons vn an, ce n'eft qu'vn iour, ou vne nuit, au 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. i6s6 123 

it, our enemies [137] would surprise us and would 1 
kill us; that is a woman's food." ~-i 

Another one said the birds usually made their 
feasts during the shortest nights of the year; the 
Moose, in the longest; and the Beavers, in those of 
average length. . — 

One of our people, visiting a sick Savage and find- 
ing him very disconsolate, asked him what new thing 
had happened to him. " Alas," said he, " I was be- 
ginning to get better; I went out of my Cabin, a girl 
in her courses looked at me, and my disease attacked 
me as severely as ever." I have already said that 
these girls withdraw from the Cabin when they are 
subject to_this^infirmity, and that the Savages dread 
even to meet them. The Father consoled him, and 
made him understand that this glance was incapable 
of injuring him.*^ 

Here is the wonderful voyage of a Nipisirinien, 
which was related to me by a Montagues. This 
man, having traveled a long distance, at last reached 
the Cabin or house of God, as he named one who 
gave him something to eat. He found him alone, 
but his daughter came in soon afterwards. He has 
only this [138] girl, and still it is not known how he 
came by her, for he has no wife. All kinds of ani- 
mals surround him, he touches them, handles them 
as he wishes, and they do not fly from him ; but he 
does them no harm, for, as he does not eat, he does 
not kill them. However, he asked this new guest 
what he would like to eat, and having learned that 
he would relish a Beaver, he caught one without any 
trouble, and had him eat it; then asked him when 
he intended going away. " In two nights," was the 
answer. " Good," said he, " you will remain two 


compte de celuy qui fait trouuer h. manger ; & on eft 
fi content auec luy, que deux hyuers, ou deux annees 
ne femblent que deux nuits. Quand il fut retoum6 
en fon pays, il fut bien eftonne du retardement qu'il 
auoit fait. le demanday fj on ne pouuoit pas aller 
encor vne fois oil ce Sauuage auoit eft^; il n'y a me 
dit-on qu'vne feule perfonne qui puiffe y aller, & non 
pas encor toufiours, & cela au rapport de celuy qui 
en eft reuenu : Cela reffent ie ne f9ay quoy de bon, 
qui en prendroit le fuc, comme [139] auffi ce que ie 
m'en vay raconter. Le Pere Buteux entrant dans 
vne Cabane auec le Sieur Nicolet, qui entend fort 
bien la langiie Algonquine, vn Algonquin qui fait 
du Docteur les inuita de s'alTeoir aupres de luy, ce 
qu'ils firent; & Ik deffus il leur dit que les Sauuages 
recognoiffent deux Manitous, mais pour luy qu'il en 
recognoiffoit vn troifiefme, qui prefidoit aux guerres. 
Que I'vn de ces trois auoit fait la terre, du moins 
celle de fon pays ; car pour celle du pais des Fran9ois, 
qu'il n'en eftoit pas bien alTeure: ayant fait la terra 
il produifit les animaux & toutes les autres chofes de 
fon pais: il luy donnoit vn grand lac, ou vn Sault 
d'eau pour refidence, come on donne la mer h. Ne- 
ptune : ce bon Createur de la terre tirant certain iour 
fur vn Caftor, pour le chaffer bien loing, afin d'en 
peupler le pais, il le manqua, & la fleche rencontrant 
vn arbre elle le rendit beau & fort poly ; & que cela 
ne fut vray; i'ay, difoit-il, cognu des vieillards, lef- 
quels ont veu cet arbre : il rapporta mille autres ba- 
dineries. Le Pere luy fit demander ou eftoit ce Dieu 
deuant qu'il creaft la terre: dans fon Canot, r^pond- 
il, lequel flottoit fur les eaux. S'il [140] auoit vn 
Canot, luy dit-on, il falloit qu'il y euft des arbres, 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 125 

nights with me." These two nights were two years; 
for what we call a year is only a day or a night, in 
the reckoning of him who procures us food. And 
one is so contented with him that two winters, or 
two years, seem only like two nights. When he re- 
turned to his own country, he was greatly astonished 
at the delay he had experienced. I asked if a per- 
son could not go again to this place where the Sav- 
age had been. There is but one person, I was an- 
swered, who can go there, and even he not always, 
according to the report of him who has returned 
thence. This contains I know not what of good, for 
one who can get the essence of it, as [139] also does 
this, which I am going to relate. Father Buteux en- 
tering a Cabin with Sieur Nicolet,'^ who understands 
the Algonquin tongue very well, an Algonquin, who 
acts the part of a Wiseacre, invited them to sit down 
near him, which they did. And thereupon he told 
them that the Savages recognized two Manitous; but, 
for his part, he recognized a third, who presided over 
war. That one of the three had made the land, at 
least, that of his country; as to that of the French, 
he was not entirely certain. Having made the land, 
he produced the animals and all the other things of 
his country. The narrator gave him a great lake, 
or a Waterfall, for his home, as we give the sea to 
Neptune. This worthy Creator of the earth, draw- 
ing his bow one day upon a Beaver, to chase it far 
away, in order to people the country with them, 
missed it; and the arrow, lodging in a tree, had 
made it very beautiful and smooth ; and as for this 
not being true, " I have," said he, " known old men 
who have seen this tree." He related a thousand 
other foolish tales. The Father had him asked 


car il eft fait d'ecorce d'arbres; s'il y auoit des 
arbres, il y auoit de la terre; £i la terre eftoit, coment 
I'a il cre^e? La terre, repart-il, auoit efte aupara- 
uant, mais elle auoit efte inond^e par vn deluge. Et 
deuant ce deluge qui auoit cree cette terre? le n'en 
f9ay rien, vous auez plus d'efprit que moy, n'en de- 
mandez pas d'auantage. Puis que tu I'ignores, prefte 
nous I'oreille, luy dit-on. Si i'eftois ieune vous au- 
riez raifon de me vouloir inftruire, mais eftant d^ja 
vieil, vous perdrez vos peines, car ie n'ay plus de me- 
moire. C'eft pour autant que tu es age, luy dit le 
truchement, qu'il te faut hafter d'apprendre ces ve- 
ritez, car fi tu ne les crois tu feras tres malheureux 
apres ta mort. L^ deflus il luy toucha quelque chofe 
de la creation du monde, & de la redemption, des 
peines & des recompenfes de I'autre vie. Ie n'ay 
pas, repartit-il, I'efprit de pouuoir retenir tant de 
chofes, enfeignez-le aux enfans qui ont bonne me- 
moire ; neantmoins cette doctrine fit quelque im- 
preffion fur fon efprit, car du depuis il enfeignoit ^ 
quelques malades ce qu'il auoit retenu. Ie logeray 
en c6t endroit, [141] ne fgachant ou le mieux placer 
ailleurs, ce que i'ay appris de nouueau du Caftor ; c6t 
animal eft admirable, il fait fa Cabane, comme i'ay 
dit, fur le bord d'vn Fleuue, ou d'vn Eftang: il a 
comme vn double eftage dans fa maifon toute ronde, 
faite a la fagon d'vn four, tres bien maffonn^. Le 
premier eftage, c'eft le fond de fa Cabane, ou I'eau 
entre par fon ouuerture ; mais le Caftor met de gros 
bois en trauers, fur lefquels il iette des branches de 
fapin, & d'autres arbres qui luy feruent de plancher. 
II perce le fecond eftage fur le milieu, & par I'ouuer- 
ture il defcend dans I'eau, qui eft au fond de fa Ca- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 127 

where this God was before he created the earth. 
" In his Canoe," he replied, "which was floating 
upon the waters." "If he [140] had a Canoe," was 
said to him, " there must have been trees, for it is 
made of the bark of trees ; if there were trees, there 
was land; if there was land, how has he created it? " 
" The land," he replied, " was there before, but it 
was flooded by a deluge." " And before the del- 
uge, who created this land?" " I know nothing 
about it; you have more intelligence than I have, 
do not ask me anything more." " Since thou dost 
not know it, listen to us," was said to him. " If I 
were young, you would be right in wishing to teach 
me; but as I am already old, you would lose your 
pains, for I have no longer any memory." " It is be- 
cause thou art old," said the interpreter, " that thou 
must hasten to learn these truths ; for, if thou dost not 
believe, thou wilt be very unhappy after thy death." 
Thereupon he outlined for him the creation of the 
world, redemption, and the punishments and rewards 
of the other life. " I have not," said he, " the mind 
to be able to retain so many things ; teach them to 
the children, who have a good memory." Neverthe- 
less, this doctrine made some impression upon his 
mind ; for since then he has taught some sick persons 
what he could remember of it. I will set down in 
this place, [141] not knowing where better to record 
it, what I have recently learned about the Beaver. 
This animal is wonderful. He makes his Cabin, as 
I have said, upon the banks of a River or of a Pond ; 
he has a sort of double story in this house, which is 
quite round and is built like a well-plastered oven. 
The first story is the lower part of the Cabin, into 
which water enters through its opening: but the 


bane, c'eft k dire au plus bas eftage ; d'oii il fe coule 
dans I'Eftang, par la porte de fa maifon. On m'a- 
uoit dit qu'il portoit fa prouifion de bois pour mager 
pendant I'hyuer dans fa demeure: mais vn Sauuage 
m'a affeure du contraire. II dit done qu'il couppe 
force bois pendat I'Automne, & le met das le Fleuue 
ou Eflang, fur le bord duquel il fait fa maifon; & 
afin que ce bois ne furnage, & ne fe prenne auec les 
glaces, quand le deffus de I'eau fe gele : il fait couler 
fa prouifion au fonds, au moyen d'vn certain bois 
plus [142] pefant, dont il la charge, & la garentit par 
ce moyen. Que Dieu eft admirable en fes oeuures! 
I'hyuer ellant venu le deffus de I'eau fe glace, & la 
glace couure I'ouuerture, ou la porte de fa maifon; 
en forte neantmoins que le profond de I'eau n'eflant 
point gel6, c6t animal ne laiffe pas de fortir de fa pe- 
tite tour, pour s'aller pourmener dans I'Eftang ou 
dans le Fleuue par deffous les glaces. Mais voicy 
vne chofe qui me femble encore plus merueilleufe. 
Les Caftors fe trouuant par fois en trop grand nombre 
en quelque endroit, & ne fe pouuans accorder, quel- 
ques-vns fe retirent, & vont chercher pais ailleurs : 
trouuant quelque ruifleau commode ils s'arreftent-1^, 
& fi ce ruifleau n'eft pas alTez profond ils le barrent, 
& font vne chaulI6e qui donne de I'eftonnement 'k 
I'efprit de I'homme. Ils couppet de gros arbres auec 
les dents, ils iettent des bois ^ trauers le Fleuue de 
toutes fagons, puis ils maflonnent auec de la terre, fi 
proprement, du coft6 qu'ils veulent retenir I'eau, que 
des artifans feroient bien empefchez de mieux faire. 
Ces chauff^es ont enuiron trois toifes de large, & de 
longueur, plus ou moins, felon [143] la largeur du 
Fleuue ou du Ruifleau qu'ils ont barr6. Le fieur 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 129 

Beaver places heavy pieces of wood across, upon 
which he scatters branches of fir and other kinds of 
trees, which he uses as a floor. The second story 
has a hole in the middle, through which he descends 
into the water at the bottom of his Cabin, that is, in 
the lower story, whence he slips into the Pond 
through the door of his house. I have been told that 
he carries his winter store of wood, which forms his 
food, into this house ; but a Savage has contradicted 
this. He says that he cuts a quantity of wood dur- 
ing the Autumn, and places it in the River or Pond 
on the shores of which he has made his house ; and 
in order that this wood may not float away and get 
caught in the ice, when the surface of the water 
freezes, he sinks his stores to the bottom, by means 
of a certain heavier [142] wood with which he loads 
it, and thus makes it secure. How wonderful are the 
works of God ! When winter comes, the surface of 
the water freezes, and the ice covers the opening or 
door of his house; but, as the water is not frozen be- 
low the surface, this animal is free to leave his little 
tower and swims about in the Pond or in the River 
under the ice. But here is something that seems to 
me still more marvelous. When the Beavers some- 
times find themselves too numerous in one place, and 
are not able to agree among themselves, some of 
them withdraw and go to seek a home elsewhere. 
Finding a suitable stream, they stop there; and, if 
this brook is not deep enough, they bar it and make 
a dam, which fills the mind of man with wonder. 
They cut large trees with their teeth, they throw the 
wood across the River in every way ; then they plas- 
ter it with mud, so neatly on the side where they 
wish to retain the water, that artisans would certain- 


Oliuier m'a rapport^, qu'il auoit paffe fur vne de ces 
chauff^es, longue de plus de deux cens pas. Le fieur 
Nicolet en a veu vne autre quafi d'vn quart de lieue, 
fi forte & fi bien faite, qu'il en efloit tout eflonne. 
Les eaues arreflees par cette chauff^e deuiennent 
profondes, & font comme vn bel Eflang ou le Caflor 
fe va pourmener; on m'a dit iufques-lk, que la terre 
manquant au lieu ou ils font ce grand trauail, ils en 
vont querir ailleurs, & I'apportent fur leur dos; ie 
ne f9ay qu'en croire, finon que mirabilis Deus in omni- 
bus operibus fuis. 

Comme nous auons icy quelques Elans deuant nos 
yeux, que Monfieur noflre Gouuemeur fait dome- 
fliquer, i'ay remarqu6 que ce haut animal fe met 
auffi aif6ment 'k genoux que le Chameau, foit pour 
boire ou manger, ou pour fe coucher. La Nature, 
ou plufloft fon Autheur, pouruoit fagement k tout: 
comme I'Elan efl haut mont6, il luy a donn6 cette 
facility de plier les genoux, & de fe fouflenir aif^- 
ment deflus, ce qu'il n'a pas accord^ aux autres ani- 
maux, plus petits & plus bas. 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, 1636 131 

ly find it hard to do better. These dams are about 
three toises broad,* and in length more or less, ac- 
cording to [143] the width of the River or Brook they 
have dammed. Sieur Olivier informed me that he 
crossed over one of these dams, which was more 
than two hundred steps long. Sieur Nicolet has seen 
another of almost a quarter of a league, so strong 
and so well made that he was filled with astonish- 
ment. The waters that are checked by this dam be- 
come deep, and form, as it were, a beautiful Pond in 
which the Beaver goes to swim. I am told even 
this, that, when soil is lacking in the place where 
they do this great work, they go and get it else- 
where, bringing it upon their backs. I do not know 
what to believe of this except that mirabilis Dens in 
omnibus operibus suis. 

As we have some Elks here among us, which Mon- 
sieur our Governor is domesticating, I have noticed 
that this tall animal gets on its knees as easily as the 
Camel, either to drink, eat, or sleep. Nature, or 
rather its Author, has wisely provided for all ; as the 
Elk is of high stature, he has given it this facility of 
bending its knees and of easily sustaining its body, 
which he has not granted to other animals that are 
smaller and of less height. 




IL me femble qu'en conteplant le progrez des af- 
faires de la Nouuelle Frace, ie voy fortir vne 
Aurore des profondes tenebres de la nuict, la- 
quelle embellifsat de fes rayons dorez la furface de 
la terre, fe change k la parfin en ce grand Ocean de 
lumiere que le Soleil apporte. Les grandes pertes 
qu'ont fait ces Meffieurs en la premiere naiffance de 
leur Compagnie, font iuflement comme vne nuict 
tres efpaiffe, qui couuroit d'horreur toutes ces con- 
tr6es. On n'y penfoit que pour les rebutter; on ne 
les regardoit que pour les fuir ; on debattoit en France 
la iufte poffeffion de ces terres; pendant que la fa- 
mine, & I'Anglois les partageoient & les affligeoient 
I'vn apres 1' autre. Les Lys y mouroient en leur 
naiffance, le peu de Frangois qui les habitoient 
efloiet Eftragers dans leur propre Pais. Bref ces 
gjandes Prouinces ne pouuoient afpirer h. vne [145] 
plus grande fortune que d'eflre faites vn magazin de 
peaux de beftes mortes, que de nourrir des bouches 
fauuages, des Elans, des Cail;ors, & grand nombre 
d'Arbres. Voila iufques oil fe pouuoit eleuer la 
gloire de la Nouuelle France, fouz la captiuite de 
I'Eftranger, ou fouz la conduite de ceux qui ne I'ay- 
moient que pour fes depoiiilles : mais Dieu ayant ver- 
fe fa benediction fur cette nouuelle Compagnie, cette 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 133 



IN contemplating the progress of affairs in New 
France, I seem to see an Aurora emerging from 
the profound darkness of the night, which, light- 
ing up the surface of the earth with its golden rays, 
finally changes into that great Ocean of light brought 
in by the Sun. The great losses incurred by these 
Gentlemen in the early infancy of their Company are 
indeed like a most heavy night, which covered all 
these countries with horror. They were never 
thought of except to be rebuffed, they were never 
looked upon except with aversion. The rightful 
possession of these lands was debated in France, 
while famine and the English, one after the other, 
divided and afflicted them. The Lilies died here in 
their birth; the few French who dwelt here were 
Strangers in their own Land. In short, these im- 
mense Provinces could aspire to no [145] higher for- 
tune than to be made a storehouse for the skins of 
dead animals, than to fill savage mouths, to support 
Elk, Beaver, and great quantities of Trees. Behold 
to what height the glory of New France could attain 
under the bondage of the Foreigner, or under the 
administration of those who love it only for its spoils ! 
But, God having poured out his blessings upon this 
new Company, that night has been scattered ; and 
now the Dawn of a mild and peaceful prosperity is 


nuict s'eft diffipee, & maintenant I'Aurore d'vne 
douce & paifible profperite fe va repandant le long 
de noftre grand Fleuue : ce qui nous fait efperer que 
le Soleil de I'abondance fuiura ces heureux commen- 
cemens, s'auan^ant tons les iours iufques au plus 
haut point de fon Apogee pour n'en iamais defcendre ; 
puis que la plus g^ande abondance qu'on luy fou- 
haite, c'efl I'abondance des vertus, dont les fruicts 
font eternals. Mais decouurons quelques rayons de 
cette Aurore, qui commence \ produire fes beautez. 
le donne ^ cognoiftre par I'infcription de ce Cha- 
pitre, que ie ne parle point de ce qui fe paffe, ou de 
ce qui fe rencontre dans toute I'^tendue de la Nou- 
uelle [146] France; comme par exemple de I'Aca- 
die, ny de la Refidence de faincte Anne au Cap Bre- 
ton, ny de I'habitation de S. Charles en I'lfle de 
fainct Louis k Mifcou : car encor bien que le premier 
des Fleuues nous ouure vn grand chemin royal pour 
nous entre-viflter, & nous entre-communiquer les 
biens. que Dieu depart k chaque contr^e, fi eft-ce 
que nos havres ne font pas encor affez peuplez de 
vaiffeaux, ny nos demeures d'vn alTez grand nombre 
de perfonnes pour entreprendre ce commerce. Les 
Sauuages feulement trauerfans les terres, ou nauigeas 
dans leurs petites gondoles fur les Fleuues, nous rap- 
portent par fois quelques nouuelles de ces habitations 
plus efloignees. Comme de nouueau vn grand ieune 
homme v^enu de I'Acadie, nous a fait entendre que 
Monfieur de Rafilly efloit dans I'eltime d'vn tres 
grand Capitaine, non feulement parmy les Fran9ois 
& les Anglois ; mais encor dans la creance de tons 
les Peuples de fon Pais. II ne s'eft pas tr6p6. La 
vertu de ce grand homme merite d'eftre honoree, 

1636] LE JF.UNE-S RELATION, ibjt 135 

spreading along our great River. This makes us 
hope that the Sun of plenty will follow these happy 
beginnings, every day advancing until it reaches the 
highest point of its Apogee, never to descend there- 
from. For the greatest abundance that can be wished 
for it, is the abundance of virtues, whose fruits are 
eternal. But let us point out some of the rays of 
this Dawn, which is beginning to show forth its 

I made it understood by the heading of this Chap- 
ter that I would not speak of what occurs or of 
what is encountered in the whole extent of New 
[146] France, — as, for example, in Acadia, or the 
Residence of saint Anne at Cape Breton, or the set- 
tlement of St. Charles on the Island of saint Louis at 
Miscou.'* For although the greatest of Rivers in- 
deed opens to us a royal highroad by which we may 
visit one another, and exchange the good things 
that God has bestowed upon each country, yet our 
harbors are not yet sufficiently stocked with ships, 
nor our dwellings numerous enough for people to un- 
dertake this commerce. The Savages, who alone 
journey over these lands or sail in their little gon- 
dolas upon these Rivers, occasionally bring us news 
of these more distant settlements. For instance, 
lately a stout young fellow coming from Acadia in- 
formed us that Monsieur de Rasilly was considered 
a very great Captain, not only among the French 
and English, but also in the estimation of all the 
Tribes of his Country.*^ He is not mistaken. The 
integrity of this great man deserves to be honored, 
even in the midst of Barbarism. This preamble is 
long; let us enter our place of residence. 

[147] Four things make a Country desirable : good 



mefmes au milieu de la Barbarie. Ce preambule eft 
long, entrons dans nos demeures. 

[147] Quatre chofes rendent vn Pais recomman- 
dable, la bonte du fol, les places fortes & munies, la 
quality & la quantite des habitans, & la police. 

Pour la bonte des terres qui font les riues du grand 
Fleuue, i'en parleray cy apres. Quand aux places 
fortes, ie diray fimplement ce qui en eft. Monfieur 
de Champlain deuant que de mourir, fortifia la place 
que les Anglois auoient vfurpee, & qu'ils ont rendue: 
depuis fa mort on y a encor trauaill^, on a entretenu 
vne redoute qu'il auoit dreffee pour comander le long 
du Quay, & Ton a multiplie les canons qui battent 
fur la riuiere, renforcant la platte forme qui les porta. 
L'Iflet de Richelieu demeure comme il eftoit auec 
fes pieces de batterie. Ten parlay Van paffe, & n'en 
diray pas dauantage a prefent. Les defTeins croiffent 
auec le temps. Monfieur de Montmagny noftre Gou- 
uerneur a trace le plan, comme i'ay d^ja dit, d'vne 
forterelTe qu'on doit baftir regulierement. Les vns 
trauaillent k la chaux, les autres ^ la brique, les 
autres tirent de la pierre, d'autres explanadent la 
place. On a tire les allignemens d'vne ville, afin que 
tout ce qu'on baftira [148] dorefnauant foit en bon 
ordre ; on a vifite vn endroit fur la riuiere qui pour- 
ra empefcher, non feulement les grands VaifTeaux de 
pafler outre, mais encor les petites Barques, & peut 
eftre encor les Chalouppes. 

L'habitation des trois Riuieres eft agrandie de deux 
corps de logis, d'vn magazin, & d'vne platte forme 
garnie de canon. Voila ce qui s'eft fait, mais non 
pas tout ce qui fe doit faire pour la conferuation du 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA T/ON, i6j6 137 

soil, Strong and fortified localities, the character and 
number of inhabitants, and the government. 

As to the excellence of the land which forms the 
banks of the great River, I shall speak hereafter. 
As to strongholds, I shall simply tell what there are. 
Monsieur de Champlain, before his deatli, fortified 
the place that the English had usurped and that they 
surrendered. Since his death, the work has been 
continued there, and the redoubt which he raised 
to command the length of the Quay has been re- 
paired ; the cannons which faced upon the river have 
been increased in number, the platform upon which 
they rest has been strengthened. The Islet de Riche- 
lieu remains as it was, with its heavy ordnance. I 
spoke of it last year, and will say no more about it 
at present. Plans grow with time. Monsieur de 
Montmagny, our Governor, has traced the plan, as 
I have already said, of a fortress which is to be reg- 
ularly built. Some are working at the lime, others 
at the brick, others are hauling stone, and others 
leveling the ground. They have drawn the plans of 
a city, in order that all building [148] hereafter shall 
be done systematically. A place on the river has 
been visited which can prevent not only the passage 
of big Ships, but also of little Barks and perhaps even 
of Shallops. 

The settlement at the three Rivers has been in- 
creased by two detached buildings, by a store, and 
by a platform provided with cannon. Now this is 
what has been done, but not all that ought to be 
done, for the preservation of the Country. 

I say nothing about the houses of private persons, 
which have been built and are building every day. 
some here, some there, according to the inclination 


le ne dis rien des maifons des particuliers, qu'ils 
ont fait & font dreffer encor tous les iours, qui de?^, 
qui delk, fuiuant I'affection, & la commodite d'vn 
chacun. Ceux qui n'ont point veu le Pays dans fa pau- 
urete, n'admirent pas peut-eftre ces commencemens 
encore aflez petits ; pour moy ie confefle ingenuement 
que K6bec me femble vn autre Pais, & qu'il n'eft 
plus ce petit coin cache au bout du monde, oti on ne 
voyoit que quelques mazures, & quelque petit 
nombre d'Europ6ens. Le courage de ces Meflieurs 
pafTe bien plus auant, ils meditent diuerfes demeures 
ou habitations iufques au grand Sault de fainct 
Louys, qui feront [149] peut eftre vn iour autant de 
Villes. Voire mefme auec le temps ils pourront 
s'afTeurer de la grande riuiere, iufques k la mer douce 
des Hurons ; c'eft vn lac de plus de cinq cens lieues 
d'eflendue : mais il faut reiinir, & rallier nos forces 
en quelques endroits i^ables & bien conferuez, de- 
uant que de nous r6pandre fi loing. 

Quand aux habitans de la Nouuelle France, ils fe 
font multipliez au delk de nos efperances. Entrant 
dans le Pais, nous y trouuames vne feule famille, qui 
cherchoit pafTage en France, pour y viure fouz les 
loix de la vraye Religion : & maintenant nous voy- 
ons tous les ans aborder bon nombre de tres-hono- 
rables perfonnes, qui fe viennent letter dans nos 
grads bois, comme dans le fein de la paix, pour viure 
icy auec plus de piete, plus de franchife, & plus de 
liberte. Le bruit des Palais, ce grand tintamarre de 
Sergens, de Plaideurs & de SoUiciteurs ne s'entend 
icy que de mille lieues loing. Les exactions, les 
tromperies, les vols, les rapts, les alTaflins, les per- 
fidies, les inimitiez, les malices noires ne fe voyent 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 139 

and convenience of each. Those who have not seen 
the Country in its poverty, perhaps do not admire 
these still quite small beginnings. As to me, I 
frankly confess that Kebec seems to me another 
Country, and no longer the little corner hidden away 
at the end of the world, where could be seen nothing 
but some dilapidated huts and a few Europeans. 
The courage of these Gentlemen is going much 
farther ; they are thinking about a number of homes 
or settlements as far up as the great Sault de saint 
Louys, which will be [149] some day perhaps as many 
Cities. Indeed, in the course of time they will even 
be able to secure the great river up as far as the 
fresh-water sea of the Hurons, which is a lake of 
more than five hundred leagues in extent. But we 
must unite and rally our forces in some permanent 
and well-protected places, before spreading out so far. 
As to the inhabitants of New France, they have 
multiplied far beyond our hopes. When we entered 
the Country, we found here only a single family, 
who were seeking a passage back to France in order 
to live there under the laws of the true Religion. 
And now we see a great number of very honorable 
persons land here every year, who come to cast them- 
selves into our great forests as if into the bosom of 
peace, to live here with more piety, more immunity, 
and more liberty. The din of Palaces, the great up- 
roar of Lawyers, Litigants, and Solicitors is heard here 
only at a thousand leagues' distance. Exactions, de- 
ceits, thefts, rapes, assassinations, treachery, enmity, 
black malice, are seen here only once a year, in the let- 
ters and Gazettes which people bring from Old [150] 
France. Not that we have not our maladies, but they 
are easier to cure ; and, besides, no money is needed 


icy qu'vne fois I'an fur les papiers & fur les Gazettes, 
que quelques vns apportent de I'Ancienne [150] 
France. Ce n'eft pas que nous n'ayons nos maladies, 
mais elles font plus aif ees ^ guerir ; & encor ne f aut- 
il point d'argent pour payer le foin des Medecins. 
Pleufl "k Dieu que les ames amoureufes de la paix 
peufTent voir combien douce efl la vie efloign^e des 
gehennes de mille complimens fuperflus, de la ty- 
rannie des procez, des rauages de la guerre, & d'vne 
infinite d'autres beftes fauuages qu'on ne rencontre 
point dans nos forefls. Mais ie ne prends pas garde, 
que voulant parler des nouueaux habitans de la Nou- 
uelle France, ie vay difcourant de la paix qu'elle 
poffede. Difons done que nous auons icy deux braues 
Cheualiers, I'vn pour Gouuerneur, c'efl MonOeur de 
Montmagny : I'autre pour fon Lieutenant, c'efl Mon- 
fieur de I'lfle; nous y auons aufli de tres honnefles 
Gentilshommes ; nombre de foldats de facon, & de 
refolution ; c'efl vn plaifir de leur voir faire les exer- 
cices de la guerre, dans la douceur de la paix, de 
n'entendre le bruit des moufquetades & des canons, 
que par reioiiiflance, nos grands bois & nos mon- 
tagnes repondans k ces coups par des Echos roulans 
comme des tonnerres innocens, qui n'ont ny [151] 
foudres, ny Eclairs. La Diane nous reueille tous les 
matins, nous voyons pofer les fentinelles, le corps de 
garde efl touiours bien muny ; chaque efcoiiade a fes 
iours de faction ; en vn mot, noflre fortereffe de K6- 
bec efl gardee dans la paix comme vne place d'im- 
portance dans I'ardeur de la guerre. Le refle des ha- 
bitans fait vn gros de diuerfes fortes d'artifans, & de 
quelques honorables families, qui s'efl notablement 
accreu cette annee. Nos Sauuages mefmes, qui ne 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, 1636 141 

to pay for the attendance of the Physicians. Would 
to God that souls enamored of peace could see how 
sweet is life remote from the gehenna of a thousand 
superfluous compliments, of the tyranny of lawsuits, 
of the ravages of war, and of an infinite number of 
other savage beasts that we do not encounter in our 
forests. But I am not taking heed, — while intend- 
ing to speak of the new inhabitants of New France, 
I go on talking about the peace they possess. Let 
us say then that we have here two brave Chevaliers, 
one as Governor, Monsieur de Montmagny, the other 
as his Lieutenant, Monsieur de I'lsle. We have also 
some very worthy Gentlemen here, and a number of 
fine-looking and resolute soldiers. It is a pleasure 
to see them engage in their warlike exercises during 
the calmness of peace, to hear the noise of muskets 
and of cannon, only in rejoicing, — our great forests 
and mountains responding to these reports by Echoes 
rolling as innocent thunders, which have neither 
[151] bolts nor lightning. The Diane ^wakens us 
every morning; we see the sentinels resting upon 
their arms. The guardhouse is always well sup- 
plied; each squad has its days of sentry duty. In a 
word, our fortress at Kebec is guarded in time of 
peace as is an important place in the midst of war. 
The remaining and greater part of the population is 
composed of different kinds of artisans, and of some 
respectable families, and has considerably increased 
this year. Our Savages themselves, who are not 
great admirers of the Universe, are astonished to see, 
they say, so many Captains and so many children of 
Captains. Among the families that have come re- 
cently, those of Monsieur de Repentigny and Mon- 
sieur de la Poterie, gallant Gentlemen, hold the first 


font pas des grands admirateurs de I'Vniuers, s'eton- 
nent de voir, difent-ils, tant de Capitaines, & tant 
d'enfans de Capitaines. Entre les families qui font 
venues de nouueau, celles de Monfieur de Repenti- 
gny, & de Monfieur de la Poterie, braues Gentils- 
hommes, tiennent le premier rang. Quand on nous 
dit h. Kdbec, qu'il y auoit nombre de perfonnes ^ Ta- 
douffac, qui venoient groflir noflre Colonie, qu'on ne 
voyoit Ik bas qu'hommes, femmes, & petits enfans: 
nous loiiafmes Dieu, & le priafmes de repandre fa 
faincte benediction fur cette nouuelle Peuplade; 
mais quand on nous affeura qu'il y auoit entre autres 
fix Damoifelles, des enfans beaux [152] comme le 
iour: que Meffieurs de Repentigny, & de la Poterie, 
compofoient vne groiTe famille, qu'ils eftoient en 
bonne fante ; ie vous laiffe h. penfer. fi la ioye ne 
s'empara pas de noftre coeur, & I'eftonnement de no- 
flre efprit : tout cela redoubla par leur prefence ; leur 
grace, leur entretien nous fit voir la grande difference 
qu'il y a entre nos Fran9ois & nos Sauuages. Qui 
fera maintenant difficulte de paffer nos mers? puis 
que des enfans fi tendres, des Damoifelles fi delicates, 
des femmes naturellement apprehenfiues fe moquent 
& fe rient de la grandeur de I'Ocean? FinilTons bien 
toft ce Chapitre. Refte k parler de noftre police Ec- 
clefiaftique & Ciuile ; I'ay deja dit qu'il n'y a point 
icy de pratique pour les Chiquaneurs. Les differens 
que i'y ay veu naiftre iufques a prefent, n'ont paru 
que pour difparoiftre bien toft ; chacun eft fon propre 
Aduocat; & la premiere perfonne qu'on rencontre 
iuge en dernier relTort fans appel ; s'il y a quelque 
chofe qui merite d'eftre rapporte h. Monfieur le Gou- 
uerneur, il I'expedie en deux mots, ou le fait con- 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6j6 143 

rank.'* When we were told at K6bec that there 
were many persons at Tadoussac who were coming 
to increase our Colony, — that nothing was seen down 
there but men, women and little children, — we 
praised God, and prayed him to bestow his holy 
benediction upon these new Emigrants; but when 
we were assured that there were, among others, six 
Damsels, and some children as beautiful [152] as the 
day, that Messieurs de Repentigny and de la Poterie 
were establishing a large household, and that they 
were in good health, I leave you to imagine if joy 
did not take possession of our hearts, and surprise 
of our minds. All this was doubled in their presence ; 
their elegance, their conversation, showed us the 
great difference there is between our French and our 
Savages. Who will now find difficulties in crossing 
our seas, since children so tender, Damsels so deli- 
cate, women naturally timid, ridicule and laugh at 
the vastness of the Ocean ? Let us quickly bring this 
Chapter to a close. It remains to speak of our gov- 
ernment. Ecclesiastical and Civil. I have already 
said that there is no chance here for Tricksters. The 
quarrels which I have seen arise up to the present 
have appeared only soon to disappear. Every one 
is his own Advocate, and the first person one meets 
judges as a final tribunal from which there is no ap- 
peal. If there is anything that is worth reporting to 
Monsieur the Governor, he despatches it in two 
words, or has it arranged and concluded by those 
who may have knowledge of the affair. [153] This 
is not saying that one cannot proceed judicially 
here, and that this has not been done occasionally ; 
but as there are no great causes for dispute, so 
we can have no great trials, and consequently the 


dure & terminer par ceux qui peuuent auoir co- 
gfnoiffance de I'affaire. [153] Ce n'eft pas qu'on ne 
puiffe proceder icy iuridiquement. & que par fois on 
ne I'ait fait; mais comme il n'y a point de grandes 
occafions de difputer, aufll n'y peut-il y auoir de 
grands procez, & par confequent toute la police eft 
douce, & agreable. II y a par tout quelques efprits 
plus libertins, qui croyent que les loix les plus douces 
font des chaifnes ; mais leurs mecontentemens font 
les maladies de leur efprit, & non la rigueur des or- 
donnances qui n'ont point d'amertume. Au refte 
celles qui fe font icy, y font gardees en mefme temps. 
En voicy des preuues. Le vingt neufiefme Decembre 
de I'an mil fix cens trente cinq, furent mifes k vn 
pillier deuant I'Eglife, des affiches & defenfes, fur 
certaines peines; de blafphemer, de s'enyurer, de 
perdre la MelTe & feruice diuin aux iours de Feftes. 
En fuite dequoy, vn carcan fut attache au mefme 
pilier, & vn cheualet aupres, pour les delinquants; ou 
fut mis par effet le fixiefme lanuier vn yurogne & 
blafphemateur. Et le vingt-deuxiefme, vn de nos 
habitans fut condamne a cinquante liures d'amende 
pour auoir fait enyurer quelques Sauuages. Les 
meilleures loix du monde [154] ne valent rien, 
fi on ne les fait garder. Pour la lurifdiction Ec- 
clefialtique, elle ne s'ell encor exercee que dans 
les cceurs, & dans les confciences. Veritablement 
nous auons fujet de benir Dieu, voyant que I'ac- 
croiffement de nos Parroiffiens eft 1 'augmentation de 
fes loiianges. Les premiers facrifices de la MefTe, 
que nous prefentafmes en ces contrees furent offerts 
dans vn mefchant petit todis, qui maintenant nous 
feroit honte ; nous-nous feruifmes par apres d'vne 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibs6 145 

whole system of government is mild and agree- 
able. Everywhere there are libertine spirits who 
consider the mildest laws as chains; but their dis- 
content is a disease of the mind, and does not 
arise from the severity of the laws, which are in no 
wise characterized by bitterness. Furthermore, those 
laws enacted here are also observed. Here are 
some proofs of this. On the twenty-ninth of De- 
cember of the year one thousand six hundred and 
thirty-five, there were placed upon a pillar in front 
of the Church certain notices and prohibitions, with 
certain penalties, against blasphemy, drunkenness, 
failing to attend the Mass and divine services on 
Holydays. In pursuance of which an iron collar 
was fastened to the same pillar, and a chevalet*" 
near by for the delinquents; and here in fact, on the 
sixth of January, a drunkard and blasphemer was 
placed; and on the twenty-second, one of our resi- 
dents was condemned to fifty livres fine for having 
made some Savages drunk. ^' The best laws in the 
world [154] are of no value, if they are not observed. 
As to Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, it is only exercised 
as yet in the hearts and consciences. Truly, we have 
reason to bless God, seeing that the increase of our 
Parishioners is the augmentation of his praises. The 
first sacrifices of the Mass that we presented in this 
country were offered in a wretched little hut that we 
would be ashamed of now; afterwards we used a 
room, then they had a Chapel built. They have 
tried to change it into a Church, enlarging it by half 
or thereabout; and with all that, on Fete-days the 
first two Masses which are said at Kebec are so fre- 
quented that this large Chapel, or this little Church, 
is iwW usque ad cornu altaris, from one end to the 



chambre, puis on fit baftir vne Chapelle ; on a tafch6 
de la changer en Eglife, Taugmentant de moiti6, ou 
enuiron, & auec tout cela les iours de Feftes, les deux 
premieres Meffes qui fe difent k K^bec font fi fre- 
quent^es, que cette grande Chapelle, ou cette petite 
Eglife fe voit remplie v/que ad cornu altar is, d'vn bout 
k r autre. Le feruice fe fait maintenant auec folem- 
nite ; outre les Meffes baffes, on en chante vne tous 
les Dimanches & toutes les Fefles, ou fe fait I'Eau 
benifle, & le Pain benit; on recite le Profne pour 
I'inftruction des plus ignorans, on ne manque pas de 
prefcher en fon temps, d'expliquer le Catechifme 
apres les Vefpres. Nos Francois y afiiflent, [155] 
les vns pour y eflre mieux inftruits, les autres pour 
donner courage aux enfans, qui font aufli bien qu'en 
aucune Parroiffe que i'aye veu en France. Si toft 
qu'on nous eut loge proche de 1' Eglife, le Pere Lal- 
lemant commengant d'habiter cette Refidence donna 
en mefme temps commecement k fes folennitez: le 
Pere de Quen luy a fucced6 dans la mefme affection 
& fplendeur. le confeffe ingenuement que mon 
coeur s'attendrit la premiere fois que i'affiftay &. ce 
diuin feruice, voyant nos Francois tous rejoiiis d'en- 
tendre chanter hautement & publiquement les loii- 
anges du grand Dieu au milieu d'vn Peuple barbare, 
voyans de petits enfans parler le langage Chreftien 
en vn autre monde. II me fembloit qu'vne Eglife 
bien reiglee ou Dieu eft feruy auec amour & refpect, 
auoit trauerfe la mer; ou que ie me trouuois tout 
d'vn coup dans noftre France, apres auoir paffe quel- 
ques annees au pais des Sauuages : ce qui vous eft 
commun en I'Ancienne France, & qui ne touche que 
les ames les mieux difpofees, nous reioiiit iufques au 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION. 1636 147 

other. The service is now conducted with solem- 
nity ; besides the low Masses, one is sung every Sun- 
day and every Fete-day, when the holy Water and 
Bread are blessed; a Lecture is given, for the in- 
struction of the more ignorant ; and there is preach- 
ing at the proper time, and an explanation of the 
Catechism after Vespers. Our French are present, — 
[155] some to be better instructed, others to give cour- 
age to the children, who do as well as in any Parish I 
have ever seen in France. As soon as we had been 
lodged near the Church, Father Lallemant, who had 
just begun to live at the Residence, at the same time 
initiated its solemnities; Father de Quen has suc- 
ceeded him with the same inclination for ceremony. 
I frankly confess that my heart melted the first time 
I assisted in this divine service, at the sight of our 
Frenchmen so greatly rejoicing to hear sung aloud 
and publicly the praises of the great God in the 
midst of a barbarous People, at the sight of little 
children speaking the Christian language in another 
world. It seemed to me that a well-regulated Church, 
where God is served with love and respect, had 
crossed the sea ; or that I found myself all of a sud- 
den in our own France, after having passed some 
years in the country of the Savages. What is a com- 
mon thing for you in Old France, and touches only 
the best-disposed souls, rejoices us to the bottom of 
our hearts in our little Churches built of foreign 
wood. As often as we present to the God of Heaven 
[156] the adorable sacrifice of the Altar, in some new 
place, it seems to us that we banish therefrom the 
demons, and that we take possession of these lands 
in the name of Jesus Christ our sovereign Lord and 
Master, whom we wish to see reigning fully in the 


fond du coeur dans nos petites Eglifes bafties de bois 
eflranger. Autat de fois que nous prefentons au 
Dieu du Ciel [156] I'adorable facrifice de I'Autel, en 
quelque nouuel endroit, il nous femble que nous en 
banniilons les demons, & que nous prenons poffeffion 
de ces terres au nom de lefus Chrift noflre fouuerain 
Seigneur & Maiftre, que nous defirons de voir regner 
pleinement dans les coeurs de nos Fran9ois, & dans 
la creance de nos Sauuages. Le zele de Monfieur 
Gand k procurer de toutes fes forces, que nos Fran- 
9ois aiment ces deuotions folennelles & publiques, 
me femble fort louable : mais les ordonnances de 
Monfieur noflre Gouuerneur, fon exemple tres-remar- 
quable, & la piete des plus apparens tiennent tout en 
deuoir, qui refufera d'affifler k I'explication du Ca- 
techifme, puis que ces perfonnes de merite & d'au- 
thorite I'honorent de leur prefence, & prennent vn 
grand plaifir d'entendre par fois chanter en langue 
Sauuage I'oraifon du Fils de Dieu, & les articles de 
nollre creance par les bouches encor enfantines de 
petits gargons, & de petites fiUes Fran9oifes & Sau- 
uages. Dieu foit loii6 dans le temps & dans I'eter- 
nit^ par les langues de toutes les Nations de la terre. 
le m'oubliois de dire que I'ertabliffement [157] 
d'vn College fert encor beaucoup pour le bien du 
pays: auffi quelques perfonnes tres-honnefles nous 
f§auent fort bien dire, que iamais elles n'euffent paffe 
rOcean pour venir en la Nouuelle France, fi elles 
n'euffent eu cognoiffance qu'il y auoit des perfonnes 
capables de diriger leurs confciences, de procurer 
leur falut, & d'inftruire leurs enfans en la vertu, & 
en la cognoiffance des Lettres. 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION. i6j6 149 

hearts of our French and in the belief of our Sav- 
ages. Monsieur Gand's zeal in exercising all his 
energies to cause our French to love these solemn 
and public devotions, seems to me very praiseworthy. 
But the regulations of Monsieur our Governor, his 
very remarkable example, and the piety of the more 
prominent people, hold all in the line of duty. Who 
would refuse to attend the explanation of the Cate- 
chism, since these persons of worth and authority 
honor it with their presence, and take great pleasure 
in occasionally hearing sung in the Savage language 
the prayer of the Son of God, and the articles of our 
belief by the still childish mouths of little boys and 
gfirls, French and Savage? God be praised through 
time and through eternity by the tongues of all the 
Nations of the earth. 

I forgot to say that the establishment [157] of a 
College is also of great service for the welfare of the 
country.^ Also, a number of very respectable per- 
sons can assure us that they would never have crossed 
the Ocean to come to New France, if they had not 
known that there were persons there capable of di- 
recting their consciences, of procuring their salvation, 
and of instructing their children in virtue, and in the 
knowledge of Letters. 




QVELQVES perfonnes de condition m'ont faict 
propofer fous main, & de diuers endroits, cer- 
taines difficultez dont elles defirent eftre eclair- 
cies, pour fe refoudre a paffer en ces contr^es. II eft 
raifonnable de leur fatisfaire auec fidelite. 
I. On demande fi le pais eft hors des incurfions de 
VEfpagnol, & la deffus on defire vne Chorographie 
pour voir la diftance qu'il y a entre la nouuelle 
France, & les terres qu'il poffede en TAmerique. 

[158] le ref ponds qu'il n'eft pas befoin de Choro- 
graphie pour cognoiftre c6t 61oignement ; adiouftez 
que ie n'en f9aurois faire que fur les cartes qui 
on deia cours, n'en ayant ny le temps, ny le loifir, 
ny les moyens de me tranf porter en tant d' endroits 
pour prendre les hauteurs neceilaires ; neantmoins 
ce que ie vay dire fatisfera pleinement k la de- 
mande. L'Efpagnol ne nous f9auroit venir trou- 
uer que par mer ou par terre: de venir par terre 
c'eft I'impoffibilite mefme, & quiconque a tant foit 
peu de cognoillance du Pais fe rendroit ridicule, s'il 
apprehendoit fa venue au travers de tant de centaines 
de lieues de bois, de forefts, de fleuues, de lacs, & de 
montagnes. Pour venir par eau, il a vn tres-grand 
chemin k faire, car entre nous & luy il y a toute la 
Floride, & peut-eftre plufieurs autres contr6es au de- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 151 



SOME persons of standing have caused to be pro- 
posed to me, privately and from different places, 
certain difficulties in regard to which they 
wish to be enlightened, in order to decide whether 
to cross over into these countries. It is reasonable 
to give them exact and satisfactory answers. 
I. It is asked whether this country is beyond the 
incursions of the Spaniard ; and thereupon a Chorog- 
raphy is desired, to see the distance there is be- 
tween new France and the lands he possesses in 

[158] I answer that there is no need of a Chorog- 
raphy to know this distance; besides, I could only 
indicate it on the maps already in circulation, hav- 
ing neither the time, nor the leisure, nor the means 
of visiting so many places to take the necessary alti- 
tudes; nevertheless, what I am going to say will 
fully satisfy the question. The Spaniard could only 
come to us by sea or by land. To come by land is 
impossibility itself, and he who has ever so little 
knowledge of the Country would make himself ridic- 
ulous by fearing his approach across so many hun- 
dreds of leagues of woods, of forests, of rivers, of 
lakes, and of mountains. To come by water, he has 
a long voyage to make ; for between him and us 
there is the whole of Florida, and perhaps several 


1^ ; toute la Virginie & toutes les autres terres qui 
appartiennent a la France, qui font de tres-grande 
eflendue. Ce n'eft pas tout, ayant trouue I'embou- 
cheure de noftre grand fleuue, il faut monter quali 
deux cens lieues felon les mariniers, qui ne donnent 
qu'enuiron dix-fept lieues & demj- pour degre. Que 
fi nous fuiuons [159] les Geographes qui en affignent 
vingt-cinq, il faut monter plus de trois cens lieues 
fur cette grande Riuiere pour nous rencontrer: & 
quand tout ce chemin feroit fait, nous fommes main- 
tenant en tel eflat & en tel nombre, que nous ne 
craindrions pas fes forces. Si Monfieur de Cham- 
plain eufl eu des viures, & de la poudre, & autres 
munitions de guerre, iamais I'Anglois ne fufl entre 
das le fort de Kebec; il auoit le courage trop bon, & 
la place eftoit d'ailleurs trop tenable, bien que ce ne 
full: encore rien, au prix de ce qu'on y a adioufle, & 
qu'on y adioufle tous les iours. Pour les munitions 
de bouche, on nous en enuoye toufiours pour deux 
ans, & fi nous ferons bien-toft fur le poinct de nous 
nourrir icy de noflre trauail. Mais c'eft ce qu'on me 
demande en fecond lieu. 

II. Si defrichant les terres & les labourant. elles 
produiront affez pour leurs habitans. 

le refponds qu'ouy ; c'efl le fentiment de ceux qui 
s'y entendent. Le Sieur Giffard qui n'a defriche 
que durant deux ans, & encor laiilant plufieurs fou- 
ches, efpere recueillir cette annee, fi fon bled [160] 
correfpond a ce qu'il monftre maintenant, pour nour- 
rir vingt perfonnes: d6s I'an paffe il recueillit huit 
poin9ons de fourment, deux poin9ons de pois, trois 
poingons de bled d'Inde; & tout cela au moye de 
fept hommes qui ont encor efle bien diuertis k baftir, 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. i(>36 153 

other countries beyond; all of Virginia, and all the 
other lands which belong to France, which are of 
vast extent. This is not all; after having found the 
mouth of our great river, he would have to go up about 
two hundred leagues, according to the sailors, who 
only allow about seventeen leagues and a half to a 
degree. So if we follow [159] the Geographers, who 
make it twenty-five leagues, he would have to come 
over three hundred leagues up this great River to 
reach us; and, when all this distance is covered, we 
are now in such a condition and in such numbers that 
we do not fear his forces. If Monsieur de Champlain 
had had food and powder and other munitions of 
war, the English would never have entered the fort 
of Kebec. He had the right kind of courage, and 
the place was besides easy enough to hold, although 
it was nothing compared to what has been added and 
is being added to it every day. As to provisions, 
they always send us enough for two years; and in- 
deed we shall soon be in a condition to support our- 
selves from our own labor. But that is what I am 
asked in the second place. 

II. The land being cleared and ploughed, will it 
produce enough for the inhabitants? 

I answer, yes; this is the opinion of those who 
understand the subject. Sieur Giffard, who has been 
clearing the land for only two years, and still leav- 
ing a great many stumps, hopes to harvest enough 
this year, if his wheat [160] yields in proportion to 
present indications, to maintain twenty persons. 
The last year's harvest was eight puncheons of 
wheat, two puncheons of peas, three puncheons of 
Indian corn ; and all this was done by the labor of 
seven men, who were at the same time engaged in 


k faire des foins, & k d'autres manufactures; fa terre 
eft bonne, toutes ne font pas femblables. 
III. S'il y a efperance que les pommiers & autres 
arbres fruictiers y puiffent porter du fruict. 

le n'en puis repondre auec affeurance, pour n'en 
auoir aucune experience oculaire. Le Geur Hebert 
auoit plants quelques pommiers pendant fa vie, qui 
ont porte de fort bons fruicts, k ce qu'on m'affeure; 
le beftail a gaft^ ces arbres ; nous auons greffe quel- 
ques fauuageons cette ann^e, les antes font tres-bien 
reprifes. Le temps nous apprendra ce qui en eft; 
on voit icy des poiriers, pommiers, pruniers, ceri- 
fiers; & autres arbres portans des fruits fauuages; 
s'ils refiftent aux rigueurs de I'hyuer; ie ne vois pas 
pourquoy ils doiuent mourir pour eftre antez de bons 
greffes. II y a en quelques endroits force lambruches 
charg6es de [i6i] raifms; quelques- vns en ont fait du 
vin par curiofit6, i'en ay gouft^, il m'a femble fort 
bon. Plufieurs tiennent pour certain que la vigne 
reiifliroit icy, & comme i'oppofois la rigueur des 
froids, on me r6pondit que les feps feront en affeu- 
rance tout I'Hyuer fouz la neige, & qu'au Printemps 
on ne doit pas tant craindre que les vignes gelent, 
comme on fait en France, pour ce qu'elles ne s'auan- 
ceront pas fi toft. Tout cela femble probable. 
IV. Combien vingt hommes feroient de temps k d6- 
fricher vn arpent de terre? ce que coufteroit vn cba- 
cun ^ nourrir durant vn an ? & quelles prouiHons il 
faudroit faire ? 

Vingt hommes defricberont en vn an trente arpens 
de terre, au net, en forte que la charue y paffe; s'ils 
eftoient intereffez dans I'affaire, pent eftre en feroiet- 
ils dauantage ; il y a des endroits bien plus aifez les 

1636] LE /E UN eS RELATION, i6s6 155 

building, in making hay, and in other work. His 
land is good ; not all is like it. 

III. Is there any hope of apple and other fruit trees 
producing fruit here? 

I cannot answer positively, as I have had no ocular 
proof of this. Sieur Hebert planted some apple trees 
during his lifetime, which have borne some very 
good fruit, as I have been assured; but the cattle 
spoiled these trees. We have grafted some wild 
trees this year, and the scions have united very well. 
Time will show us what there is in it. One sees 
here pear, apple, plum, cherry, and other trees bear- 
ing wild fruit ; if they can stand the severity of the 
winter, I do not see why they should die for being 
grafted with good shoots. In some places there are 
many wild vines loaded with [i6i] grapes; some 
have made wine of them through curiosity ; I tasted 
it, and it seemed to me very good. Many are sure 
that the vine would succeed here ; and, when I urged 
against this the rigor of the cold, they replied that 
the vine-stock will be safe all Winter under the snow, 
and that in the Spring it need not be feared that the 
vines will freeze as they do in France, because they 
will not sprout so early. All this seems probable. 

IV. How long would it take twenty men to clear an 
arpent of land? What would it cost apiece to main- 
tain them for a year? And what provisions would it 
be necessary to furnish? 

Twenty men will clear in one year thirty arpents 
of land, so clean that the plow can pass through it; 
if they had an interest in the matter, perhaps they 
would do more. There are some places which are 
much easier than others. The usual task for each 
man is an arpent and a half a year, if he is not en- 


vns que les autres; la tafche ordinaire de chaque 
homme par an eft vn arpent & dfimy, n'eftant point 
diuerty en d'autres chofes. On donne a chacun pour 
fon viure deux pains d'enuiron fix ou fept liures par 
femaine, c'eft a dire qu'il faut vn poinfTon de farine 
par an, [162] deux liures de lard, deux onces de 
beurre, vne petite mefure d'huile, & de vinaigre, un 
peu de molue feiche, c'eft enuiron vne liure, vne 
6cuelee de pois, c'eft enuiron vne chopine, tout cela 
par femaine. Pour leur boiffon, on leur donne vne 
chopine de fydre par iour, ou vn pot de biere, & par 
fois vn coup de vin, comme aux bonnes feftes. L'hy- 
uer on leur donne vne prife d'eau de vie le matin, fi 
on en a. Tout ce qu'on pent retirer fur le Pais, foit 
par la chaffe, ou par la pefche, n'eft point compris Ik 
dedans. Suiuant ce memoire on pent voir ce qu'il 
coufte pour nourrir vn homme, & les prouifions qu'il 
faut faire. le ne parle point des autres rafraichilTe- 
mens, qu'il elt bon d'apporter, des pruneaux, ris, rai- 
fins, & autres chofes qui peuuent feruir pour les 
malades. le ne parle non plus des habits, des couuer- 
tures, des mattelats, & autres chofes femblables, qu'vn 
chacun peut apporter felon fa condition, & felon fon 

V. Comme eft fait le grand Fleuue fainct Laurens, 
quels font fes riuages, iufques ou vont les grands Na- 
uires, de quel port font ceux qui montent iufques 
[163] 'k K6bec, & iufques aux trois Riuieres, quel eft 
I'eftat des fortifications qu'on a fait pour la feurete du 

Voila bien des demandes tout a la fois, aufquelles 
11 eft bien difficile de r^pondre, fans faire de longues 
pourmenades. Quand on monte a Kebec, & qu'on a 

1636J LE /EUA'E'S RELATIOX. i6j6 157 

gaged in other work. As rations, each one is given 
two loaves of bread, of about six or seven pounds, a 
week, — that is, a puncheon of flour a year: [162] 
two pounds of lard, two ounces of butter, a little 
measure of oil and of vinegar; a little dried codfish, 
that is, about a pound; a bowlful of peas, which is 
about a chopine [pint], — and all this for one week. 
As to their drinks, they are given a chopine of cider 
per day, or a quart of beer, and occasionally a drink 
of wine, as on great fete-days. In the winter they 
are given a drop of brandy in the morning, if one 
has any. What they can get from the Country, in 
hunting or fishing, is not included in this. By fol- 
lowing this memorandum, one can see what it costs to 
keep a man, and the provisions that must be supplied. 
I say nothing of. the other edibles which it is well to 
bring, — prunes, rice, raisins, and other things that 
can be used for the sick. Neither do I speak of the 
clothes, blankets, mattresses, and other such things, 
that every one can bring according to his condition 
and ability. 

V. How is the great saint Lawrence River formed? 
What kind of banks has it? How far up do the 
great Vessels go, and of what burden are those which 
go up as far [163] as Kebec and the three Rivers? 
What is the condition of the fortifications that have 
been made for the safety of the Country ? 

Here are a great many questions, all at once, which 
it is difficult to answer without making long journeys. 
When you come up to Kebec and have the wind 
astern, you hardly notice the banks of the great Riv- 
er, which sometimes do not appear at all, either from 
their great distance, the River being very wide, or 
from the fogs that obscure the view. To coast along 


le vent en pouppe, on ne s'arrefte gueres k remarquer 
les riues du grand Fleuue, qui par fois ne parroiffent 
point, foit pour leur efloignement, le Fleuue eftant 
fort large, foit pour les bruines qui en derobent la 
veue. D'aller cottoyer ces riuages, il faudroit faire 
quatre ces lieues, & mener des homes & des viures 
pour vn long-teps. Si faut il toutesfois donner quel- 
que reponfe. Quand on eft entre dans les terres, on 
rencontre vn Golphe grand comme vne mar: mon- 
tant plus haut ce Golphe fe change en vn Fleuue fort 
large, car k peine en voit-on les riues nauigeant au 
milieu. II fe va toufiours etreffiffant: en forte ne- 
antmoins qu'il a bien encor dix lieues de large k plus 
de cent lieues de fon emboucheure. Deuant Kebec, 
ou il fe r^treint fort, il a fix cens feptante deux toifes, 
on I'a mefur6 fur la glace: quatre lieues au deffus il 
^largit encore [164] fon lict, & deuant I'habitation des 
trois Riuieres, qui eft k trente lieues au deffus de K6- 
bec, il a bien encor deux ou trois mille pas communs ; 
comme ie I'^criuy I'an palle: vn peu plus haut, il 
fait le grad Lac de fainct Pierre, large d'enuiron fept 
lieues. Ce Roy de tous les Fleuues eft bord6, tan- 
toft de montagnes, tantoft d'vn pais plat, ou bien peu 
releue. I'ay fouuent nauige de K^bec aux trois Ri- 
uieres. I'ay remarqu^ des riues pierreufes, d'autres 
fablonneufes ; en d'autres on trouue de I'arg^Ue, des 
terres graffes, tres-bonnes pour faire de la brique ; le 
Pais eft beau & bien agreable, entre-coupp^ de ri- 
uieres, de ruiffeaux, de torrens qui viennent des 
terres. Les Sauuages m'ont monftr^ quelques en- 
droits, ou les Hiroquois ont autrefois cultiue la terre. 
I'vfe ^ mon aduis de redite ; mais ceux qui deman- 
dent ces r^ponfes le fouhaittent ainfi. Ce Fleuue de- 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 159 

these shores, you would have to make four hundred 
leagues, and carry men and provisions for a long 
time. Yet I must give some answer. Upon enter- 
ing these lands, you encounter a Gulf as large as a 
sea ; farther up, this Gulf changes into a very broad 
River, for you can scarcely see the banks while sail- 
ing in the middle of it. It keeps on narrowing, and 
yet it is fully ten leagues wide at more than a hun- 
dred leagues from its mouth. Opposite K6bec, where 
it becomes very narrow, it is six hundred and seven- 
ty-two toises wide, this distance having been meas- 
ured on the ice. Four leagues farther up, its bed 
widens [164] out again, and opposite the settlement 
of the three Rivers, which is thirty leagues above 
Kebec, it is still two or three thousand ordinary 
paces in width, as I wrote last year; a little higher 
it forms the great Lake of saint Peter, about seven 
leagues wide. This King of all Rivers is bordered 
sometimes by mountains, sometimes by a flat coun- 
try, or by land but slightly elevated. I have often 
navigated it from K6bec up to the three Rivers. I 
have observed that some of the banks are rocky, 
others sandy; upon others one finds clay, — heavy 
soil, very good for making brick. The Country is 
beautiful and very attractive, intersected by rivers, 
brooks, and torrents issuing from the ground. The 
Savages pointed out to me some places where the 
Hiroquois once cultivated the land. It seems to me 
I am going into repetitions, but those who ask for 
these answers wish it so. This River from the Cape 
of saint Lawrence, that is, from its mouth, up to 
Tadoussac flows partly toward the Northwest, a quar- 
ter from the West, partly toward the West, a quar- 
ter from the Southwest, according to Monsieur Cham- 


puis le Cap de fainct Laurens ; c'efl a dire depuis fon 
emboucheure iufques a Tadouffac, tire en partie au 
Nordoiieft, quart d'Oiieft, en partie a I'Oiieft, quart 
de Suroiieft, felon les cartes de Monfieur de Cham- 
plain : car ie n'ay point fait ces obferuations voguant 
deffus, ne me figurant [165] pas que cela fuft ne- 
ceflaire k mon deffein. Pour la grandeur des Vaif- 
feaux qui peuuent entrer dans ce Fleuue, ie me per- 
suade que tous cetix qui marchent en affeurance fur 
rOcean peuuent venir en feurete iufques a Tadouffac, 
& peut-eflre encor iufques k Kebec, & vn peu plus 
haut : neantmoins on n'y en fait ordinairement mon- 
ter que de cent a deux cens tonneaux : au dela de 
K6bec on n'enuoye que des Barques, qui paffent bien 
loing au deffus des trois Riuieres. C'eft affez fur ce 
point. Fay repondu au Chapitre precedent ^ la de- 
mande des fortifications. 

VI. Remarquer la qualite des terres, exprimer celles 
qui font propres au labourage, au plant, aux paftu- 
rages ; s'il fera neceffaire pour les labourer de har- 
nois, de boeufs, de cheuaux, quelles graines on pent 

Si tous nos grands bois efloient abbatus, ie fatisfe- 
rois bien aifement k ces demandes; mais comme ils 
font encor debout, & qu'on ne les vifite pas aifement ; 
ie diray que i'ay veu de bonnes & de mauuaifes terres 
aux lieux que i'ay frequente. II faut philofopher fur 
ce point de [166] la Nouuelle France, comme de 
I'Ancienne. II y a des terres fertiles, en quelques 
endroits des fables, en d'autres il y a des prairies, & 
des lieux tres propres pour en faire. Ie croy qu'il y 
a quelques quartiers propres pour la vigne, pour le 
plant : mais tout cela n'efl pas raffemble : & c'efl ce 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 161 

plain's maps ; for I have not made these observations 
while sailing upon it, not supposing [165] that that 
would be necessary for my purposes. As to the size 
of the Ships that can enter this River, I am per- 
suaded that all those which can sail the Ocean with 
safety can safely come up as far as Tadoussac, and 
perhaps even to K6bec, and a little higher. How- 
ever, they do not generally bring vessels up here ex- 
cept those of one hundred to two hundred tons. 
Beyond Kebec only Barks are sent, which pass far 
above the three Rivers. Enough upon this point. 
As to the question about fortifications, I have an- 
swered it in the preceding Chapter. 
VI. In regard to the quality of the soils, to describe 
those which are suitable for tillage, for planting, for 
pasture ; whether it will be necessary to work them 
with teams of oxen, or horses ; what grains will they 
bear ? 

If our great forests were leveled, I could very eas- 
ily answer these questions ; but as they are still stand- 
ing, and as one does not easily visit them, I will say 
that I have seen both good and bad land in the 
places I have frequented. One must reason about 
[166] New France in this respect the same as one 
does about the Old. There are fertile lands, in some 
places sand, in others meadows, and places very fit to 
make meadows. I believe there are some quarters 
adapted to vines, to plants ; but all these are not to- 
gether, and yet this is what one would desire. 
In these beginnings, as all these experiments have 
not yet been made, I cannot indicate the peculiar 
quality of every soil with certainty. The three Riv- 
ers seems to me like Anjou; it is a sandy country, 
and I believe the vine would flourish there. K^bec 


pendant ce qu'on defireroit. En ces commencemens, 
comme on n'a point encor fait toutes ces experiences ; 
ie ne f9aurois marquer la propriety d'aucun terroir 
auec aflfeurance. Las trois Riuieres me femblent 
comme I'Anjou ; c'eft vn pais fablonneux, ie croy que 
la vigne s'y plairoit. Kebec eft diuerfifi^, il y a des 
endroits fort bas, les bleds y pourront eflre bons, fur 
Ie haut la vigne & les bleds y pourroient profiter ; 
pour Ie bled, I'experience en fait foy; on peut faire 
des prairies en mille endroits. II y en a fur Ie bord 
du grand Fleuue, mais les marges les incommodent. 
II n'efl pas befoin d'apporter des grains pour femer, 
on en trouuera icy en ^change d'autre bled, ou autre 
chofe. Le bled marfais feme au renouueau reiiflit 
bien mieux que le bled fem6 deuant I'hyuer ; ce n'efl 
pas que ie n'en aye veu de tres-beau fein6 en Octobre. 
[167] Mais comme on ne f9ait pas bien encor reco- 
gnoiflre le temps & la nature du fol & du climat, il eft 
plus affeure de le femer au Printemps, que deuant 
I'Hyuer; I'orge commun, & I'orge monde reiiffiffent 
en perfection : le f eigle y vient fort bien ; au moins 
ie puis affeurer que i'ay veu croiftre icy de tous ces 
grains aufli beaux comme en France. Les pois font 
plus tendres & meilleurs que ceux qu'on y apporte 
par la nauigation. Les herbes potageres y viennent 
fort bien, il en faut apporter des graines. II eft vray 
que le voifmage des forefts, & tant de bois pourry, 
dont les terres fe font comme form^es & nourries, 
nous engendrent par fois des vermines qui rongent 
tout : ces animaux venans k mourir panny les cha- 
leurs de l'Eft6 tout vient en perfection; mais quel- 
quefois plus tard qu'il ne faudroit pour retirer des 
graines & des femences. Nous auons icy des boeufs 

163(iJ LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1630 .tl3 

is diversified ; there are very low places where wheat 
might do well, upon the heights the vine and wheat 
might flourish. As to wheat, experience has given 
us faith. Meadows can be made in a thou.sand places. 
There are some upon the borders of the great River, 
but these are greatly injured by the tides. There is 
no need to bring over grains as seed : they will be 
found here in exchange for other grains, or some- 
thing else. March wheat sown in the spring suc- 
ceeds better than wheat sown before winter. Not 
that I have not seen some very fine wheat that was 
sown in October. [167] But as we are not yet thor- 
oughly acquainted with the weather and the nature 
of the soil and climate, it is safer to sow in th*.- Spring 
than before the Winter. Common barley and hulled 
barley succeed to perfection, and rye does very well ; 
at least I can assert that I have seen all these grains 
grow here, as beautiful as they have in France. The 
peas are better and more tender than those they 
bring over in ships. Pot-herbs do very well, but the 
seeds must be brought over. It is true that the 
nearness of the forests, and so much rotten wood, of 
which the land is, as it were, formed and nourished, 
engender, at times, insects which gnaw everything; 
as these animals die during the heat of Summer, 
everything comes to perfection, but sometimes later 
than is desirable to secure the grain and seed. We 
have here oxen and cows, which we use to cultivate 
the cleared land; this year some asses have been 
brought over, which will be of great service ; horses 
could be used, but there is no hurry about bringing 

VII. Is building stone to be found there, [ 168] also 
clay, sand? All these are here in abimdance in some 


& des vaches qui nous feruent k labourer les terres 
d^frich^es: on a cette ann6e amene quelques afnes 
qui rendront de tres-bons feruices : les cheuaux pour- 
roient feruir, mais rien ne prelTe d'en amener. 

VII. Trouue-t'on de la pierre pour baltir, [i68] de 
I'argille, du fable? Tout cela eft icy en abondance 
en quelques endroits, en d'autres non : a deux lieues 
"k la ronde de Kebec on fait de la chaux, on tire de 
bonnes pierres a baftir, qui fe taille fort bien ; on y 
fait d'excellente brique ; le fable fe trouue quafi par 

VIII. Remai-quer les commoditez que le pays pro- 
duit pour la vie de I'homme, les efpeces d'animaux, &c. 

La chaffe des oifeaux de riuiere eft abondante en 
fon temps, c'efl k dire au Printemps & a TAutomne ; 
mais comme elle eft fort battue aux endroits plus ha- 
bitez, elle s'^loigne de plus en plus: il y a des Ifles 
toutes pleines d'Oyes, d'Outardes, de Canar[d]s de di- 
uerfes efpeces, de Sarcelles, & d'autre Gibbier : comme 
on s'occupe aux chofes les plus neceffaires, on va peu 
fouuent apres ces animaux. II y a des Elans, des 
Caftors, des Pores-epics, des Li^vres, & quelques 
beftes fauues, come des Cerfs; vne efpece de vaches, 
qui femblent auoir quelque rapport aux noftres. 
Cette chaffe des plus grandes teftes n'appartient quafi 
encor qu'aux Sauuages, qui ^loignent par leurs 
courfes ces animaux de nos habitations; [i6g] quel- 
ques Francois neantmoins ont tue des Elans, mais 
peu: le temps viendra qu'on pourra les domeftiquer, 
& en tirer de tres bons feruices, traifnant fur la neige 
les bois & autres chofes dont on aura befoin : ces 
MefTieurs en nourriffent trois, deux mafles & vne fe- 
melle ; nous verrons comme ils reuffiront ; s'ils s'ap- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATIOX, i6s6 165 

places, in others not. For a distance of two leagiies 
round about Kebec lime is made ; good building stone 
is quarried, which can be easily cut; excellent brick 
is made, and sand is found almost everywhere. 
VIII. Notice what the country furnishes to sustain 
human life, the kinds of animals, etc. 

Game among river birds is abundant in season, 
that is, in the Spring and Autumn ; but as it has been 
so greatly disturbed in the more inhabited localities, 
it is going farther and farther away. There are Is- 
lands which are full of Geese, Bustards, Ducks of 
various kinds. Teal and other Game ; but, as we are 
occupied with more necessary affairs, we do not often 
engage in hunting these animals. There are Elks, 
Beavers, Porcupines, Hares, and some of the deer 
family, — such as the common red Deer, and a kind 
of cow that appears to have some affinity with ours.^ 
This chase of the larger animals is as yet mainly in- 
dulged in by the vSav-ages, who, by the pursuit of 
them, have driven these animals from our settle- 
ments; [169] some of the French, however, have 
killed Elks, but not many. The time will come 
when they can be domesticated, and we shall make 
good use of them, having them drag over the snow 
the wood and other things which we shall need; 
these Gentlemen are keeping three of these animals, 
two males and one female, and we shall sec how 
they will succeed; if they become tame, it will be 
easy to provide for them, as they eat nothing but 
wood. In time, parks can be made, in which to keep 
Beavers ; these would be treasure-houses, besides fur- 
nishing us with fresh meat at all times. For if one 
sees so many ewes, sheep, and lambs in France, al- 
though the Ewe generally bears but one lamb a year, 


priuoifent il fera aife de les nourrir, car ils ne man- 
gent que du bois. On pourra quelque iour faire des 
pares pour tenir des Caftors; ce feroit vn threfor, 
outre qu'on auroit en tout temps de la chair fraifche. 
Que fi on voit tant de brebis, tant de moutons, & tant 
d'aigneaux en France, encor que la Brebis pour I'or- 
dinaire ne face tous les ans qu'vn aigneau ; ie vous 
laiffe a penfer combien les Caflors fe multiplieroient 
dauantage, puis que la femelle en porte plufieurs. 

Pour le poiflon il eft icy comme en fon empire; 
il y a vn grand nombre de Lacs d'Eftangs, & de Ri- 
uieres tres-poilTonneufes. Le grand fleuue eft rem- 
ply d'Eftourgeons, de Saumons, d'Alofes, de Bro- 
chets, de Barbues, de poiffons dorez, de poiffons 
blancs, de Carpes de diuerfes efpeces, d'Anguilles 
&c. non qu'on les [170] prenne en mefme quantite 
par tout, mais il y a des endroits ovi la pefche femble 
prodigieufe. De I'heure que i'ecris cecy, voila vn 
gar9on qui apporte vingt-cinq ou trente Barbues prifes 
en vne nuit. II y a des Lacs oil on fe pent nourrir 
de poilTon hyuer & efte: nos Fran9ois cet hyuer pafTe 
y prenoient des Brochets de trois ou quatre pieds, 
des Elturgeons de quatre ou cinq pieds, & d'autres 
poiffons en abondance : c"eft vn Sauuage qui m'en 
decouurit I'induftrie. Elle fait maintenant grand plai- 
fir a nos Fran9ois qui font aux trois Riuieres, ou la 
pefche fans mentir furpafTe la creance qu'on en pent 
auoir ; il n'en eft pas de mefme par tout. Quand on 
pourra faire icy comme on fait en France, que les vns 
s'addonnent feulement a pefcher, les autres h. chaffer, 
d'autres ^ cultiuer la terre, d'autres a baftir, on fera 
foulag^ autant qu'en France: mais nous ne pouuons 
pas encore efperer cela, n'eft;ans pas en affez grand 

1636] LE/EUNE-S RELATION, i6s6 167 

I leave you to imagine how much more Beavers will 
multiply, since the female bears several. 

As to the fish, he is here, as it were, in his empire. 
There are a great many Lakes, Ponds, and Rivers, 
filled with them. The great river is full of Stur- 
geon, Salmon, Shad, Pike, Flounders, goldfish, white- 
fish. Carp of different kinds, Eels, etc. Not that they 
[170J can be caught everywhere in the same abun- 
dance, but there are places where the quantity of fish 
seems marvelous. While I am writing this, here 
comes a boy bringing twenty-five or thirty Flounders, 
caught in one night. There are some Lakes where 
one could live on fish, winter and summer. This 
last winter our French caught Pike there three or 
four feet long, Sturgeons of four or five feet, and 
other fish in abundance. It was a Savage who made 
me acquainted with this trade. It is now being en- 
joyed by our French at the three Rivers, where the 
fishing, to tell the truth, exceeds all ideas that we may 
have of it; but it is not that way everywhere. When 
we can do here as we do in France, where certain 
ones give themselves up solely to fishing, others to 
hunting, others to tilling the soil, others to building, 
we shall have as many comforts as we do in France ; 
but we cannot yet hope for that, as there are not 
enough of us. 

IX. What kind of merchandise can we send from 
here to France, such as Peltries; Codfish, dry and 
fresh; oil of the Whale, and of other big fish? What 
minerals can be found here, [171] gummy woods 
which produce resin. Pines, Firs, Cedars, Oak planks, 
materials with which to build our Ships? 

I answer that all these things are found in this 
country, but there are not yet enough people here to 


IX. Quelles marchandifes on peut enuoyer d'icy en 
France, comme les Pelleteries, les Moulues feiches. 
& vertes, les huiles de Baleine & d'autres grands 
poiflons, les mineraux que I'on y peut trouuer, [171] 
les bois goumeux qui donnent la refine, les Pins, Sa- 
pins, Cedres, les ais de Chefnes, la commodity de ba- 
ftir des Nauires. 

le r^ponds que tout cela fe trouue en ce pays-cy : 
mais il n'eft pas encor affez fort de monde pour re- 
cueillir fes richelTes. Nous auons de la Molue ^ 
noflre porte, pour ainfi dire; on la vient pefcher de 
France dans noftre grand fleuue k Gafp^, a I'lfle per- 
c6, k Bonauenture, a Miskou; & cependant la Molue 
qu'on mange k K6bec vient ordinairement de France, 
pource qu'il n'y a point encore affez d'hommes icy 
pour defcendre a cette pefche. Ten dis de mefme 
du charbon de terre & du plaftre ; tout cela fe trouue 
icy, mais il faut des vaifTeaux pour Taller querir; 
ces forces nous manquent encor, pource que le foin 
principal doit eflre de fe loger, fortifier, & defricher 
la terre. Les Bafques viennent tuer les Baleines 
iufques dans Tadouflac & plus haut; on s'efforcera 
cette ann^e, me dit-on, de prendre des Marfoins, ou 
des Baleines blanches, qui paffent fans nombre de- 
uant K6bec : il y a fi log temps que nous les voyons 
fe pourmener deuant nos yeux, & cependat [172] les 
affaires plus preffantes ont retard^ iufques icy cette 
entreprife ; & encor s'il les falloit aller chercher ^ dix 
ou vingt lieues d'icy, on les y laifferoit dans leur li- 
berty : tout fe fera en fon temps. Quelques perfonnes 
foigneufes de leurs affaires, telles qu'il en faut en ce 
pais-cy, me t6moignent qu'elles enuoyent en France 
du Mairin, & des ais de Chefne, & quelques autres 
bois pour des Nauires iufqu'k la valeur de dix mille 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, itjb 369 

gather in its riches. We have Codfish at our door, 
so to speak. They come from France to fish for it 
in our great river, at Gaspe, at I'lsle perc6, at Bona- 
venture/" at Miskou ; and yet the Codfish that is 
eaten at Kebec generally comes from France, be- 
cause there are not yet enough men here to go down 
to that fishery. I can say the same of the coal and 
gypsum, — these are found here, but ships are needed 
to go and get them ; these forces are as yet lacking, 
for our chief care must be to provide for lodgings, 
fortifications, and the clearing of the land. The 
Basques come up as far as Tadoussac, or farther, to 
kill Whales; effort will be made this year, I have 
been told, to take Porpoises, or white Whales, which 
pass in numberless shoals before Kebec. -^ For a 
long time we have seen them swimming before our 
eyes, and yet [172] more urgent affairs have thus far 
retarded this enterprise. And yet, if it were neces- 
sary to go ten or twenty leagues from here to get 
them, they would be let alone. Ever>i;hing will 
come in its turn. Some persons of good business 
ability, such as are needed in this country, assure me 
that they are sending to France Clapboards, Oak 
planks, and those made of other woods, for Ships, to 
the value of ten thousand francs; and all this has not 
taken one year's work, for they have been engaged 
part of the time in clearing the land. I should like 
to have fifty such families here, but not all are so 
capable. If any profit can be made out of Firs, Ce- 
dars, Pines, vSpruce, there are plenty of them here 
and in many places. As to the mines, the land must 
first be cleared, because we must not expect from 
France the quantity of flour necessary for so many 
mouths, and for so many persons who will have to 


francs. & tout cela n'efl pas le trauail d'vn an; car 
ils ont employe vne partie du temps au defrichement 
des terres ; ie fouhaitterois vne cinquantaine de fa- 
milies femblables a celle la, tout le monde n'a pas la 
mefme induflrie. Si on pent retirer quelque profit 
des Sapins, des Cedres, des Pins, des Pruches, il y en 
a icy vne infinite, & en plufieurs endroits. Pour les 
mines il faut auparauant auoir des terres defrich^es, k 
caufe qu'il ne faut pas attendre de France la quantity 
de farines neceffaires k tant de bouches, & a tant de per- 
fonnes, qui fe doiuent occuper aux forges. Quelqu'vn 
penfe y auoir trouue vne mine d'or, & vn autre vne 
d'argent; ie m'en rapporte a ce qui en eft. On peut 
non feulement trouuer [173] des Molues de toutes 
fortes, mais encor du Saumon en quelques endroits; 
on peut encor faller de I'Anguille en abondance, 
cjui eft fort bonne ; nous pefchons, & faifons prouifion 
de ces longs poiffons, pour ce qu'ils fe rencontrent 
a Kebec, le Saumon & la Molue eftans plus efloignez 
font hors de nos prifes; mais ce ne fera pas pour 
toufiours. Quant aux Pelleteries de Caftors, de Lou- 
tres, de Renards, & autres ; c'eft a quoy il ne faut point 
penfer; ces Meffieurs fe referuent cette traitte. On en 
peut neantmoins tirer quelque profit fur le Pais, car 
ils ne fe fouciet pas par quelles mains pafl^ent leurs Ca- 
ftors, pourueu qu'ils viennent en leurs magazins. Les 
habitans en peuuent acheter des biens qu'ils recueil- 
lent fur leurs terres; mais a condition qu'ils ne les fe- 
ront point pafTer en France. Ce qui femble tres rai- 
fonnable : car il eft impoffible de fournir aux grands 
frais de leurs embarquemens, s'ils ne retirent quel- 
que vlilite de ces contrees. Ie voudrois que tout le 
monde prift ma penfee ; qu'on conceuft bien cette 
verite, que la force de cette honorable Compagnie eft 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 171 

work at the furnaces. One man thinks he has found 
a gold mine, and another a silver mine; I am not 
prepared to say whether this is true or not. Not 
only can [173] Codfish of all kinds be found here, 
but also Salmon in some places; one can also salt 
Eels in abundance, which are very good ; we catch 
and make provisions of these long fish because they 
are found at Kebec; the Salmon and Codfish, being 
farther away, are out of our reach ; but it will not be 
always so. As to the Peltries of Beavers, Otters, 
Foxes, and other animals, this is something which 
need not be considered, for these Gentlemen reserve 
this business for themselves. One can, however, 
make something from these, inside the Country, for 
they do not care through what hands their Beavers 
pass, provided they come to their storehouses. The 
inhabitants can barter the products of their own 
lands, but on condition that they will not have these 
sent over to France. This seems very reasonable, 
for it is impossible to defray the heavy expenses of 
their shipments if they do not derive some benefits 
from these countries. I wish every one would grasp 
my idea, that all would thoroughly comprehend this 
truth, that the power of this honorable Company is the 
support of the Country. If their resources are taken 
away, [ \ 74] we shall all be undone ; if we all contribute 
to their prosperity, we shall build up and strengthen 
our own. 

Now, in regard to this Trading; Your Reverence 
wrote me and called my attention to the rule of the 
seventh general Congregation of our Society, which 
absolutely forbids all kinds of commerce and busi- 
ness, under any pretext whatever. Some others of 
our Fathers send me word that we must not even look 


I'appuy du Pais; fi on leur couppe les bras [174] nous 
donnerons tous du nez en terre ; fi nous confpirons 
tous a leur profperite, nous baltiffons & affermiiTons 
la noftre. 

Or "k propos de ces Traictes V. R. m'ecrit, & me 
cite I'ordonnance de la feptiefme Congregation gene- 
rale de noftre Compagnie, qui defend abfolument 
toute forte de commerce & de negotiation, fouz quel- 
que pretexte que ce foit. Quelques autres de nos 
Peres, me mandent, qu'il ne faut pas mefmes regar- 
der du coin de I'oeil, ou toucher du bout du doigt la 
peau d'aucun de ces animaux, qui font icy de prix ; 
d'ou peuuent venir ces aduis ? Sans dotite, ce n'elt 
pas que noflre Compagnie fe defie de ceux qu'elle 
enuoye en ces quartiers, en ce qui eft de ce point, 
non plus qu'en beaucoup d'autres. II me femble 
que i'ay eu le vent, qu'en France quelques-vns qui 
ne nous cognoifent, ny ne nous veulent cognoiftre, 
crient que nous n'auons pas les mains nettes de ce 
trafic, Dieu les beniffe, & leur faffe recognoiftre la 
verity, telle que ie m'en vay la dire; quand il fera a 
propos pour fa gloire ; car il ne faut pas s'attendre 
de feruir long-temps le Maiftre que nous feruons 
fans eftre calomniez. Ce [175] font fes liurees, il ne 
nous recognoiftroit pas luy mefme, pour ainfi dire, fi 
nous ne les portions. 

Voicy done ce que i'en puis ecrire auec la mefme 
fincerit6, dont ie voudrois rendre vn iour compte k 
Dieu, de toutes mes actions. La Pelleterie eft non 
feulement la meilleure etoffe & la plus facile a mettre 
en vfage, qui foit en ces contrees; mais auffi la mon- 
noye de plus haut prix. Et le bon elt, qu'apres 
qu'on s'en eft feruy pour fe couurir, on trouue que 
c'eft de I'or & de I'argent tout fait, un f^ait en 

1636J LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 173 

at from the corners of our eyes, or touch with the 
ends of our fingers, the skin of any of these animals, 
which are of great value here ; what can be the cause 
of this advice? Surely, it cannot be that our Society 
distrusts those it sends to these regions, in regard to 
this matter, any more than in a great many others. 
It seems to me I have heard that, in France, some 
who do not know us, and do not wish to know us, 
cry out that our hands are not clean from this traffic. 
May God bless them and make them understand the 
truth, as I am about to utter it, when it will conduce 
to his glory. We cannot expect long to serve the 
Master we serve, without being slandered. These 
[175] are his liveries and he himself would not recog- 
nize us, so to speak, if we did not wear them. 

Now here is what I can write about it, with the 
same sincerity with which I would some day render 
an account to God of all my actions. Peltry is not 
only the best thing and the easiest to make use of in 
this country, but it is also the coin of the greatest 
value. And the best of it is that, after it has been 
used as a covering, it is found to be ready-made gold 
and silver. You know in France how much consid- 
eration is given the style of a gown. Here all 
there is to do is to cut it out of a Beaver skin, and 
the Savage woman straightway sews it to her little 
child with a Moose tendon, with admirable prompt- 
ness. Whoever wishes to pay in this coin for the 
goods he buys here, saves thereby the twenty-five 
per cent that the market price gives them over that 
in France for the risk they run upon the sea. The 
day-laborers also would rather receive the wages for 
their work in this money than in any other. And 
certainly it seems that commutative justice allows 


France, combien vaut la fa^on d'vn habit. Icy, il 
n'y a qu'a le coupper fur vne peau de Caltor; auffi- 
toft vne Sauuagelle vous le cond "k fon petit enfant, 
auec du nerf d'Orignac, d'vne promptitude admi- 
rable. Qui veut icy payer en cette monnoye les den- 
rees qu'on y achete, y fauue les vingt-cinq pour cent, 
que le prix du marche leur donne plus qu'en France, 
pour les dangers qu'elles courent fur mer. Les iour- 
naliers aufli ayment mieux y receuoir le falaire de 
leur trauail en cette mefme monnoye, qu'en aucune 
autre. Et certes il femble que la iuftice commuta- 
tiue veut, que fi ce qui nous [176] vient de France en- 
cherit, pour auoir flotte fur mer ; ce que nous auons 
icy y vaille quelque chofe pour auoir efle couru dans 
les bois, & fur la neige, & pour eftre les richeffes du 
Pais : veu nomm^ment que ceux qui fe payent de cette 
monnoye, y treuuent toufiours leur compte, & quel- 
que chofe de plus. C'efl ce qui fait que Meflieurs de 
la Compagnie permettent raifonnablemet cette pra- 
tique k vn chacun, & ne fe foucient pas qu'on 
employe ces peatix pour le commerce, ou pour fe garen- 
tir du froid; moyennant qu'apres tout, elles reuien- 
nent en leur magazin, & qu'elles ne paffent la mer, 
que fur leurs Vaiffeaux. En fuite dequoy, fi parfois 
il nous en viet quelqu'vne entre les mains, nous ne 
faifons point de difficulte de les employer felon le 
cours du marche; non plus que d'en couurir les pe- 
tits Sauuages, qui font ^ nos frais, ou de nous faire 
des fouliers de celles d'Orignac, pour marcher fur les 
raquettes, ^ quoy les ordinaires ne valent rien, k rai- 
fon de leur duret6. Tel eft icy I'vfage des Fran9ois 
& des Barbares. Nous enuoyons aufli quelques peaux 
d'Elan pafl'^es k nos Peres, qui font aux Hurons, & de la 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, ibjb 175 

that, if what comes [176] to us from France is dearer 
for having floated over the sea, what we have here is 
worth something for having been chased in the woods 
and over the snow, and for being the wealth of the 
Country ; especially as those who are paid with this 
coin always find therein their reckoning and some- 
thing more. It is for this reason that the Gentlemen 
of the Company permit to a reasonable extent this 
practice to every one, and do not care whether these 
skins are used for trade or for protection from the 
cold, — provided that, in the end, they come back to 
their storehouse, and do no.t cross the seas except in 
their own Ships. In consequence of this, if occasion- 
ally one of them gets into our hands, we do not 
scruple to use it in the way of a purchase, any more 
than we would as a covering for the little Savages 
who cause us expense, — or to make for ourselves 
shoes from the skins of Moose, that we may walk 
upon our snowshoes, for which the common ones are 
of no use whatever, because they are so hard. Such 
is here the custom of both the French and the Bar- 
barians. We send also some old Elk skins to our 
Fathers who are among the Hurons, and some Porce- 
lain, [177] when we have any; it is the best part of 
their money, and with it they pay for their frugal 
provisions of Indian com and smoked fish, as also 
for the materials and making of their bark Palaces. 
This, in truth, is all the profit we derive here from 
Peltries and other rare things of the Country, — all 
the use that we make of them. If it is dispassion- 
ately believed that there is some kind of traffic, or 
even if Your Reverence deems it best to drop all this, 
in order not to oflfend any one, we are all ready to 
give it up entirely. I say all, meaning as many of 


Pourcelaine, [177] quand nous en pouuons auoir ; c'efl 
la meilleure partie de la monnoye, dont ils achetent 
leurs petites prouifions de bled d'Inde, & de poiffon 
fume, auec les materiaux, ou la fagon de leurs Palais 
d'^corce. Voila en verite tout le profit que nous ti- 
rons icy de la Pelleterie, & des autres raretez du 
Pais : tout I'vfage que nous en faifons. Si on iuge 
fans paflTion qu'il y ayt quelque efpece de trafic; ou 
mefme fi V. R. trouue plus ^ propos de retrancher 
tout cela, pour ne donner aucun ombrage ; nous 
fommes tous prefls de nous en deporter entierement ; 
ie dis, tous tant que nous fommes icy; & fi i'ofe ef- 
perer de la bonte de noflre Seigneur, que ceux qui 
viendront apres nous, garderont la mefme loy. Quel 
aueuglement nous feroit-ce de venir icy, pour defo- 
bei'r k nos Superieurs, ou pour fcandalifer ceux k qui 
nous voudrions auoir immole nos vies? Que fi au 
contraire on nous ecrit, que tout cela eft felon Dieu, 
fans aucune apparence de trafic, bien que quelques 
medifants, dont il ne faut point fe mettre en peine, 
en fometent leur paflion & le tournent en venin ; nous 
ne laifferons pas de continuer, apres [178] auoir 
fupplie ces mefmes efprits noirs & ombrageux de 
croire, que s'il leur plaill de nous obliger k quitter 
cette pratique innocente, il faut qu'ils ouurent leurs 
coffres, pour nous fecourir en ces Pais eloignez, 
quand ils nous auront retranche par caprice vne par- 
tie de ce qui nous y elloit necefl^aire. Quelque bon 
menage que nous ayons peu faire iufques k cette 
heure, les dernieres lettres de celuy de nos Peres, 
qui manie nos rentes ou nos aumofnes par delk, & 
qui nous enuoyent nos prouifions, portent que fans 
vn petit miracle qu'il a experimente nouuellement 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 m 

US as are here, — and, if I dare to build hopes upon 
the goodness of our Lord, those who come after us 
will keep the same rule. What blindness would it 
be for us to come here to disobey our Superiors, or to 
scandalize those for whom we would willingly have 
sacrificed our lives! But if, on the contrary, you 
write us that all this is according to God, without 
semblance of traffic, — although a few slanderers, 
about whom we should not trouble ourselves, may 
stir up their passions at it, and turn it into poison, — 
we shall not fail to go on, after [178J having entreated 
these same lugubrious and irritable natures to believe 
that, if it pleases them to make us give up this inno- 
cent practice, they must open their own coffers to as- 
sist us in these distant Countries, after they have, 
through caprice, cut off a part of what was necessary 
to us. However carefully we have been able to man- 
age things up to the present time, the last letters 
from that one of our Fathers who handles our income 
or our charitable gifts over there, and who sends us 
our supplies, indicate that without a little miracle he 
experienced lately in the assistance of saint Joseph, 
he would not have been able to furnish us anything 
this year. Now how would it be if we had to buy 
the remainder here, and send to him its items in- 
creased by a third or a fourth ? Besides, if there is 
any charity in the world, no one should envy our 
little Seminary children because we cover them with 
stuffs which originate among them, and which last 
longer, especially upon their rather uneasy shoulders, 
and which protect them better from the cold than 
anything else. Nor should we be blamed for using 
[179] the money of the Country to save something for 
the benefit of these poor abandoned creatures; to 


en I'afnftance de fainct lofeph, il n'auroit peu nous 
fournir cette annee. Que feroit-ce done s'il nous 
falloit acheter icy le furplus, & luy en enuoyer les 
parties plus hautes d'vn tiers ou d'vn quart? Outre 
que, s'il y a de la charite au monde, il ne faut point 
porter enuie S. nos petits Seminariftes, de ce qite noits 
les couurons des etoffes qui naiffent chez eux, & qui 
font plus de dur6e, nommement fur leurs epaules 
alTez fripponnes, & les garantiffent mieux du froid 
qu'aucune autre. Non plus qu'on ne nous doit blaf- 
mer, fi nous-nous feruons [179] de la monnoye du Pais, 
pour ^pargner quelque chofe au profit de ces pauures 
abandonnez ; pour leur doner le couuert & la nour- 
riture pendant qu'ils fe lailTent inflruire, & veulent 
ertre Chreftiens, s'ils ne le font deja, & pour auoir 
dequoy les mettre en terre, quand ils viennent ^ mou- 
rir. Si la France en efloit reduite Ik, que la mon- 
noye n'y ayant cours, on full contraint de fe feruir 
pour le commerce des chofes mefmes, & des denrees, 
les trocquant les vnes auec les autres; ou mefme 
qu'il y eufl du gain k le faire hors de cette neceffit^; 
& fi I'vfage y efloit tel, pourroit-on trouuer mauuais, 
que quelque profeiTion que nous faflions de pauurete, 
nous fuiuiiTions le train des autres, & quand quelques 
denrees de prix nous feroient, ou vendues, ou don- 
nees, foit en echange, foit en pur don, nous-nous en 
feruilTions felon les occafions? Nous n'auons pas de 
plus gfrands attraits pour ces pauures gens, que I'ef- 
perance qu'ils ont de tirer de nous quelque affiflance 
corporelle ; ils ne ceffent de nous demander. Si nous 
les refufons, c'efl les eftranger. Si nous leur don- 
nons toufiours fans rien prendre d'eux, nous [180] fe- 
rons bien toft au bout ; & fi encore nous leur ofterons 
la liberte de demander, ou ils ne fe poliront iamais. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 179 

give them covering and food while they are willing 
to be instructed and desirous of becoming Christians, 
if they are not so already; and to have something 
with which to bury them, when they come to die. 
If France were reduced to such a condition that 
money was not in circulation, one would be obliged 
in commerce to use the articles and commodities 
themselves, trading one for the other; or even if 
there were any profit in doing this beyond the mere 
necessity, and if such were the custom, could any 
one find it wrong that, no matter what profession we 
make of poverty, we should follow the way of others, 
and when some objects of value should become ours, 
whether by purchase or donation, — either in ex- 
change, or as a pure gift, — we should make use of 
them according to circumstances? We have no great- 
er attractions for these poor people than their hope 
of getting from us some material assistance, and they 
never cease asking us for it. To refuse them is to 
estrange them. If we always give to them without 
taking anything in return, we [180] shall soon be 
at the end of our string; and yet, if we take away 
from them the liberty of asking, they will never 
become civilized. What remains then? To tell 
them to apply to those who have more to give than 
we? That will hardly help us, or render them 
more familiar with us. Shall we receive in order 
to give to those who would furnish us with some- 
thing to satisfy them? This would be making us 
their Agents. But who has ever imagined that it is 
trafficking to give and take according to the necessity 
of the ordinary occurrences of human life? inasmuch 
as what you get in one place will exceed the value 


Que refte-il done? de leur dire qu'ils donnent 'k ceux 
qui en ont plus que nous? Cela ne nous foulagera 
guieres, ny ne nous les rendra guieres plus familiers. 
De prendre pour donner ^ ceux qui nous fourniroient 
dequoy leur fatisfaire ? ce feroit nous rendre leurs 
Facteurs. Mais qui s'efl iamais imagine, que ce foit 
trafiquer de prendre & donner felon la neceffit6 des 
occurrences ordinaires en la vie humaine ; pour au- 
tant que ce que vous prenez en vn endroit, excedera le 
prix de ce que vous y aurez donne, quand vous-vous 
trouuerez en vn autre? Voila ce que i'auois k dire 
fur ce point, m'en remettant apres tout, a ce que I'o- 
beilTance en iugera, ou que I'edification y reglera, 
comme i'ay deja protelte. Car de vouloir repondre 
a ceux qui nous calomnient, comme fi nous faifions 
fouz main quelqu'autre employ de ces peaux. & en 
enuoj'ons en France ; ce feroit fe rendre ridicule. II 
faut bien leur laiffer quelque chofe a dire, & s'ils treu- 
uent des oreilles fufceptibles de ces niaiferies; ie fe- 
rois coupable [i8i] de penfer les trouuer ouuertes k 
la verite. Quoy done ? des hommes qui ont quitte 
plus de bien au monde, qu'ils n'en fgauroient efperer 
dans les imaginations de ces calomniateurs, fe feront 
finalement refolus de changer la France en Canada, 
pour y venir chercher deux ou trois peaux de Caflor, 
& en trafiquer au defceu de leurs Superieurs; c'efl ^ 
dire aux depens de leur confcience, & de la fidelity 
qu'ils doiuent a celuy, pour lequel imiter ils fe font 
reduits k ne pouuoir pas difpofer librement d'vne 
epingle ? 

Au furplus, ie f^ay manuals gre a toute cette tres- 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION. 1636 181 

of what you have given for it in another place. This 
is what I had to say on this point, yielding after all, 
as I have already declared, to what obedience shall 
deem proper or what shall be considered most edify- 
ing. For to consent to answer those who slander us, 
as if we were secretly making some other use of these 
skins and sending them to France, this would be 
making ourselves ridiculous. It is just as well to 
leave them something to say ; and if they find ears 
ready to listen to these absurdities, I would be cul- 
pable [181] in expecting to find them open to the 
truth. What then? vShall men who have given up 
greater worldly blessings than they could hope for 
in the imaginations of these slanderers, finally decide 
to exchange France for Canada, to go there for the 
sake of two or three Beaver skins, and to trade them 
off unknown to their Superiors, — that is to say, at 
the expense of their consciences and of the loyalty 
they owe to him, to imitate whom they have so sub- 
jugated themselves that they cannot freely dispose 
of even a pin? 


Moreover, I shall be displeased with all this honor- 
able Company of New France, if they are aware of 
anything like this in us, and do not speak of it. 
What fruit for heaven can they hope from our works, 
if they see us attached to the earth by avarice of any 
kind? Some one will also urge for us that, if we be- 
came implicated in these infamous transactions, with- 
out these Gentlemen finding it out, they would not 
be very vigilant in their affairs and in the principal 
part of their business. But I am abusing my leisure 


honorable Compagnie de la Nouuelle France, fi elle 
apperfoit quelque chofe de femblable en nous, & le 
diflimule ; quel fruict peut-elle efperer de nos tra- 
uaux, pour le del, fi elle nous voit attachez k la terre, 
par quelque forte d'auarice? Quelqu 'autre auffi 
auancera pour nous, que fi nous trempions dans ces 
infamies, fans que ces Meffieurs en euffent cognoif- 
fance, ils feroient bien peu vigilants en leurs affaires, 
& au poinct principal de leur traicte. Mais i'abufe 
de mon loifir, & de voflre patience, d'eftre [182] fi 
long, fur ce qui ne meritoit pas de r^ponfe. 
X. On me demande finalement ce que c'efl du Pais 
des Hurons, & quelle efperance il y a pour ceux qui 
voudroient y aller. 

A cela ie ne f§aurois mieux r6p6dre que par la Re- 
latio, que i'en enuoye auec celle-cy. Ie prie Dieu, 
qu'il y enuoye nombre de ieunes hommes forts, vail- 
lants, & courageux : mais fur tout fingulierement 
vertueux, & qui ayment mieux perdre tout que fa 
faincte grace, quand ce ne feroit que pour vn mo- 
ment: fans cette qualite, ils s'y ruineroient corps & 
ame, veu les occafions qui s'y rencontrent. Auec 
cette quality ils y feroient I'ofiice d'autant d'Apoftres. 
Et fi en outre ils pourroient dans quelque temps y 
viure k leur aife, & y eflre en honneur comme de pe- 
tits Rois. Mais il faut qu'ils entreprennent ce voy- 
age, pour le refpect de Dieu feul. Qui ne cherche 
que luy, fe trouue ^tonne de fe voir enuironne de 
tout le refle. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, tbsb 183 

and your patience, in dwelling [182] so long on what 
did not merit an answer.^ 

X. I am asked finally what this Country of the Hu- 
rons is, and what prospects there would be for those 
who would like to go there. 

To this I could not answer better than by the Re- 
lation which I send with this one. I pray God that 
he may send there a number of young men, strong, 
bold, and courageous, but, above all, singularly vir- 
tuous, and who would prefer to lose all else, rather 
than his holy grace, even if it were only for a mo- 
ment. Without this qualification, they would ruin 
body and soul, considering the occasions for it that 
are encountered there. With this qualification, they 
would perform the offices of so many Apostles. And, 
besides, they could after a while live there at their 
ease, and be held in honor like so many little Kings. 
But they must undertake this voyage for the love of 
God alone. He who seeks only him is astonished to 
see himself surrounded by all the rest. 


[183] CHAPITRE X. 


TOYS cenx qui defirent venir groffir cette Colo- 
nic, font gens moyennez, ou perfonnes pau- 
ures ; ie parleray aux vns & aux autres. Com- 
mengons par les pauures. 

Vn pauure homme charge de femme, & d'enfans, 
ne doit point paffer icy les premieres annees auec fa 
famille, s'il n'efl aux gages de Meffieurs de la Com- 
pagnie, ou de quelque autre qui les y vueille predre ; 
autrement il fouflfrira beaucoup, & n'auancera rien. 
Le Pais n'efl pas encor en eflat de foulager les pau- 
ures, qui ne f9auroient trauailler. Mais s'il fe rencon- 
troit de bons ieunes gar9ons, ou hommes mariez bien 
robuftes, qui fceuffent manier la hache, la houe, la 
befche, & la charue; ces gens la voulans trauailler 
fe rendroient riches en peu de temps en ce Pais ; o^ 
enfin ils pourroient appeller [184] leurs families. 
"Voicy comme ils deuroient proceder. 

II faudroit qu'ils fe ioigniffent quatre ou cinq en- 
femble, & qu'ils s'engagealTent k quelque famille 
pour cinq ou fix ans, aux conditions fuiuantes; qu'on 
les nourriroit pendant tout ce temps la fans leur don- 
ner aucun gage; mais aulfi qu'ils auroient la moiti6 
en fond, & en propre, de toute la terre qu'ils defriche- 
roient. Et pour ce qu'il leur faut quelque chofe pour 
fe pouuoir entretenir, le marche porteroit, que tout 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibjb 185 

[183] CHAPTER X. 


ALL those who desire to come and increase this 
Colony are either people of means, or poor 
people; I will speak to both. Let us begin 
with the poor. 

A poor man burdened with a wife and children 
should not come over here the first years with his 
family, if he is not hired by the Gentlemen of the 
Company, or by some one else who will bring them 
hither: otherwise he will suffer greatly, and will not 
make any headway. The Country is not yet in a 
condition to care for the poor who cannot work. But 
if there happen to be some worthy young men or 
able-bodied married men, who can handle the axe, 
the hoe, the spade, and the plough, — such people, if 
willing to work, could_ become rich in a little while 
in this Country, to which they could finally bring 
[184] their families. This is the way they should 

Four or five of them would have to join together, 
and engage themselves to some family for five or six 
years on the following conditions : That they should 
be boarded during all this time without receiving 
any wages, but also that they should possess entirely 
and in their own right one-half of all the land they 
clear. And, as they will need something for their 
own support, the contract should provide that all they 


ce qu'ils retireroient tous les ans des terres, qu'ils 
auroient d6ia d6frich6es, feroit partag6 par moitie ; 
cette moiti6, auec les petits profits qu'ils peuuent 
procurer fur le Pais, fuffiroit pour leur entretien, & 
pour payer apres la premiere ou feconde annee la 
moiti6 des outils, dont on fe fert au d^frichement, & 
au labourage. Or fi quatre hommes peuuent defri- 
cher par an huict arpens de terre, ne faifant autre 
chofe ny hyuer ny efl6 ; en fix ans voila quarante 
huict arpens, dont les vingt-quatre leur appartien- 
droient : auec ces vingt-quatre arpens ils pourroient 
nourrir trente-fix perfonnes, ou mefme quarante- 
huict, [185] fi la terre eft bonne. N'eft-ce pas-la le 
moyen de s'enrichir en peu de temps? & ce d'autant 
plus que la terre fera un iour icy tres-vtile, & rappor- 
tera de grands grains. On fait maintenant venir de 
France tant de farines, qu'on rifque fur la mer, fi 
quelqu'vn auoit icy des bleds pour racheter ces 
rifques, & rembarailement des vaiffeaux, il en tire- 
roit bien du profit. II y a tant de forts & robuftes 
paifance en France, qui n'ont pas du pain k mettre 
fouz la dent, efl-il poffible qu'ils ayent fi peur de 
perdre la veue du clocher de leur village, comme I'on 
dit, qu'ils ayment mieux languir dans leurs miferes 
& pauuretez, que de fe mettre vn iour k leur aife, 
parmy les habitans de la Nouuelle France, ou auec 
les biens de la terre ils trouueroient bien plus aife- 
ment ceux du ciel, & de I'ame; les debauches, les 
diffolutions, les procez n'ayant point encor icy de 
cours. Mais a qui eft-ce que ie parle? a des per- 
fonnes qui n'ont garde de f§auoir rien de ce que i"e- 
cris, fi plus capables qu'eux ne leur en font le recit. 
Ie les en prie, au nom de Dieu, & du Roy; car il y 
va de I'intereft des deux, que ce Pais fe peuple. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ib3b 1,S7 

get every year, from the lands they have already 
cleared, should be shared by half; this half, with 
the little profits they can make in the Country, would 
be enough to keep them, and to pay after the first or 
second year for half the tools which they will use in 
clearing and in tilling the land. Now if four men 
could clear eight arpents of land a year, doing noth- 
ing else, winter or summer, in six years forty-eight 
arpents would be cleared, of which twenty-four would 
belong to them. With these ' twenty-four arpents 
they could support thirty-six persons, or even forty- 
eight, [185] if the land is good. Is not this a way of 
becoming rich in a little while? And all the more 
so, as the land here will one day become very profit- 
able and will bear a great deal of grain. There is 
now brought from France so much flour, with its at- 
tendant risks upon the sea, that if some one had 
wheat here these risks and the incumbrance of the 
vessels would be obviated, and he would derive much 
profit therefrom. There are so many strong and 
robust peasants in France who have no bread to put 
in their mouths ; is it possible they are so afraid of 
losing sight of the village steeple, as they say, that 
they would rather languish in their misery and pov- 
erty, than to place themselves some day at their ease 
among the inhabitants of New France, where with 
the blessings of earth they will far more easily find 
those of heaven and of the soul? For debauchery, 
dissoluteness and intrigues are not yet current here. 
But to whom do I speak? To people who cannot 
know what I am writing, unless more capable ones 
than they tell it to them. These I beg to do so, in 
the name of God and of the King ; for the interests 
of both are involved in peopling this Country. 

[186] As to people of wealth and rank, I would ad- 


[i86] Pour les perfonnes riches & de condition, ie 
leur confeillerois deuant que de paffer icy d'obtenir 
de Meffieurs de la Compagnie, vne place pour baftir 
vne maifon dans la ville defignee, comme auffi quel- 
ques arpens de terra proches de la ville, capables de 
nourrir leur famille. En outre vne conceffion de 
quelque bel endroit qu'ils choifiront auec le temps. 
Cecy fait, il faut faire paiTer du moins deux MafTons, 
deux Charpentiers, & des manoeuures, & s'ils veulent 
encor des defricheurs armez d'outils propres de leur 
meftier: fur tout qu'ils falTent faire des haches ex- 
prez, & qu'ils n'y ^pargnent pas I'argent; car I'hyuer 
eft plus dur que le mefchant acier. II faut vn homme 
qui ait foin de tons ces gens Ik, qu'il foit d'authori- 
te, & de priidence, pour les diriger & pour conferuer 
les viures, qu'on fera venir. Le plus de bonnes fa- 
rines qu'on pent faire paffer, c'efl le meilleur, & le 
plus affeur^. Monfieur de Repentigny en a apport6 
pour deux ans, en quoy il a fait fagement. II feroit 
bien a propos d'apporter en faiffeau quelque gribane, 
ou grand batteau, capable de voguer dans les marees ; 
c'eft k dire qu'il doit eftre releue [187] de bord, il 
pent eftre plat pour tirer moins d'eau. II faut qu'il 
foit fort, & grand pour porter du bois, de la pierre, 
de la chaux, & autres chofes femblables; on le pour- 
roit faire dreffer k Tadouffac. Tous ces hommes 
rendus fur le Pais s'occuperont les vns a defricher fe- 
lon le deflein de celuy qui leur commandera. Le 
baftiment fait, propre pour les loger, eux & leurs 
gens, toute la famille paffera & amenera du beftial, 
fi on luy mande qu'il foit &. propos : car pent eftre en 
pourra on recouurer fur les lieux; d'en auoir d'abord, 
cela d^toume de chofe meilleure, & coufte infiniment, 
fi ce n' eft qu'on les mette auec celuy qui eft au Cap 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 189 

vise them before coining here to obtain from the 
Gentlemen of the Company a place to build a house 
in the town which has been laid out, and also a few 
arpents of land near the town, capable of sustaining 
their families. In addition to this, a grant of some 
fine locality which they will choose in the course of 
time. When this has been accomplished, they must 
bring over at least two Masons, two Carpenters, and 
some laborers; and, if they desire more, some work- 
men to clear the land, provided with tools adapted to 
their trade. Above all, let them have some axes 
made expressly, sparing no money on them, for the 
winter is harder than bad steel. There must be a 
man of authority and discretion to take care of all 
these people, to direct them, and to take charge of 
the provisions which are sent over. The more good 
flour that can be sent here the better, and the more 
security there will be. Monsieur de Repentigny has 
brought enough for two years, and in doing so has 
acted wisely. It would be a good thing to bring 
over in a bundle the parts of a gribane, or large boat, 
capable of sailing upon the tides ; that is to say, it 
ought to be elevated [187] at the sides, and perhaps 
flat, in order to draw less water. It must be strong 
and large, to carry wood, stone, lime, and other such 
things. It could be put together at Tadoussac. All 
these men having reached the Countr}% some of them 
will be occupied in clearing the land, according to the 
plan of the one who will direct them. When a 
building capable of accommodating them and their 
servants is finished, the whole family will come over, 
and will bring some cattle if they receive word that 
it is best to do so, for perhaps these can be found 
upon the ground; to have them on board prevents 
better things from being taken, and costs enormous- 


de Tourmente, s'accordant auec les Meffieurs, qui en 
tiennent Ik. Si on fuit cet ordre, les femmes & les 
enfans arriuans icy f eront tous conf olez de trouuer vn 
logement pour eux, vn iardin pour leurs rafraichiffe- 
mens, des perfonnes k leur feruice qui auront co- 
gnoiffance du Pais. Puis qu'on me dit, fans me nom- 
mer perfonne, qu'il y a de tres-honorables families 
qui veulent venir goufler la douceur du repos & de 
la paix dans la Nouuelle France, i'ay creu que I'a- 
mour que [i88] ie leur porte deja, fans auoir I'hon- 
neur de leur cognoiffance, m'obligeoit k leur donner 
ces aduis, qui ne leur ffauroient nuire; ie leur diray 
encor deux petits mots. Le premier, que fi pour Ie 
d^frichement de la terre, ils peuuent auoir des 
hommes intereffez en I'affaire, felon que ie viens de 
dire, ce fera le meilleur. Les hommes qu'on tient k 
gages, pour la plus part, veulent reflembler "k ceux 
d'entre nos voifins, qui k peine ont-ils paff6 la ligne 
de I'Equateur, qu'ils fe difent tous Gentilshommes, 
& ne veulent point trauailler; quand ils fe verront 
obligez k faire pour eux, ils ne s'y endormiront pas. 
En fecond lieu, ie prie ceux qui viendront, de venir 
auec enuie de bien faire. La Nouuelle France fera vn 
iour vn Paradis terreftre, fi nostre Seigneur continue 
a la combler de fes benedictions, tant corporelles, que 
fpirituelles : mais il faut en attendant, que fes pre- 
miers habitas y faffent ce qu'Adam auoit receu com- 
mandement de faire en celuy qu'il perdit par fa faute. 
Dieu I'y auoit mis pour I'engraiffer de fon trauail, & 
le conferuer par fa vigilance, & non pour y eftre fans 
rien faire. I'ay plus d'enuie de voir ce pais defriche, 
[189] que peupl6. Les bouches inutiles y feroient k 
charge pour ces premieres annees. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 191 

ly, unless they are placed with those which are at 
Cap de Tourmente,*'' by an understanding with the 
Gentlemen who have some there. If this order is 
followed, when the women and children reach here 
they will all be comforted at finding a dwelling ready 
for them, a garden for their refreshment, and people 
at their service who will have a knowledge of the 
Country. As I have been told, without any one be- 
ing named, that there are very honorable families 
who wish to come to enjoy the delights of rest and 
peace in New France, I have thought that the love 
[188] I already feel for them, without having the 
honor of their acquaintance, obliges me to give them 
this advice, which cannot injure them. I will make 
two more suggestions. The first, that if they can 
have men who have interests at stake, to clear the 
land, as I have just said, it will be much better. 
The men who work for wages, for the most part try 
to be like some of our neighbors, who, having scarce- 
ly passed the line of the Equator, all begin to call 
themselves Gentlemen, and no longer care to work; 
if they felt constrained to do it for themselves, they 
woi:ld not sleep over it. 

In the second place, I beg those who shall come, 
to come with a desire to do good. New France will 
some day be a terrestrial Paradise if our Lord con- 
tinues to bestow upon it his blessings, both material 
and spiritual. But, meanwhile, its first inhabitants 
must do to it what Adam was commanded to do in 
that one which he lost by his own fault. God had 
placed him there to fertilize it by his own work and 
to preserve it by his vigilance, and not to stay there 
and do nothing. I have more desire to see this coun- 
try cleared, [189] than peopled. Useless mouths 
would be a burden here, during these first years. 




LE quinziefme Septembre m'eftant embarque pour 
noflre refidence de la Conception, ie fus con- 
fole de voir que les Nibrifiriniens peuple voifm 
des Hurons entendoient mon baragoin Montagues. 
Qui fgauroit parfaitement la langue des Sauuages de 
Kebec, fe feroit entendre, comme ie coniecture, de 
tous les Peuples qui font depuis la grande Ifle de 
Terre-neufue iufques aux Hurons du colt^ du Nord ; 
car la difference qu'il y a entre ces langues ne con- 
Cfle qu'en certaines Dialectes qu'on apprendroit aife- 
ment, fi on frequentoit ces Nations. 

Le neufuieme Octobre Ie Pere Buteux eftant en- 
tre en la Cabane d'vn Capitaine ilontagnes, ou eftoi- 
ent arriuez quelques [190] Eftrangers, ce Capitaine 
le fit affeoir aupres de foy, puis s'addreffant k fes 
hoftes, leur dit tout plein de bien de nous autres. 
Ces gens, difoit-il, ont de grandes connoiffances, ils 
font charitables, il nous font du bien dans nos ne- 
cefTitez; I'vn d'eux a guery ma fille qui s'en alloit 
mourant: le Pere Ouentin luy auoit donne quelques 
onguents, dont elle fe trouua bien. Cependant, ad- 
ioufloit il, ils ne demandent aucune recompenfe, au 
contraire ils donnent a manger aux malades, en 
leur procurant la fante. Et afin que vous cognoif- 
fiez leur efprit, il dit au Pere, Prends ton Majli- 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 183 



ON the fifteenth of September, having embarked 
for our residence of the Conception, I was con- 
soled at seeing that the Nibrisiriniens, a tribe 
living near the Hurons, could understand my Mon- 
tagues jargon. Any one who knows perfectly the 
language of the Kebec Savages can make himself un- 
derstood, I conjecture, by all the Tribes from the 
great Isle of Newfoundland to the Hurons of the 
Northern region. For the difference in these lan- 
guages consists only in certain Idioms, that one 
could easily learn if he frequented these Nations. 

On the ninth of October, Father Buteux having en- 
tered the Cabin of a Montagnes Captain, where some 
Strangers had [190] arrived, this Captain made him 
sit down beside him, and then, addressing his guests, 
openly told them many good things about us. 
" These people," said he, " have great knowledge; 
they are charitable, they are kind to us in our neces- 
sity ; one of them has cured my daughter, who was 
going to die." Father Ouentin had given her some 
ointments which had helped her. " Nevertheless," 
he added, " they never ask anything in return; but, 
on the contrary, they feed our sick people, while re- 
storing them to health. And that you may know how 
intelligent they are, "Take thy Massinatrigan," he 
said to the Father, — that is to say, " thy Book or thy 


natrigan, c'efl k dire ton Liure, ou tes Tablettes, 
ecris ce que ie te diray. II hiy nomme les noms de 
douze ou treize petites Nations qui font vers le Nord, 
& le prie de les prononcer tout haut ; le Pere luy obe- 
ift. Quad ces Eftrangers entendirent nommer ces 
Nations, ils s'eflonnoient de voir tant de Peuples 
renfermez dans vn petit morceau d'ecorce, c'eft ainfi 
qu'ils appelloient les feuillets de fes Tablettes. Lk 
deffus le Fere prit occafion de leur dire, que Dieu 
par I'entremife de fon liure nous auoit donn6 a co- 
gnoiflre les biens du Ciel, & le [191] tourment des En- 
fers: I'vn d'eux luy demanda, s'il ne luy auoit point 
dit de quelle profondeur feroit la neige I'hyuer fui- 
uant : Omnes qua fua funt qucerunt. Les hoxnmes de 
terre ne penfent qu'k la terre. 

Le premier de Decembre le feu s'eftant pris a I'ha- 
bitation des trois Riuieres, vn Capitaine des Sauuages 
les exhorta fi viuement de nous fecourir, & de fauuer 
le pain & les pois, qu'en effet le magazin fe fauua: 
Autrement, difoit-il, nous fommes perdus, fi cela 

Le fixieme du mefme mois vn Sauuage voyant vne 
Image de Noftre Seigneur en noflre Maifon, me dit 
que i'auois tu6 fon frere auec vn femblable pour- 
traict: ie fus bien eft.onn6, ie luy demanday done 
comment ie m'eflois feruy de cette Image pour tuer 
vn homme. Te fouuiens-tu, me fit-il, que I'hyuer 
paff6 tu donnas k Sakapoiian, mon beau-frere vne 
Image femblable k celle-lk; il fut malade bien tolt 
apres, & en mourut. Alors ie me fouuins qu'en eflFet 
voyant la mifere de ces Peuples qui crioient ^ la 
faim> apres en auoir fait manger chez nous vne bonne 
bande, ie leur parlay d'auoir recours au Dieu du Ciel, 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 195 

Tablets," — " write what I shall say." He repeated 
to him the names of twelve or thirteen little Nations 
which are towards the North, and begged him to 
pronounce them aloud. The Father obeyed him. 
When these Strangers heard him name these Nations, 
they were astonished to see so many Tribes enclosed 
in a little piece of bark, — it is thus they call the 
leaves of his Tablets. Thereupon the Father look 
occasion to tell them that God, through the medium 
of his book, had made us know about the blessings 
of Heaven, and the [191] torments of Hell. One of 
them asked him if God had not told him how deep 
the snow would be the next winter. Omnes qua sua 
sunt qu(£runt. Men of earth think only of earth. 

On the first of December, the settlement at the 
three Rivers being on fire, a Captain of the Savages 
urged them so vigorously to come to our aid, and to 
save the bread and the peas, that in fact the store- 
house was saved. " For," said he, " we are lost, if 
that bums. ' ' 

On the sixth of the same month, a Savage, seeing 
an Image of Our Lord in our House, told me that I 
had killed his brother with a portrait like that. I 
was quite astonished, and asked him how I had made 
use of this Image to kill a man. " Dost thou remem- 
ber," said he, " that last winter thou gavest to Saka- 
poiian, my brother-in-law, such an Image as that? 
He became sick soon after, and died." Then I re- 
membered that, in fact, upon seeing the wretched- 
ness of these People who were crying from hunger, 
after having had a large band of them eat with us, I 
spoke to them about having recourse to the God of 
Heaven, saying that he would assuredly succor them. 
[192] I showed them the Image of his Son and placed 


& qu'affeurement il les fecoureroit; [192] ie leur fis 
voir r Image de fon Fils, & la mis entre les mains de 
ce Sakapouan, les inftruifans tous comma ils deuoient 
auoir recours dans leurs neceffitez a celuy qu'elle re- 
prefentoit, les affeurans auffi que s'ils croioient & ef- 
peroient en luy, qu'ils feroient fecourus; mais s'ils 
fe gaulToient, qu'il les puniroit. Ce miferable n'eut 
iamais la hardieffe de monftrer cette Image, ny de 
prier celuy qu'elle figuroit, de peur d'eftre gaulle des 
fiens: peut-eftre qu'en punition de cette perfidie Dieu 
le punit d'vne maladie qui I'emporta, comme ie I'e- 
criuis I'an pafTe. Voila ce que me vouloit dire mon 
Sauuage, m'imputant la mort de cet homme en la 
prefence de plufieurs autres de fa Nation : mais leur 
ayant explique comme la chofe s'eftoit paffee, ie com- 
mengay a reprocher a mon accufateur que ie luy auois 
fauue la vie, comme il eft vray ; il voulut me dementir ; 
mais quand i'eus mis au iour toutes les circonftances 
de I'aflfaire; tous les Sauuages luy dirent, Tais toy, 
tu n'as point d'efprit, le Pere dit vray. II fut bien 
eftonne quand ie luy declaray que fon beau frere & 
fa propre foeur auoient determine de le tuer en dor- 
mant, & que [193] fi ie ne les eufle empefche, qu'il 
ne feroit plus au monde. Ce pauure homme tout 
eftourdy commence a me dire qu'il n'auoit point de 
ceruelle, & que la menace qu'il m'auoit fait fe deuoit 
dec'narger contre les Hiroquois, & non pas contre au- 
cun Fran9ois, que ie ne me fafchaffe point contre 
luy. I'aj^ remarque que les Sauuages reffemblent 
aux Demons en vn poinct, fi on leur tient tefte ils 
font poltrons, fi on leur cede ils font furieux : ie veux 
dire qu'il y a danger d'vfer de trop grande rigueur, 
ou de trop de diffimulation enuers eux ; I'vne de ces 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6s6 l'J7 

it in the hands of this Sakapoiian, explaining to them 
all how they must have recourse in their need to him 
whom it represented, assuring them also that if they 
believed and hoped in him, they would be assisted; 
but if they ridiculed him, he would pimish them. 
This wretch never had the courage to show this 
Image, nor to pray to him whom it .represented, for 
fear of being mocked by his people. Perhaps as a 
punishment for this treachery, God afflicted him with 
a sickness which carried him off, as I wrote last year. 
So this was what my vSavage was trying to tell me, 
imputing to me the death of this man in the pres- 
ence of several others of his Nation. But, having 
explained to them how the thing happened, 1 began 
to reproach my accuser with having saved his life, 
which was true. He wished to deny it ; but, when I 
had related all the circumstances of the affair, all the 
Savages said to him, " Hold thy tongue, thou hast 
no sense; the Father tells the truth." He was much 
surprised when I told him that his brother-in-law 
and his own .sister had determined to kill him in his 
sleep; and that, [193] if I had not prevented them, 
he would no longer be in this world. This poor man, 
quite astounded, began to tell me that he had no 
brains, and that the threat he had made against me 
should have been directed against the Hiroquois, 
and not against any Frenchman, and that I should 
not get angry with him. I have noticed that the 
Savages are like Demons in one respect, — if you car- 
ry a high hand with them, they are cowards; if you 
yield to them, they are furious. I mean that it is 
dangerous to use too much severity or too much dis- 
simulation toward them, for either of these two ex- 
tremes will one day arouse them us, if we 


deux extremitez les armera vn iour centre nous, fi on 
n'y prend garde. Vous voyez des perfonnes qui ne 
leur oferoient dire mot, d'autres les menent \ ba- 
guette: ceux-la les rendront infolens & infuppor- 
tables ; ceux-cy les feront cabrer : faire du bien aux 
Sauuages, les fecourir dans leurs neceffitez, ne leur 
faire aucun tort, ny aucune iniure, exercer quelque 
efpece de luftice contre les particuliers qui font les 
infolens, notamment fi leurs Capitaines n'en peuuent 
tirer raifon, c'eft le moyen de tenir long-temps ces 
Barbares dans leur deuoir. 

[194] Le dixieme du mefme mois de Decembre le 
Pere Buteux eflant entre en vne Cabane ou on fai- 
foit vn feflin de graiffe d'Ours a tout manger, s'eflant 
mis en rang auec les autres fans y prendre garde, on 
luy donne vn grand plat tout plein de ce Nectar ; luy 
bien eflonne le refufe, difant qu'il venoit de difner; 
le diflributeur du feftin fe fafche, luy difant, Pour- 
quoy es-tu done entre icy, fi tu ne veux pas eflre du 
feftin? II faut que tu mange tout cela, autrement 
nolt;re banquet feroit gafld. Le Pere pour le conte- 
ter en goufle vn peu. Lk deflus arriue le Pere Quen- 
tin, qui entre auffi fans y penfer, le voila condamne ^ 
en manger fa part, comme ils difoient tous deux, que 
cela leur efloit impoffible, on les condamna de ftupi- 
dit^, & de n'auoir qu'vn petit coeur, puis qu'ils n'a- 
uoient pas vn grand eftomacb; Fen ay plus mange, 
difoit I'vn d'eux, que n'en f^auroient manger toutes 
les robbes noires. Les Peres luy repartirent, Puis 
que tu es 11 vaillant homme mange encore noftre 
mets, Ouy da, r6pond-il ; il le fit en effect, k condi- 
tion qu'on luy donneroit encore a manger en noftre 
petite Maifon. 

1636] LE JFMNE'S RELA TION, 1636 199 

are not careful . You see some persons who dare not 
say a word to them, others drive them with a switch ; 
the former will make them insolent and unbearable, 
the latter will make them refractory. Being kind 
to the Savages, helping them in their need, doing 
them no wrong or injury, exercising some kind of 
Justice toward those individuals who are insolent, 
especially if their Captains cannot make them listen 
to reason, — these are the means of holding these 
Barbarians a long time in the line of duty. 

[194] On the tenth of the same month of Decem- 
ber, Father Buteux having entered a Cabin where 
they were having an eat-all feast of Bear fat, and 
taking his place with the others without having no- 
ticed this, some one gave him a great dish full of 
this Nectar. Very much surprised, he refused it, 
saying he had just dined. The distributor of the 
feast became angry, and said to him, " Why hast 
thou come here, then, if thou dost not wish to take 
part in the feast? Thou must eat all that, otherwise 
our feast will be spoiled." To please him, the Fa- 
ther tasted a little of it. Just then Father Quentin 
arrived, who also entered without heeding the feast; 
and behold him doomed to eat his share. When 
they both declared that it would be impossible, they 
were accused of stupidity, and of having only a small 
heart, since they did not have a large stomach. " I 
have eaten more," said one of them, " than all the 
black robes together could eat." The Fathers an- 
swered him, " Since thou art so valiant a man, eat 
our share too." "Yes, indeed," said he; and he 
really did it, on condition that we would give him 
something more to eat in our little House. 

[195] On the same day, — which was the second 


[195] Le mefme iour, qui eftoit le fecond depuis le 
voeu que nous auions fait a Dieu en I'honneur de la 
Conception de la faincte Vierge, pour la conuerfion 
de ces Peuples : xn Sauuage me vint amener de fon 
propre mouuement, ou plufloft par vne conduite fe- 
crette du faint Efprit, vne petite fille pour m'en faire 
prefent ; cela nous r^ioiiit fort, car iufques icy la diffi- 
cult6 d'auoir des filles a efl^ fort grande. Or pour 
me deliurer de I'importunite de ces Barbares, ie leur 
confeillay de la prefenter a quelque Capitaine Fran- 
5ois; c'ell ainfi qu'ils nomment tous ceux qui ont 
quelque authorite ; ie luy infmuay Monfieur Gand, le- 
quel ie fuppliay d'accepter cet enfant, & de faire 
quelque prefent k ce Sauuage, TalTeurant que nous 
fatisferions 'k tout; il n'y manqua pas, il fe monftra 
fort content, il temoigna de I'affection a ce Barbare, 
luy fit prefent d'vne couuerture, & d'vne barrique de 
galette qu'on mit fur nos parties : la fit loger chez le 
Ceur Hebout, & incontinent nous la fifmes habiller k 
la Frangoife, payans en outre fa penfion ; il eft vray 
que Monfieur Gand luy voulut donner vne robbe \ 
fes propres coufts, tant il eftoit [196] ioyeux de voir 
cette pauure fille dans les voyes de fon falut, & en- 
core de plufieurs autres. Nous auons garde & garde- 
rons le mefme proced^ en celles qu'on nous a donne 
depuis, & qu'on nous donnera dorefnauant, pour ce 
que ces Barbares fe voulans dedire, ie les renuoye au 
Capitaine Frangois. & leur dy qu'ils I'ofTenferont, s'ils 
fe comportent comme des enfans. qui changent ^ 
tous momens de volont6 ; cecy les retient dans leur 

Le dix-huictiefme du mefme mois. Monfieur de 
Champlain eftant fort malade, Monfieur Gand s'en 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELA TION, i6s6 201 

since the vow we had made to God in honor of the 
Conception of the holy Virgin, for the conversion of 
these Peoples, — a Savage came and brought me of 
his own accord, or rather through the unseen guid- 
ance of the holy Spirit, a little girl, to make me a 
present of her. That greatly rejoiced us, for hereto- 
fore there has been great difficulty in obtaining girls. 
Now to free myself from the importunity of these 
Barbarians, I advised them to present her to some 
French Captain ; it is thus they call all those who 
have any authority. I hinted at Monsieur Gand, 
whom I begged to accept this child, and to make 
some present to this Savage, assuring him that we 
would be responsible for everything. He did not fail 
us, but appeared to be very well pleased, — evincing 
an interest in this Barbarian, and making him a pres- 
ent of a blanket and a keg of sea biscuit, which were 
placed upon our accounts. He had her lodged at 
sieur Hebout's, and we immediately had her dressed 
like a French child, paying her board besides. It is 
true Monsieur Gand wished to give her a dress at his 
own expense, so glad was [196] he to see this poor 
girl in the way of obtaining her own salvation, and 
that of many others also. We have observed and 
will observe the same plan in regard to those who 
have been given to us since, and who will be given to 
us hereafter; for, as these Barbarians are disposed to 
retract their promises, I send them to the French 
Captain, and tell them that he will be offended if 
they act like children, who change their minds every 
moment ; this holds them to their duty. 

On the eighteenth of the same month. Monsieur 
de Champlain being very sick. Monsieur Gand went 
to the Cabins of the Savages to give orders about the 


alia aux Cabanes des Sauuages, pour mettre ordre aux 
traictes qu'on faifoit d'eau de vie, & d'autres boiffons, 
qui enyurent & tuent ces Barbares ; lefquels ^ la par- 
fin affommeront dans leur yurognerie quelque Fran- 
9ois, les Francois fe defendans tueront quelques Sau- 
uages : & voila la ruine de la traicte pour vn temps. 
Les defenfes de vendre de ces boiffons, ayant eft^ re- 
iterees parmy nos Fran9ois, on voulut en donner vn 
bon aduis aux Sauuages. Monfieur Gand leur fit 
dire, que fi quelqu'vn d'eux s'enyuroit dorefnauant, 
qu'on luy demanderoit, eftant retourne en fon bon 
[197] fens, qui luy auroit donn6 ou vendu cette boif- 
fon, que s'il difoit la verity qu'on ne luy feroit aucun 
mal ; mais qu'on feroit payer au Fran9ois I'amende 
port6e dans les defenfes; qu'au cas qu'il refufafl de 
declarer celuy duquel il auoit tir6 cette boiffon, qu'on 
luy defendroit I'entr^e aux maifons des Frangois; & 
que fi quelque Francois I'admettoit chez foy, que tous 
les deux en feroient chaftiez ^galement. Voila vne 
excellente inuention pour obuier k ce mal, qui exter- 
minera ces Nations, fi on n'y remedie efficacement. 
Les Sauuages furent tres-contens de ce proced6, difans, 
que (i les Franyois ne leur donnoient ny vin, ny eau 
de vie, que ieurs femmes & leurs enfans auroient de- 
quoy manger, d'autant qu'ils auroient de bons viures 
de leurs Pelteries, mais que les ^changeans contre des 
boiffons, il n'y auoit que les hommes & quelques 
femmes qui s'en reffentiffent, & encor auec detriment 
de leur fant6, & perte de leur vie; & afin de nous 
preffer de faire garder ces ordonnances, ils demande- 
rent plus de trois fois fi Monfieur Gand parloit tout 
de bon, s'il ne donnoit point feulement des paroles 
comme on auoit fait, [198] difoient-ils, iufques alors. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 203 

traffic that was being carried on in brandy and other 
drinks, which intoxicate and kill these Barbarians. 
They will finally murder some F^renchman in their 
drunkenness ; and the Frenchmen, in defending them- 
selves, will kill some Savages, and behold the ruin 
of trade for a time. The prohibition against selling 
these drinks having been repeated among our French 
people, it was desired to give fair warning of it to 
the Savages. Monsieur Gand had it announced to 
them, that, if any one of them became intoxicated 
hereafter, he would be asked, when he returned to 
his [197] senses, who had given or sold him this 
drink; and that, if he told the truth, no harm would 
be done to him, but that the Frenchman would have 
to pay the fine provided in the regulations. In case 
he should refuse to name the one from whom he had 
obtained this drink, he would be forbidden to enter 
the houses of the French ; and if any Frenchman ad- 
mitted him to his own house, both would be punished 
alike. This is an excellent device to obviate this 
evil, which will exterminate these Nations if an 
effective remedy is not found for it. The Savages 
were very glad of this procedure, — saying that, if the 
French did not give them either wine or brandy, 
their wives and children would have something to 
eat, inasmuch as they would make a good living from 
their Peltries; but that, when it came to exchanging 
them for drinks, there were only the men and a few 
women who enjoyed them, and that to the detriment 
of their health and the loss of their lives. Finally, 
in order to urge us to enforce these regulations, they 
asked three times if Monsieur Gand spoke in earnest, 
or if he were only indulging in words, as had been 
done, [198] they said, up to that time. They were 


On les affeura que les Francois & eux auffi feroient 
chafliez k la fagon fufdite s'ils n'obeiffoient. Voila qui 
eft bien, repondent-ils, fi quad nous allons dans vos 
maifons on nous donnoit vn morceau de pain au lieu 
d'vn coup d'eau de vie, nous ferions bien plus con- 
tens; ouy bien felon le difcours de la raifon qui leur 
fait voir, que ces eaux de vie leur donnent la mort ; 
mais non pas felon le fens : car ils font trop auides 
de nos boiffons, & hommes & femraes, prenans vn fin- 
gulier contentement, non ^ boire, mais a s'enyurer, 
faifans gloire d'eftre yures, & d'auoir enyur6 les 
autres. Or 1' execution des peines portdes par ces 
ordonnances, ayant fuiuy bien toft apres en quelques 
Fran9ois oublieux de leur deuoir; les Sauuages eu- 
rent bien I'efprit de dire, que iadis on parloit, mais 
qu'^ prefent on faifoit. Les maux ne fe corrigent 
qu'eftans cogneus. 

le remarqueray deux particularitez fur ce point, 
deuant que de paffer outre. La premiere eft, que 
I'vn des Sauuages qu'on auoit enyure penfa tuer vn 
ieune Fran9ois, en effect il I'auroit alTomme s'il I'euft 
peuattraper: ayant cuue fon vin, [199] il fceut que 
le Fran9ois qui luy auoit donn6 cette boilTon auoit 
eft6 condamn^ k cinquante francs d'amende; on m'a 
dit, ie ne fgay s'il eft vray, qu'il promit de luy don- 
ner la valeur en Pelteries. C'eft vne marque d'vne 
bont6 naturelle ; mais ie cognois le pelerin, il dit bien 
plus aif^ment qu'il ne fait. La deuxi^me eft, que 
Monfieur Gand parlant aux Sauuages, comme i'ay dit 
cy-deffus, leur remonftroit, que s'ils mouroient fi fou- 
uent, il s'en falloit prendre a ces boiffons, dont ils ne 
fcauroient vfer par mefure. Que n'^cris tu h. ton 
grand Roy, firent-ils, qu'il defende d'apporter de ces 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION, 1636 -205 

assured that the French and they themselves would 
be punished in the way described above, if they did 
not obey. " See who of us is good," they answer; 
" if, when we go into your houses, we are given a 
piece of bread instead of a drink of brandy, we shall 
be far better satisfied." Very well spoken, accord- 
ing to the voice of reason, which makes them see that 
these " waters of life " cause death; but not accord- 
ing to the senses, for they are only too eager for our 
drinks, — both men and women experiencing a singu- 
lar pleasure, not in drinking, but in becoming drunk, 
glorying in this and in making others so. Now the 
penalties provided by these ordinances having been 
executed soon afterwards against some Frenchmen 
who had been forgetful of their duty, the Savages 
had intelligence enough to say that formerly we had 
talked, but at present we were acting. Evils cannot 
be corrected until they are known. 

I will notice two instances bearing on this point 
before proceeding further. The first is, that one of 
the Savages who had been made drunk, was meditat- 
ing the murder of a young Frenchman; in fact, he 
would have killed him, if he could have surprised 
him. Having slept off the effects of his wine, [199] 
he learned that the Frenchman who had given him 
this drink had been condemned to fifty francs fine ; 
I have been told, I know not how true it is. that he 
promised to give him the value of it in Peltries. 
This is a proof of natural goodness ; but I know the 
hypocrite, — he talks much more readily than he acts. 
The second is, that Monsieur Gand, in his talk to the 
Savages, which I have mentioned, remonstrated with 
them, saying that if death was so common among 
them they must ascribe it to these drinks, which they 


boiffons qui nous tuent. Et fur ce qu'on leur repar- 
tit, que nos Francois en auoiet befoin fur la mer, & 
dans les grandes froidures de leur pais; Fais done en 
forte qu'ils les boiuent tous feuls. On s'efforcera. 
comme i'efpere, d'y tenir la main ; mais ces Barbares 
font importuns au dernier point. Vn autre prenan: 
la parole, prit la defenfe du vin & de I'eau de vie. 
Non, dit-il, ce ne font pas ces boilTons qui nous often: 
la vie ; mais vos Ventures : car depuis que vous auez 
decry noftre pais, nos fieuues. nos terres, & nos bois. 
[200] nous mourons tous, ce qui n'arriuoit pas deuant 
que vous vinfTiez icy. Nous-nous mifmes a rire en- 
tendans ces caufes nouuelles de leurs maladies. le 
leur dy que nous decriuions tout le monde, que nous 
d^criuions noftre pais, celuy des Hurons, des Hiro- 
quois; bref toute la terre, & cependant qu'on ne mou- 
roit point ailleurs, comme on fait en leur pais, qu':! 
falloit done que leur mort prouint d'ailleurs; ils s'y 

Le vingt-cinquieme Decembre iour de la naiffance 
de noftre Sauueur en terre, Monfieur de Champlain 
noftre Gouuerneur prit vne nouuelle naiflance au 
Ciel ; du moins nous pouuons dire que fa mort a eft6 
remplie de benedictions. le croy que Dieu luy a fait 
cette faueur en confideration des biens qu'il a pro- 
cur^ a la Nouuelle France, oil nous efperons qu'vn 
iour Dieu fera aime & ferny de nos Francois, & co- 
gnu & adore de nos Sauvtages: il elt vray qu'il auoit 
vefcu dans vne grande iuftice & equite, dans vne fide- 
lit6 parfaite enuers fon Roy, & enuers Meffieurs de 
la Compagnie : mais a la mort il perfectionna fes ver- 
tus, auec des fentimens de piete fi grands, qu'il nous 
eftonna [201] tous. Que fes yeux ietterent de larmesi 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 207 

did not know how to use with moderation. " Why 
dost thou not write to thy great King," said they, 
' ' to have him forbid them from bringing over these 
drinks that kill us? " And when they were answered 
that our Frenchmen needed them upon the sea, and 
in the intense cold of their country,. " Arrange it, 
then, so that they alone drink them." An attempt 
will be made, as I hope, to keep this business under 
control ; but these Barbarians are troublesome to the 
last degree. Another one, breaking into the con- 
versation, took up the defense of wine and brandy. 
" No," said he, " it is not these drinks that take away 
our lives, but your writings ; for since you have de- 
scribed our country, our rivers, our lands, and our 
woods, [200] we are all dying, which did not happen 
until you came here." We began to laugh upon hear- 
ing these new causes of their maladies. I told them 
that we described the whole world, — that we de- 
scribed our own country, that of the Hurons, of the 
Hiroquois, in short, the whole earth; and yet they 
did not die elsewhere as they did in their country. 
It must be, then, that their deaths arose from other 
causes. They agreed to this. 

On the twenty-fifth of December, the day of the 
birth of our Savior upon earth, Monsieur de Cham- 
plain, our Governor, was reborn in Heaven ; at least, 
we can say that his death was full of blessings. I 
am sure that God has shown him this favor in consid- 
eration of the benefits he has procured for New 
France, where we hope some day God will be loved 
and served by our French, and known and adored by 
our Savages. Truly he had led a life of great justice, 
equity, and perfect loyalty to his King and towards the 
Gentlemen of the Company. But at his death he 


que fes affections pour le feruice de Dieu s'echaufe- 
rent! quel amour n'auoit-il pour les families d'icy! 
difant qu'il les falloit fecourir puiffamment pour le 
bien du Pays, & les foulager en tout ce qu'on pour- 
roit en ces nouueaux commencemens, & qu'il le fe- 
roit, fi Dieu luy donnoit la fante. II ne fut pas fur- 
pris dans les comptes qu'il deuoit rendre k Dieu, il 
auoit prepare de longue main vne Confeflion gene- 
rale de toute fa vie, qu'il fit auec vne grande douleur 
au Pare Lalemant, qu'il honoroit de fon amitie; le 
Pere le fecourut en toute fa maladie qui fut de deux 
mois & demy, ne I'abandonnant point iufques k la 
mort. On luy fit vn conuoy fort honorable, tant de 
la part du Peuple, que des Soldats, des Capitaines, & 
des gens d'Eglife: le Pere Lalemant y officia, & on 
me chargea de I'Oraifon funebre, oil ie ne manquay 
point de fuiet. Ceux qu'il a laiffez apres luy ont oc- 
cafion de fe loiier; que s'il eft mort hors de France, 
fon nom n'en fera pas moins glorieux h. la Pofterite. 

Au fortir de ces deuoirs funebres Monfieur de Cha- 
fleau-fort, qui comraande h. [202] prefent aux trois 
Riuieres, prit fa charge, felon le pouuoir que luy en 
donnoient Meflieurs de la Compagnie, par les Lettres 
qui furent ouuertes, & leues a I'heure mefme en pre- 
fence du Peuple affemble en I'Eglife: ces Meflieurs 
m'en auoient fait le depofitaire pour les produire en 
temps & lieu, comme ie fis. 

Le trenti^me du mefme mois vn Sauuage eflant 
entre en difpute auec vn de nos Peres, fur la caufe 
de la mort, fourtenoit toufiours que le Manitou cau- 
foit les maladies & la mort. Le Pere luy ayant parl6 
du pech6, & voyat que cela eftoit trop fubtil pour 
luy, le conuainquit par vne fimilitude groffiere, laif- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. i6s6 209 

crowned his virtues with sentiments of piety so lofty, 
that he astonished us [201] all. What tears he shed! 
how ardent became his zeal for the service of God! 
how great was his love for the families here ! — saying 
that they must be vigorously assisted for the good of 
the Country, and made comfortable in every possible 
way in these early stages, and that he would do it if 
God gave him health. He was not taken unawares 
in the account which he had to render unto God, foi- 
he had long ago prepared a general Confession of his 
whole life, which he made with great contrition to 
Father Lalemant, whom he honored with his friend- 
ship. The Father comforted him throughout his 
sickness, which lasted two months and a half, and 
did not leave him until his death. He had a very 
honorable burial, the funeral procession being formed 
of the People, the Soldiers, the Captains, and the 
Churchmen. Father Lalemant officiated at this bur- 
ial, and I was charged with the funeral Oration, for 
which I did not lack material. Those whom he left 
behind have reason to be well satisfied with him ; for, 
although he died out of France, his name will not 
therefor be any less glorious to Posterity. 

After these funeral ceremonies, Monsieur de Chas- 
teau-fort,^ who now commands [202] at the three 
Rivers, assumed his office, in pursuance of the power 
which had been given to him by the Gentlemen of 
the Company, through the Letters which were opened 
and read at once in the presence of the People as- 
sembled in the Church. These Gentlemen had made 
me the trustee of these documents, to produce them 
at the proper time and place, which I did. 

On the thirtieth of the same month, a Savage, 
having engaged in a dispute with one of our Fathers 


fant k part la caufe morale de la mort, pour luy faire 
comprendre la phyflque. Quand ta hache eft dmouf- 
f6e, luy fit il, ou qu'elle eft vn peu ebrech^e, tes bras 
ne s'en feruent pas fi bien, pource qu'elle eft malade 
en fa fa9on : quand elle eft toute rompue, & qu'elle 
ne vautplus rien, tu la iette Ik, tu I'abandonne; elle 
eft comme morte, tes bras ne s'en f9auroient plus fer- 
uir. Or ce qu'eft ta hache entre tes mains, cela eft 
ton corps au regard de ton ame ; quand tu es blelTe 
en I'oeil, ton ame ne s'en fert [203] pas fi aifement 
pour voir, pource qu'il eft malade: ainfi en eft-il des 
autres parties eftant offenfees, I'ame ne s'en fert pas 
fi aifement: mais fi le poulmon, fi la rate, fi le coeur, 
ou autre partie noble viennent "k eftre gaftees tout a 
faict, ton ame ne s'en pouuant plus feruir, les quitte 
Ik, & voila comme I'on meurt. Or ce n'eft pas le 
Manitou qui gafte ces parties, mais le trop grand 
froid, le trop de chaleur, les exces de quoy que ce 
foit : ne fens tu pas que tu brufle quand tu as beu de 
I'eau de vie, cela confomme ton foye, & le deffeiche, 
cela altere les autres parties interieures, & caufe la 
maladie, qui venant k fe rengreger corrompt entiere- 
ment quelque partie; d'ovi s'enfuit que ton ame s'en 
va, & te voila mort, fans que le Manitou t'ayt tou- 
che. le croy, difoit-il, que tu as raifon, nous autres 
nous manquons d'efprit de croire que c'eft le Mani- 
tou qui nous tue. 

Le quinzieme du mefme il fit vn grand vent de 
Nordelt accompagne d'vne pluie qui dura fort long 
temps, & d'vn froid alTez grand pour geler ces eaux 
auffi toft qu'elles touchoient a quelque chofe que ce 
fuft. fi bien que comme cette pluie [204] tomboit fur 
les arbres depuis la cime iufques au pied, il s'y fit vn 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 211 

on the cause of death, insisted that the Manitou 
caused sickness and death. The Father, having 
talked to him of sin, and seeing that this was too 
deep for him, convinced him by a homely compari- 
son, setting aside the moral cause of death to make 
him comprehend the physical. " When thy hatchet 
is dull," said he, " or when it is nicked a little, thy 
arms do not serve thee so well, because it is sick in 
its way; when it is entirely broken, and no longer 
worth anything, thou throwest it away, thou aban- 
donest it ; it is as if dead, thy arms can no longer 
make use of it. Now what thy axe is to thy hands, 
thy body is in regard to thy soul ; when thine eye is 
hurt, it does not serve thy soul [203] so readily in 
seeing, because it is sick ; thus it is with other in- 
jured organs, the soul cannot use them so easily ; but 
if the lungs, the spleen, the heart, or any other vital 
organ, is completely ruined, thy soul, being no 
longer able to use it, drops it then, and this is how 
we die. Now it is not the Manitou that spoils these 
organs, but too great cold, too much heat, excess of 
any kind. Dost thou not feel thyself burn when 
thou hast drunk brandy? That consumes thy liver 
and dries it up, it impairs the other internal organs, 
and causes sickness, which, becoming more aggra- 
vated, entirely destroys some organ; whence it hap- 
pens that thy soul goes away, thou art dead, and this 
without the Manitou having touched thee." " I be- 
lieve," said he, " that thou art right; we are lacking 
in wit to believe that it is the Manitou who kills us." 
On the fifteenth of the same, there was a great 
Northeaster accompanied by a rainfall which lasted a 
long time, and by a cold severe enough to freeze this 
water as soon as it touched anything ; so that when 


criflal de glace, qui enchaffoit & la tige & les bran- 
ches ; en forte qu'vn fort long temps durant tons nos 
grads bois ne paroilloiet qu'vne forefl de criftal ; car 
en verite la glace qui les reueftoit vniuerfellement 
par tout efloit epaiffe de plus d'vn tefton; en vn mot 
toutes les broffailles & tout ce qui eftoit fur la neige 
efloit enuironne de tous coilez, & enchafle de glace: 
les Sauuages m'ont dit qu'il n'en arriuoit pas fouuent 
de mefme. 

I'ay veu ton Manitou, & moy ton I E s v s , difoient 
enuiron ce temps deux Sauuages venans voir vn de 
nos Peres; 6 qu'il nous promet bonne annee! que de 
Caflors, que d'Elans! moyennant que tu nous donnes 
bien du Petun pour luy facrifier. Allez, Galands, 
ce n'efl ny ce qu'il demande en facrifice, ny ce que 
vous voulez luy donner: croyez en luy, & feruez-le 
comme on le vous enfeignera, & vous ferez trop heu- 
reux, leur repondit le Pere. Ce font de leurs inuen- 
tions pour auoir ce qu'ils pretendent, ou celles qu'ils 
ont retenues de quelques-vns de nos Frangois, qui 
les trompoient [205] iadis fous ces belles apparences. 

Le douzi6me de Feurier vn de nos Peres parlant 
aux Sauuages de la luftice de Dieu, & qu'il nous me- 
furoit "k la mefme mefure que nous mefurions nos 
femblables: vn Sauuage duquel i'ay parl6 cy-delTus 
luy dit par apres en particulier ; le croy ce que tu as 
dit de la luflice de Dieu, i'en ay veu vn example de 
mes yeux. Nous eftios allez chaffer vn mien frere 
& moy, & comme nous n'auions que fort peu de 
viures, mon frere me dit, que nous miffions ^ mort 
vn pauure gar9on orphelin qui nous accompagnoit, 
& en difant cela luy ietta vne corde au col, & me fait 
tirer d'vn coft6, luy tirant de I'autre; ie luy obeis k 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6s6 213 

this rain [204] fell upon the trees, from the summit 
to the roots it was converted into ice-crystals, which 
encased both the trunk and the branches, causing for 
a long time all our great forests to seem but a forest 
of crystal, — for, indeed, the ice which everywhere 
completely covered them was thicker than a teston.^ 
In a word, all the bushes and everything above the 
snow were surrounded on all sides and encased in 
ice. The Savages told me that this did not happen 

' ' I have seen thy Manitou, and I thy J E S U S ," said 
two Savages who came to see one of our Fathers 
about this time. " Oh what a good year he prom- 
ised us ! What Beavers, what Elks ! providing thou 
givest us a good lot of Tobacco to sacrifice to him." 
" Go away. Frauds; that is neither what he asked in 
sacrifice, nor what you intend to give him. Believe 
in him, and serve him as you shall be taught, and 
you will be blessed," answered the Father. These 
are their tricks for obtaining what they lay claim to, 
or devices they have retained from some of our 
French, who formerly deceived [205] them under 
these fine pretenses. 

On the twelfth of February, one of our Fathers 
speaking to the Savages about the Justice of God, 
and how he would measure us by the same standard 
by which we measured our fellow-beings, a Savage 
of whom I have spoken above said to him afterward 
in private, " I believe what thou hast said about the 
Justice of God, I have seen an example of it with 
my own eyes. We had gone hunting, one of my 
brothers and I ; and, as we had very few provisions, 
my brother said to me that we should kill a poor 
orphan boy who accompanied us; and while saying 


centre coeur. Quoy que s'en foit, ayans tu^ ce ieune 
homme, nous-nous feparafmes pour trouuer la pifle 
de quelque Orignac, en ayant trouu^ vne, ie la fuy, 
ie recontre la befle, ie la tue, i'en porta la monftre 
en noflre Cabane, ou ie ne trouuay point mon frere. 
Comme il ne retoumoit point, & qu'il fe faifoit tard, 
ma mere Ie va chercher, elle Ie rencontre tout malade, 
a tout effar6. Cette pauure femme bien dtonn^e, Ie 
preffe doucement de retoumer; Non, dit-il, il [206] 
faut que ie meure; enfin ayant fait mine d'obeir, il 
dit ^ ma mere qu'elle marcbaft deuant, qu'il la fui- 
nroit doucement. Ma pauure mere eflant vn peu 
61oign6e, ce miferable toume vifage, & s'en va, 11 
bien que iamais depuis on ne I'a reueu, ny ouy par- 
ler de luy, quoy qu'on I'aye diligemment cberch6. 
En cela, difoit ce Sauuage, ie recognois, que celuy 
qui a tout fait nous paye k la mefme monnoye, que 
nous nous traittons les vns les autres. 

Le deuxi^me lour d'Auril, Ie Pere Quentin fit vn 
voyage k quelques lieues des trois Riuieres, pour quel- 
ques malades, dont on nous auoit donn^ aduis. Le 
fruict qu'il en rapporta fut d'auoir expof^ plufieurs 
fois fa vie pour Dieu, parmy les dangers des glaces 
& du manuals temps. II fe cotenta de leur donner 
quelque inflruction, fans en baptifer aucun, ne les 
voyant ny en peril de mort, ny fufi&famment inflruits. 
Le fieur lean Nicolet luy feruit de truchement, auec 
fa charity & fidelite ordinaire, dont nos Peres tirent 
de grands feruices en femblables occafions. Pay 
quelques memoires de fa main, qui pourront paroillre 
vn iour, touchant les Nipiflriniens, auec lefquels il a 
[207] fouuent h5rueme, & ne s'en eft retir^, que pour 
mettre fon falut en aileurance dans I'vfage des Sacre- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 215 

this lie put a cord around his neck, and made me 
pull at one end while he pulled at the other. I 
obeyed him against my will. Be that as it may, 
having killed this young man, we separated to seek 
for the trail of a Moose; and, having found one, I 
followed it, I encountered the animal, and killed it; 
I carried the great beast to our Cabin, where I did 
not find my brother. As he did not return and as it 
was growing late, my mother went to seek him ; she 
found him very sick and wild-looking. The poor 
woman, very much disturbed, begged him gently 
to return. ' No,' said he, ' I [206] must die.' Fi- 
nally, making a pretense of obeying her, he said to 
my mother that she should walk on ahead and he 
would follow slowly. When my poor mother had 
gone a little distance, this wretched man turned 
around and went away, so that we have never seen 
him nor heard of him since, although we have made 
diligent search for him. In that," said this Savage, 
" I recognized that he who has made all pays us in 
the same money that we use with each other. ' ' 

On the second day of April, Father Quentin made 
a journey a few leagues from the three Rivers, to 
visit some sick persons of whom we had heard. The 
fruit that he brought thence was that he several 
times risked his life for God among the dangers of 
ice and bad weather. He contented himself with 
giving them some instruction, without baptizing any 
of them, seeing that they were neither in danger of 
death nor sufficiently instructed. Sieur Jean Nicolet 
served him as interpreter, with his usual kindness 
and fidelity, of which our Fathers make good use on 
similar occasions. I have some memoirs from his 
hand, which may some day appear, concerning the 


mens, faute def quels il y a grande rifque pour I'ame, 
parmy las Sauuages. 

Le quatriefme de May, Monfieur Gand allant faire 
vn tour aux trois Riuieres, ie montay dans fa barque, 
defirant me trouuer en vne affemblee de Sauuages 
qui fe deuoit tenir 1^. Le vent nous eftant contraire, 
de bonne fortune pour moy paffa vn Canot de Sau- 
uages qui m'enleua, & me rendit bientofl ou ie defl- 
rois ellre. Monfieur Gand eflant enfin arriu^ les 
Sauuages le vindrent voir, & tindrent confeil pour le 
fupplier de faire aupres des Capitaines qui viendroiet, 
qu'on leur donnafl fecours pour leurs guerres. Le 
premier qui parla nous contenta fort, il commen^a 
par vne exclamation. Que puis-ie dire? ie n'ay plus 
de voix, ne pr^tez point I'oreille k mes paroles, ecou- 
tez ces pauures vefues, & ces pauures orphelins, qui 
orient qu'ils n'ont plus de peres, & de maris, voulez 
vous feuls, vous autres Fran9ois, fubfifter en ce pais- 
cy, ten6s vous en repos, ne nous fecourez point, & 
dans peu de temps vous ne verrez plus [208] que des 
femmes & des enfans. Nous allons mourir auec nos 
Capitaines, que nos ennemis ont egorgez. Ie me 
trompe, vous auez trop de bonte pour nous voir 
courre k la mort, sas nous prefter la main. Vn petit 
nombre de vous autres nous peut k tons fauuer la vie, 
& faire reuiure tout le pais, Prenez done courage, & 
quand les Capitaines feront arriuez parlez pour nous. 
Monfieur Gand vifant autant & plus au falut de leurs 
ames, qu'au bien de leurs corps, leur fit repondre 
qu'il les aymoit, & qu'il parleroit volontiers pour eux 
aux Capitaines; neantmoins qu'il craignoit que ces 
Capitaines n'eulTent non plus d'oreilles pour fes pa- 
roles, que les Sauuages n'auoient monftre d'affection 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 217 

Nipisiriniens, with whom he has [207] often win- 
tered, and from whom he only withdrew to place his 
salvation in safety by the use of the Sacraments, 
without which there is great risk for the soul among 
the Savages. 

On the fourth of May, as Monsieur Gand was going 
to make a visit to the three Rivers, I entered his 
bark, desiring to be present at an assembly of Sav- 
ages which was to be held there. The wind being 
against us, fortunately for me a Canoe of Savages 
passed us which took me on board, and soon set me 
down where I wished to be. Monsieur Gand having 
at last arrived, the Savages came to see him, and held 
a council to implore him to induce the Captains who 
were coming to give them assistance in their wars. _ 
The first one who spoke pleased us greatly. He be- 
gan with an exclamation : ' ' What can I say ? I have 
no longer any voice ; heed not my words ; listen to 
these poor widows and these poor orphans, who cry 
that they no longer have fathers or husbands. Do you 
alone, you Frenchmen, wish to exist in this country? 
Keep your hands folded, do not help us; and in a 
little while you will see [208] but women and chil- 
dren. We are going to die with our Captains whom 
our enemies hav'e slaughtered. No, I am wrong, 
you are too good to see us rush headlong to death 
without lending us a hand. A very few of you can 
save all our lives, and make the whole country live 
again. Come, take courage; and, when the Captains 
arrive, speak for us." Monsieur Gand, looking quite 
as much to the salvation of their souls as to the wel- 
fare of their bodies, answered that he loved them, 
and would willingly speak in their behalf to the Cap- 
tains; yet he feared that these Captains would no 


pour les Frangois. Premierement vous ne vous efles 
point alliez iufques icy de nos Frangois, vos filles fe 
marient k toutes les Nations voilines, & non pas k 
nous autres. Vos enfans demeurent au pais des Ni- 
pifirinies, des Algonquins, des AttiKamegues, des 
peuples du Sagne, & dans les autres Nations. Iuf- 
ques icy vous ne les auez point prefentez aux Fran- 
9ois pour les inflruire. Si vous euffiez fait cela d6s 
noflre premiere entree dans le Pais, [209] vous fgau- 
riez tous maintenant tnanier les armes, comma nous, 
& vos ennemis ne fubGfteroient pas en voftre pre- 
fence, vous ne mourriez pas tous les iours comme 
vous faites. Celuy qui a tout fait, & qui nous pro- 
tege, vous conferueroit auffi bien que nous, puis que 
nous ne ferions plus qu'vn mefme Peuple. Seconde- 
ment, nous-nous fouuenons bien que les Hiroquois 
ont tu^ de nos gens, nous en prendrons raifon; mais 
nous ne nous precipitous pas. Vous voyez que nous- 
nous peuplons tous les iours. Quand nous ferons bon 
nombre, nous les attaquerons, & ne quitterons point 
la guerre, que nous ne les ayons exterminez. Si vous 
voulez venir auec nous, vous y viendrez, mais comme 
vous ne f9auez pas obeir en guerre, nous ne nous at- 
tendrons pas a voflre fecours. En troifiefme lieu, H 
les Capitaines me demandent fi vous n'allez point voir 
I'Eftranger pour vos traictes ; ie ne f9ay ce que ie leur 
pourray r^pondre ; neantmoins fi vous aymez noflre 
alliance, ie les prieray pour vous, ce n'eft point que 
nous ayons befoin de vos filles ny de vos enfans ; nous 
fommes peuplez comme les feiiilles de vos arbres; 
mais nous [210] voudrions bien ne voir plus qu'vn 
Peuple en toutes ces terres. lis repondirent que tout 
cela eftoit raifonnable, & que Monfieur de Champlain 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELA TION, 1636 219 

more lend their ears to his words, than the Savages 
had shown affection for the French. " In the first 
place, you have not allied yourselves up to the pres- 
ent with our French people, your daughters have 
married with all the neighboring Nations, but not 
with ours. Your children live in the land of the 
Nipisiriniens, of the Algonquins, of the Attika- 
megues, of the people of the Sagne, and in all the 
other Nations. Up to the present you have not 
offered them to the French for instruction. If you 
had done this from the time of oiir first arrival in the 
Country, [209] you would all know by this time how 
to handle arms as we do, and your enemies would 
not exist in your presence, — you would not die every 
day as you are doing. He who has made all, and 
who protects us, would preserve you as well as he 
does us, as wte would then be only one and the same 
People. Secondly, we remember very well that the 
Hiroquois have killed our people, and we will get 
satisfaction for it; but we will not be too hasty. 
You see that we are increasing every day ; when our 
numbers shall be large enough we will attack them, 
and will not give up the war until we have extermi- 
nated them. If you wish to come with us, you may 
come; but, as you do not know how to obey in war, 
we shall not count upon your assistance. In the 
third place, if the Captains ask me if you do not seek 
Foreigners in your trading, I do not know what I 
can answer them. Nevertheless, if you are partial to 
an alliance with us, I will petition them in your be- 
half. Not that we have need of your daughters or 
your children ; we are as populous as the leaves of 
your trees. But we [210] would like to see only one 
People in all this land." They answered that all 


en auoit autrefois parle en particulier ; qu'il en falloit 
parler en la face de toutes les Nations. 

Le vingt-deuxiefme du mefme mois k Kebec, i'ap- 
pris vne fort mauuaife nouuelle. Vn ieune Sauuage 
baptif^, qui demeuroit en noftre maifon, eftant auec 
vn de nos Fran9ois qui chafloit de Ik le Sault de 
Montmorency, I'arquebufe du Francois s'eftant cre- 
uee entre fes mains, & I'ayant offenfe, il s'en reuint 
en diligence pour fe faire penfer, laifTant du feu & de- 
quoy viure au petit Sauuage qui ne le pouuoit fuiure ; 
c6t enfant ayant peur de refter feul, comme nous con- 
iecturons, venant au torrent qui tombe du Sault de 
Montmorency, le voulut pafler, mais comme il eft 
fort rapide il fe noya. O que cet accident nous a 
cauf 6 de douleur ! car ce pauure petit eftoit fort do- 
cile, & nous donoit de bonnes efperrances de fecourir 
vn iour par fon bo exemple fes copatriotes, fon inno- 
cence nous confole, & nous efperos qu'il ne fera pas 
moins puifTant au ciel, qu'il eufl efl6 fur la terre. 
le [211] craignois fort que les Sauuages ne nous re- 
prochaffent cette mort, & de fait quelques-vns m'en 
parlerent ; mais comme ils furent informez du fait, & 
qu'ils fceurent les diligences qu'on apporta pour al- 
ler au deuant de luy ; comme ils virent que nous leur 
offrions mefme de beaux prefens s'ils le pouuoient 
trouuer vif ou mort, cela les appaifa. II eft vray 
que ie me feruy de leur couftume pour me defendre 
contre-eux : car comme ils donnent des iniures k ceux 
qui leur parlent de leurs morts, ie les tangois quand 
ils en ouuroient la bouche, difant qu'ils reueilloient 
ma douleur, que ie I'aymois comme mon frere, cela 
les faifoit taire, fe difans I'vn I'autre, N'en parle 
plus, car tu I'attrifte; ne voids-tu pas qu'il I'aymoit. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 221 

this was reasonable, and that Monsieur de Cham- 
plain had previously talked about this in private ; 
that it must be spoken of in the presence of all the 

On the twenty-second of the same month, I learned 
some very bad news at Kebec. A young baptized 
Savage, who lived in our house, being with one of 
our Frenchmen who was hunting beyond the Sault de 
Montmorency, the Frenchman's gun having burst in 
his hands and having wounded him, he returned in 
haste to have himself cared for, leaving a fire and 
some food to the little Savage, who could not follow 
him. This child, being afraid to be left alone, as 
we conjecture, coming to the torrent which falls at 
the Sault de Montmorency, tried to pass it; but, as 
it is very rapid, he was drowned. Oh what grief 
this accident caused us! For this poor little child 
was very docile, and gave us great hopes of some 
day succoring his compatriots by his good example. 
His purity consoles us and we hope he will not be 
less effective in heaven than he would have been 
upon earth. I [211] greatly feared that the Savages 
would reproach us for this death ; and, in fact, some 
of them spoke to me about it. But when they were 
told how it happened, and learned of the promptness 
with which we went after him ; when they saw that 
we even offered them beautiful presents if they 
would find him, alive or dead, they were pacified. 
It is true that I followed their custom in defending 
myself against them ; for as they abuse those who 
speak to them of their dead, I chided them when 
they opened their mouths about this, saying they re- 
vived my grief, that I loved him like a brother ; this 
made them keep still, saying to each other, " Speak 


Or pour monflrer que la feule education manque aux 
Sauuages, c6t enfant n'ayant eft6 qu'vne annee en 
France, fe rangea fi bien icy "k fon deuoir, qu'il fe 
rendoit aymable k nos Francois. Noftre Seigneur 
I'auoit beny notamment depuis fon Baptefme, de 
trois ou quatre belles qualitez bien contraires aux 
grands defaux des Sauuages. II n'efloit ny menteur, 
ny acariaftre, ny gourmand, ny parefTeux. Ce font 
les quatre [212] vices qui femblent eflre nds auec ces 
Peuples faineans & libertins au dernier point. Or ce 
pauure petit auoit les perfections toutes contraires. 
le ne f9ache aucun Frangois qui I'ayt cogneu, qui ne 
I'ayt ayme, & qui n'ayt temoign6 vn grand regret de 
fa mort. II fe confeffoit auec tant de candeur, & fai- 
foit paroiflre tant de douleur de fes offenfes fort le- 
geres, qu'on iugeoit bien qu'il y alloit de coeur. II 
prioit Dieu fort volontiers, entendoit tons les iours la 
MefTe d'affez bon matin. Que fi pour quelque occu- 
pation il ne I'entendoit pas k fon heure, & qu'on luy 
prefentafl k d^ieuner en quelque endroit, il n'y tou- 
choit point qu'il n'eufl affifl6 ^ ce fainct Sacrifice. 
Si quelque petit Sauuage faifoit quelque chofe meile- 
ante deuant luy, il en efloit honteux, & difoit, II 
n'efl pas encor baptife, il n'a pas d'efprit. Nous 
auos fceu que le mechant Apoflat voyat que nous 
I'aymions pour fa docilit6, le folicita fort fouuent de 
nous quitter, iufques ^ le battre & le foiietter deux 
ou trois fois pour ce fujet ; mais ce bon petit gargon 
ne luy voulut obeir. II recognoiffoit bien la falete & 
la cruaute de fa Nation, & I'auoit en horreur. [213] 
II me monftra certain iour I'endroit ou fa mere mou- 
rut, & me dit qu'aufC toft qu'elle eut expire, les Sau- 
uages tuerent vn fien petit frere, peut eftre pour le 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 223 

of it no more, for thou makest him sad ; dost thou not 
see that he loved him ? ' ' Now to prove that educa- 
tion alone is lacking to the Savages, this child, who 
had been only one year in France, fulfilled his du- 
ties here so well that he made himself greatly loved 
by our French. Our Lord had blessed him, espe- 
cially since his Baptism, with three or four good quali- 
ties quite the opposite of those great defects of the 
Savages. He was neither a liar, nor a scold, nor a 
glutton, nor lazy. These are the four [212] vices 
which seem to be born in these People, who are lazy 
and dissolute to the last degree. Now this poor little 
boy had just the opposite perfections. I do not 
know of a single Frenchman who knew him who did 
not love him, and who did not show great regret at 
his death. He confessed with so much candor, and 
showed so much grief at his lightest offenses, that it 
was very evident he took them to heart. He was 
very fond of praying to God and attended Mass quite 
early every morning. But if, on account of some 
occupation, he did not hear it at the usual hour, and 
if meanwhile he was somewhere offered his break- 
fast, he would not touch it until he had taken part 
in this holy Sacrifice. If a little Savage did some- 
thing unseemly in his presence, he was ashamed of 
him, and said, ' ' He is not yet baptized ; he has no 
sense." We have learned that the wicked Apostate, 
seeing that we loved him for his docility, very often 
urged him to leave us, even going so far as to strike 
and whip him two or three times on this account ; 
but this good little fellow would not obey him. He 
fully appreciated the coarseness and cruelty of his 
Nation, and held it in horror. [213] He one day 
showed me the place where his mother died, and 


deliurer de la peine qu'il auroit fouffert apres le de- 
cez de fa mere ; ils en auroient fait tout autant de luy, 
s'il n'euft deja efte grandelet. Nous I'auions nom- 
ine Fortune deuant fon baptefme. Monfieur de 
Champlain, luy donna nom Bonauenture, quand 11 
fut fait Chreftien ; & certes, funes cecidcrimt ei in prm- 
claris. Son exemple nous fait efperer, qu'il n'y aura 
naturel fi farouche en ces deferts, que noftre Seigneur 
n'adouciffe par fa grace, quand il luy plaira. 

Le quatrieme de luin, arriua des Hurons vn ieune 
Frangois, lequel s'eflant mis auec quelques Algon- 
quins au commencement de I'hyuer, ^ deffein d'ap- 
prendre leur langue, ils le conduiferent par terre, ou 
pluftoft par neige, iufques aux pais des Hurons; ce 
fut vne bardie entreprife & bien difficile. Nos Peres 
furent bien eftonnez, & bien ioyeux de le voir en vn 
temps fi extraordinaire, ils nous ecriuirent k fon re- 
tour, qu'ils auoiet baptif^ pr6s de foixante Sauuages 
depuis [2 14] le voeu que nous fifmes tous le iour de la 
Conception de la faincte Vierge, & que les Peres que 
nous leur enuoyafmes I'an paff6 eltoient arriuez en 
bonne fant6 par la grace de noflre Seigneur, qui va 
tous les iours applanilTant les plus grandes difficultez 
de ce voyage. Ces Algonquins alloient Ik pour folli- 
citer les Hurons de venir en guerre auec eux contre 
les Hiroquois. 

Le vingt-huictiefme du mefme mois, Monfieur du 
Pleffis Bochart General de la flotte, monta iufques k 
Kebec, & nous reioiiit fort par fa prefence ; nous le 
remerciafmes de fa faueur ordinaire, & de la charite 
qu'il exerce enuers les Peres qui pafTent dans fon 
Vaiileau ; le Pere Ragueneau, & noftre Frere Louis 
Gobert efloient dans fa Barque. 

163t>J LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 225 

told me that, as soon as she expired, the Savages 
killed a little brother of his, perhaps to save it from 
the suffering it would have to endure after the death 
of its mother ; they would have done the same to him 
if he had not already been quite large. We had 
named him Fortune before his baptism. Monsieur 
de Champlain gave him the name Bonaventure when 
he was made a Christian, and certainly, funes cecide- 
runt ei in prceclaris. His case makes us hope that 
there will not be found in these wildernesses a na- 
ture so ferocious that our Lord may not tame it by 
his grace when it shall please him. 

On the fourth of June, came from the Hurons a 
young Frenchman, who had gone with some Algon- 
quins, at the beginning of the winter, for the pur- 
pose of learning their language. They took him by 
land, or rather by snow, up to the country of the 
Hurons, a daring and very difficult enterprise. Our 
Fathers there were surprised indeed, and very much 
pleased, to see him at so unusual a time. They 
wrote us, upon his return, that they had baptized 
nearly sixty Savages since [214] the vow we all made 
on the day of the Conception of the holy Virgin, and 
that the Fathers we sent to them last year had ar- 
rived in good health, by the grace of our Lord, who 
is daily smoothing away the greatest difficulties in 
this journey. These Algonquins went there to solic- 
it the Hurons to enter with them into a war against 
the Hiroquois. 

On the twenty-eighth of the same month. Mon- 
sieur du Plessis Bochart, Commandant of the fleet, 
came up to K^bec, and rejoiced us greatly by his 
presence. We thanked him for his usual courtesy 
toward us, and for the kindness he showed our Fa- 


Le premier de luillet, le Pere Chaftellain, & le 
Pete Gamier, s'embarquerent pour aller attendre les 
Hurons, h. la Refidence de la Conception aux trois 
Riuieres, Monfieur noftre Gouuerneur les conduiGt 
iufques au bord du grand Fleuue, auec vne courtoifie, 
& vne affection nompareille, faifant tirer trois coups 
de canon de falut ^ leur depart. Ce grand [2 1 5] Dieu 
qui nous donne le cceur, & 1 'amour de tant de per- 
fonnes de merite, nous oblige par mefme moyen a 
vne faincte & fidelle recognoiffance. 

Le fecond du mefme mois, le Pere logues, & le 
Pere du March6 vindrent accroiflre noftre ioye, qui 
nous fut d'autant plus fenfible, que noftre Seigneur 
nous les auoit tous rendus en bonne fant6. le prie 
fa bont^ qu'elle nous donne a tous les forces necef- 
faires pour accomplir fidellement fes fainctes volon- 
tez en I'auancement du falut de nos Frangois, & de 
nos Sauuages. 

Ce mefme iour le Capitaine des Sauuages de Ta- 
douffac ellant k Kebec, auec vne efcoiiade de fes 
gens, qui s'en alloient a la guerre, defira de parler en 
confeil h. Monfieur le Gouuerneur, & k Monfieur le 
General ; en vn mot aux Fran9ois. Le Capitaine des 
Sauuages de Kebec y affifta; I'affemblee fe faifoit au 
magazin de Meffieurs de la Compagnie ; ou ie me 
trouuay par le commandement de Monfieur le Gou- 
uerneur. Chacun eftant aflis, les Francois d'vn coft6, 
les Sauuages de 1' autre, le Capitaine de Tadouffac 
commenga k haranguer ; il efloit veflu k la [2 16] Fran- 
5oife, d'vn fort bel habit, fouz vne cafaque d'^car- 
late. Voulant parler, il ofla fon chapeau, & fit vne 
reuerence afTez gentiment ^ la Fran9oife, puis ad- 
drelTant fa parole aux Capitaines, notamment ^ Mon- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 227 

tilers who crossed in his Ship, Father Ragueneau*" 
and our Brother Louis Gobert being in his Bark. 

On the first of July, Father Chastellain and Father 
Gamier embarked to go and await the Hurons at the 
Residence of the Conception, at the three Rivers. 
Monsieur our Governor escorted them to the banks 
of the great River, with matchless courtesy and affec- 
tion, having three cannon shots fired as a salute at 
their departure. This great [215] God, who gives 
us the hearts and the love of so many worthy people, 
constrains us, by the same means, to a holy and true 

On the second of the same month, Father jognes'" 
and Father du Marche came to add to our great joy, 
which we felt all the more deeply, as our Lord had 
brought them both to us in good health. I pray that 
his goodness may give us all the strength necessary 
to faithfully carry out his holy will in promoting the 
salvation of our French and of our Savages. 

This same day, the Captain of the Tadoussac Sav- 
ages, being at Kebec with a squad of his people, who 
were going to war, desired to hold a council with 
Monsieur the Governor and with Monsieur the Com- 
mandant; in a word, with the French. The Captain 
of the Kebec Savages took part in it ; the assembly 
was held at the storehouse of the Gentlemen of the 
Company, where I also was present, by command of 
Monsieur the Governor. All being seated, the 
French on one side and the Savages on the other, 
the Tadoussac Captain began to make a speech. He 
was dressed in the [216] French fashion, with a very 
handsome coat under a scarlet cloak. Wishing to 
speak, he took off his hat and made a very polite 
bow in the French way, then directing his words to 


fieur du Pleffis, qu'il appella fon puifne : Vous voyez, 
dit-il, que ie fuis Frangois; tu f9ais, mon frere, que 
ma Nation me tient pour tel ; on croit que i'ay le 
bon-heur d'eftre aime des Capitaines, & que ie fuis 
leur parent ; pour moy vous fjauez que i'ay le cceur 
Frangois, ie vous ay toufiours aimez, doiz-ie douter 
du reciproque? Dites moy, ie vous prie, fi ie me 
puis preualoir de voftre amitie, comme vous eftes 
alTeure de la mienne? Cela dit, il s'arrefta pour oui'r 
la reponfe: comme on I'eut affeure qu'on I'aimoit, il 
pourfuiuit : Mes compatriotes me preffent fort de faire 
paroiftre le credit que i'ay aupres de vous; ils croy- 
ent que vous m'aimez, mais ils le voudroient voir 
par effet : quelle parole leur porteray ie la haut, oil 
ie les vay trouuer? vous fgauez que c'eft le propre 
des amis de fecourir ceux qu'ils aiment au befoin: 
le fecours que vous nous donnerez dans nos guerres 
fera le tefmoin fidelle de voflre [2 1 7] amitie ; voftre 
refus me couurira le vifage de confufion. Voila k 
peu pr6s le difcours de ce Barbare, qui eftonna Mon- 
fieur noftre Gouuerneur. L'autre Capitaine prenant 
la parole dit, Quand il fait mauuais temps nous en- 
trons dans nos maifons, nous prenos nos robbes, nous 
fermos nos portes pour nous defendre des iniures de 
I'air: nous voicy dans vne faifon de guerre fort faf- 
cheufe, nous n'auons pas affez de force pour nous 
mettre a couuert de nos ennemis ; nous recherchons 
voftre abry, ne le refufez pas; voftre amy vous en 
coniure : fi vous ne luy preftez la main vous le ver- 
rez dif paroiftre dans la meflee de fes ennemis; vous 
le chercherez dez yeux & de la bouche, demandans, 
ou eft vn tel, qui nous aimoit tant, & que nous ai- 
mions; apprenant fon defaftre vous ferez triftes, & 

1036] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 229 

the Captains, especially to Monsieur du Plessis, 
whom he called his younger brother, " You see," 
he said, "that I am a Frenchman; thou knowest, 
my brother, that my Nation regards me as one ; it is 
believed that I have the good fortune to be loved by 
the Captains, and that I am their relation. As for 
me, you know that I have a French heart, I have 
always loved you ; ought I to doubt that it is recipro- 
cated? Tell me, I pray you, if I can count upon your 
friendship, as you can be assured of mine ?' ' When 
this was said, he paused for an answer. Being as- 
sured that he had our love, he continued: " My coun- 
trymen urge me very strongly to show some evidence 
of the credit I have among you ; they believe that 
you love me, but they would like to see it put into 
practice; what word shall I carry them, up there, 
where I am going to see them ? You know it is the 
peculiar privilege of friends to succor in time of need 
those whom they love; the help that you will give 
us in our wars will be the true proof of your [2 1 7] 
friendship ; your refusal will cover my face with con- 
fusion." The above is very nearly the speech of 
this Barbarian, who astonished Monsieur our Gov- 
ernor. The other Captain, beginning to speak, said: 
" When the weather is bad, we go into our houses, 
we put on our robes, we close our doors to defend 
ourselves from the injurious effects of the air. We 
are now in a time of very troublesome war; we have 
not enough strength to place ourselves under cover 
from our enemies; we seek shelter from you, do not 
refuse it. Your friend conjures you to do this; if 
you do not lend him your hand, you will see him 
disappear in the conflict against his enemies ; you 
will seek him with your eyes and with your lips, de- 


voltre coeur vous dira; Si nous I'euffions fecouru nos 
yeux prendroient plaifir k le voir, & noflre coeur k 
I'aimer, & nous voila dans Tamertume: or il ne tient 
qu'k vous de vous deliurer de cette angoiffe, & de 
vous donner le contentement de le voir retourner du 
combat plain de vie & de gloire. le n'adioufte rien 
au difcours de ce Sauuage, il toucha toutes [218] ces 
raifons, & plufieurs autres qu'il deduifit fort graue- 
ment en fon langage. Vn vieillard tout chenu parla 
par apres h I'antique ; ces bonnes gens auoient fait 
ietter aux pieds de nos Capitaines vn paquet de peaux 
de Caftors, fuiuant la couftume qu'ils ont de faire des 
prefens, quand ils veulent obtenir quelque chofe, 
c'eft par oh commenga ce vieillard. Quand nous vifi- 
tons les Peuples qui nous font voifins & alliez, nous 
leur faifons des prefens, qui parlent pendant que nous 
nous taifons: ceux qui reyoiuent ces prefens s'ad- 
dreffent k leur ieuneffe, & les apoflrophent en cette 
fa9on ; Courage, ieunes hommes, faites voir voftre 
generofite, voila de belles robbes, qui vous attendent 
au retour du combat ; fouuenez-vous de ceux qui vous 
ont fait ces dons, tuez beaucoup de leurs ennemis : 
voila vne bone couftume, vous la deuriez garder auffi 
bien que nous, difoit ce bon vieillard. On prit de Ik 
fuiet de leur repondre, que quand ils rempliroient la 
maifon de Caftors, qu'on n'entreprendroit pas la 
guerre pour leurs prefens ; que nous fecourions nos 
amys, non pour I'efpoir d'aucune recompenfe, mais 
pour [219] leur amitie. Qu'au refte on n'auoit pas 
amen6 d'hommes pour eux, ne f9achant pas qu'ils 
fuffent en guerre ; que ceux qu'ils voyoient ne por- 
toient pas tous les armes, & que ceux qui les por- 
toient n'eftoient pas contens de ce que les Sauuages 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. 1636 231 

manding, ' Where is such a one, who loved us so 
much, and whom we loved? ' Learning of his disas- 
ter, you will be sad, and your heart will say to you, 
' If we had succored him, our eyes would have taken 
pleasure in looking at him and our heart in loving 
him ; but lo, we are in bitter grief. ' Now it depends 
only upon you to avoid such anguish, and to give 
yourselves the pleasure of seeing him return from 
the combat full of life and glory." I add nothing 
to the discourse of this Savage ; he touched upon all 
[218] these arguments and several others, that he rea- 
soned out very gravely in his own language. A hoary- 
headed old man talked afterwards, after the fashion 
of the aged. These simple people had had a bundle 
of Beaver skins thrown at the feet of our Captains, 
according to their custom of making presents when 
they wish to obtain something. It was in reference 
to these that the old man began. " When we visit 
the Tribes which are our neighbors and allies, we 
make them presents, which speak while we keep 
silence. Those who receive these presents address 
themselves to their young men, apostrophizing them 
in this way : ' Courage, young men, show your gen- 
erosity; behold these fine robes, which await you 
upon your return from the combat ; remember those 
who have made these gifts, kill many of their ene- 
mies.' This is a good custom, you ought to observe 
it as well as we," said this simple old man. From 
this we took the text of our answer, saying that if 
they should fill the house with Beavers, we would 
not undertake the war for the sake of their presents ; 
that we helped our friends, not in the hope of any re- 
ward, but for the sake of [219] their friendship. 
That, besides, we had not brought any men for them, 


ne s'efboient point encor alliez des Fran§ois par au- 
cun mariage, & qu'on voyoit bien qu'ils ne vouloient 
pas eftre vn mefme Peuple auec nous, donnans leurs 
enfans de9^ dela aux Nations leurs alli^es, & non pas 
aux Frangois. Le Capitaine de Tadouilac repliqua, 
que le moye de faire vne forte alliance eftoit de faire 
paroiftre noflre courage, & noftre bonne volont^; car, 
difoit-il, vos ieunes gens retoumans de la guerre apres 
le mailacre de nos ennemis, n'auront pas de peine k 
trouuer de nos filles en mariage. Pour les enfans, on 
ne voit, dit-il, autre chofe que petits Sauuages aux 
maif ons des Francois ; on y voit des garfons, on y voit 
des filles; que voulez vous dauantage? ie eroy que 
I'vn de ces iours on nous demandera nos femmes. 
Vous nous demandez incelTamment nos enfans, & 
vous ne donnez point les voftres: ie ne f9ache aucune 
famille parmy nous, qui tienne auec [220] foy aucun 
Frangois. Monfieur le Gouuerneur entendant cette 
reponfe, me dit, Ie ne fgay ce qu'vn Senateur Ro- 
main auroit repondu de plus k propos fur le fuiet pro- 
pofe. Ie luy repliquay, qu'on faifoit nos Sauuages 
en France bien plus mailifs qu'ils ne font : mais met- 
tons fin k cette a)Tembl6e. On leur repliqua que de- 
funt Monfieur de Champlain de bonne memoire les 
auoit fecourus en guerre, & que pour cela ils ne s'e- 
ftoient pas alliez de nous : on leur fit entendre qu'on 
ne vouloit leurs enfans que pour les inftruire, & pour 
n'eflre vn iour qu'vn mefme Peuple auec eux ; que 
nous n'auions aucun befoin de nous en charger : que 
C nous ne leur en donnions pas des noftres, c'efl pour 
autant qu'ils demandent de grandes recompenfes, quoy 
qu'ils n'ayent pas deqixoy les nourrir: mais que nous 
entretenions & inftruifions les leurs gratiiitement. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 23o 

not knowing that they were carrying on war; that 
those whom they saw with us did not all bear arms : 
and those that did bear them were not satisfied be- 
cause the Savages were not yet allied with the French 
by any marriage ; and that it could easily be seen that 
they did not care to be one People with us, giving 
their children here and there to their allied Nations, 
and not to the French. The Captain of Tadoussac 
replied that the way to make a strong alliance was to 
show our courage and our good will. " For," said 
he, " when your young men return from the war 
after the massacre of our enemies, they will not have 
any trouble in obtaining our girls in marriage. As 
to children," said he, " one does not see anything else 
but little Savages in the houses of the French ; there 
are little boys there and little girls, — what more do 
you want? I believe thjt^so me o f th ese d ays_you 
will be asking for our wives. You are continually 
asking us for our children, and you do not give yours : 
I do not know any family among us which keeps 
a [220] Frenchman with it." Monsieur the Gover- 
nor, upon hearing this answer, said to me, " I do not 
know what a Roman Senator could have answered 
that would have been more appropriate to the subject 
under discussion." I replied that in France our Sav- 
ages were represented as far more obtuse than they 
are. But let us finish with this assembly. They 
were answered that the deceased Monsieur de Cham- 
plain, of happy memory, had helped them in war, 
and that even then they had not allied themselves 
with us; they were given to understand that we de- 
sired their children only for instruction and that we 
might be some day one People with them ; that we 
were under no necessity to burden ourselves with 



Cette verite les arrefla tout court. Pour ce qui con- 
cernoit la guerre, on repliqua qu"on ne pouuoit leur 
donner ny vn grand, ny vn petit nombre de Fran- 
9ois; d'en donner & [un] grand nombre, ils voioient 
bien que la chofe ne fe pouuoit pas faire, les vaiffeaux 
ne fe voulans pas [221] d6garnir de leurs hommes: 
d'en donner peu, nos Frangois ne vouloient point al- 
ler auec eux, pour ce, difent-ils, que les Sauuages ne 
f9auroient obeir, ny tenir pied ferme en guerre, "k la 
premiere fantaifie ils s'enuolent comme des oyfeaux ; 
Q bien qu'il faudroit auffi que nos Fran9ois eflas vn 
petit nombre priffent la fuitte, ce qui les rendroit fort 
honteux : car on fe moque parmy nous des fuyards. 
Les braues foldats, tels que nous auons icy, veulent 
vaincre ou mourir. lis furent fatisfaits de ces rai- 
fons, & ainfi le confeil finit. 

Le neufieme du mefme mois de luillet, ie montay 
dans vne barque pour aller au deuant des Hurons, 
qui ne deuoient pas defcendre iufques a Kebec. II 
fe faut trouuer au rendez vous, pour faire paffer nos 
Peres qui y vont, & repondre aux lettres de ceux qui 
y font. Nous n'eflions gueres auancez, quand vn 
vent contraire nous arrefte au milieu du grand Fleu- 
ue; & comme i'ay deja fouuent experimente, que nos 
Vaiffeaux ne font ny affeurez, ny fi viftes, fi ce n'efl 
dans les bons vens, que les petits Canots d'6corce des 
Sauuages. I'auois donne le mot k quelques-vns qui 
deuoient monter aux trois Riuieres d'aborder [222] 
noll;re Barque, pour me prendre en paffant. lis n'y 
manquerent pas. Ie me mets done auec eux. Ils 
eftoient douze Canots, & enuiron trente ou quarante 
ieunes gens pour la plus part, qui s'en alloient ^ la 
guerre ; ils m'enuironnent de tous coflez, & me prient 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 235 

them; that if we did not give ours to them, it was 
because they asked g^eat recompense, although they 
had nothing for them to eat ; but that we maintained 
and instructed theirs for nothing. This truth silenced 
them. As to whatever concerned the war, the answer 
was that we could not give to them either a large or 
a small number of French. As to giving them a 
large number, they could see that the thing could 
not be done, as the ships would not consent to be 
[221] stripped of their men; as to giving them a few, 
our Frenchmen did not wish to go with them, " Be- 
cause," say they, " the Savages cannot obey nor stand 
firm in war, — at the first whim that takes them, fly- 
ing off like birds ;" so that our Frenchmen also, being 
few in number, would have to take to flight, which 
would make them greatly ashamed, for deserters are 
ridiculed among us. Brave soldiers, such as we have 
here, wish to conquer or die. They were satisfied 
with these arguments, and thus the council ended. 

On the ninth of the same month of July, I entered 
a bark to go and meet the Hurons, who were not 
coming down as far as K^bec. We had to be at the 
rendezvous, to obtain passage for our Fathers who 
were going there, and to answer the letters of those 
who are there. We had not advanced far, when an 
adverse wind stopped us in the middle of the great 
River; and as I have already often found, by experi- 
ence, that our Ships are not as safe nor as swift, if 
the wind is not fair, as the little bark Canoes of the 
Savages, I had suggested to some of those who were 
going up to the three Rivers to come alongside [222] 
our Bark and take me up in passing. This they did 
not fail to do, and I took my place among them. 
There were twelve Canoes and about thirty or forty 


de les accompagner iufques au pais des Hiroquois: 
ie me mis "k rire, & les entretiens d'autres chofes. 
Sur les trois ou quatre heures apres midy, comme ils 
efloient las de ramer centre vn vent affez violent, ils 
mirent tons pied k terre: chacun prcnd fon Nauire, 
le range aupres du bois, dans lequel nous entrons 
pour preparer noftre maifon, & pour faire du feu, (>u 
plufloft de la fumee pour chaffer les maringoins. 
Noflre hoftellerie fut bien toft faite, car on rompit 
quelques bouts de branches d'arbres, on les ietta fur 
la terre, & voila noftre palais dreffe, ie iettay la deffus 
vne mechante peau pour diftinguer ma chambre, dk 
mon lict des autres. Quand nous allons a la cam- 
pagne, Frangois & Sauuages, Religieux & autres, 
nous n'auons point d'autres licts que quelque me- 
chante peau, ny de tente que le ciel, quand il ne 
pleut pas; pendant la pluye, on fe couure [223] 
comma Ton pent; les Sauuages ont k cet effet des 
decrees fort legeres, & fort commodes. Comme ie 
m'eftois retire pour faire mes prieres, vn Capitaine 
me vint trouuer, & me tirant encor plus k I'^cart, me 
dit, Tu nous a fouuent fait entendre, que fi celuy qui 
a tout fait ne nous fauorife, que nous auros du pire; 
que faudroit-il faire afin qu'il m'aydaft. Ie vis bien 
qu'il parloit pour fa perfonne, & qu'il n'auoit pas 
affez de courage de propofer k fon efcoiiade ce qu'on 
luy auroit confeille. Ie luy dy done que Dieu fe plai- 
foit fort qu'on creuft en luy, & qu'on s'y confiaft, & 
par confequent que des k prefent il deuoit croire, que 
luy feul le pouuoit fecourir; qu'il luy deuoit deman- 
der fecours, & luy promettre, qu'au cas qu'il retour- 
nart fain & fauue, qu'il croiroit publiquemet en fon 
Nom. Luy donnant aduis, que s'il fe trouuoit inuefty 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6s6 237 

people, mostly young men who were going to war; 
they surrounded me on all sides, and begged me to 
accompany them to the country of the Hiroquois ; I 
began to laugh, and to talk to them about other things. 
About three or four o'clock in the afternoon, as they 
were tired of paddling against a rather violent wind, 
they all landed ; each one took his Boat and laid it 
down near the woods which we entered for the pur- 
pose of preparing our house, and of making a fire, or 
rather some smoke, to drive away the mosquitoes. 
Our hostelry was soon made, for they broke off a few 
ends from the branches of trees, and threw them upon 
the ground, and lo, our palace was ready. I threw 
over these a wretched skin, to distinguish my cham- 
ber and my bed from the others. When we go into 
the country. French and Savages, Religious and 
others, we have no other beds than some wretched 
skins, no other tent than the sky, unless it rains; 
during the rain, we cover ourselves [223] as best we 
can ; the Savages have for this purpose very light and 
convenient pieces of bark. Having withdrawn to say 
my prayers, a Captain came after me, and, drawing 
me still further to one side, said, " Thou hast often 
given us to understand that, if he who has made all 
does not favor us, the worst will happen to us; what 
must I do to make him aid us?" I saw very clearly 
that he was speaking for himself, and that he did not 
have the courage to propose to his men the counsel 
he would receive. So I told him that God was great- 
ly pleased to have one believe and trust in him ; and 
that consequently he must believe, from this moment, 
that God alone could help him ; that he must ask him 
for help, and promise him that, in case he should re- 
turn safe and sound, he would openly express his be- 


de fes ennemis, ou en danger de fa vie, il fe fouuinft 
de luy demander la deliurance pour auoir moyen 
d'eftre baptife; il me promit de le faire. La nuict 
s'approchant, les principaux d'entre-eux m'accoftent, 
& me parlant de nos fagons de faire, me dirent que 
quand ie priois Dieu qu'ils [224) approuuoient fort 
cela, comme auffi quand ie leur difois quelque chofe ; 
& par confequent qu'il falloit auffi que i'approuuaffe 
leurs couflumes, & que ie creuffe en leurs fa9ons de 
faire; que I'vn d'eux alloit bien toft prier k leur 
mode, & que ie I'^coutafTe patiemment. Ie vy incon- 
tinent qu'ils preparoient vn petit tabernacle, pour 
confulter le Manitou ou quelque Genie ; ie leur de- 
manday s"ils croyoient que le Manitou ou les Genies 
deuffent venir dans cefte petite tour, & fi ce n'eftoit 
pas le Sorcier qui ebranloit cette maifon ou ce taber- 
nacle: ils me protefterent que ce n'eftoit pas luy. 
\A delTus ie leur fay vn offre ; Quand ce tabernacle 
fera ebranle, leur dy-ie, permettez moyqueque i'en- 
tre dedans, & fi me faifiilant des deux mains du lon- 
gleur, vous voyez encore branler fon tabernacle, ie 
vous promets de vous donner vn baril de pois, fi toft 
que nous ferons arriuez aux trois Riuieres; Donne 
nous vne Barique de pain, dit laieunefle; Ten fuis 
content, faites entrer le Jongleur ; mais les plus agez 
ne voulurent pas accepter la propofition : & comme 
il eftoit deja fort nuict, le Capitaine s'ecria, Dormez 
ieuneffe, [225] & prenez garde k ce que vous fonge- 
rez, ne cachez rien de ce que vous aurez veu en fonge. 
L^ delTus tout le monde s'endort, ie me iette fur mon 
grabat, & fais comme les autres. Enuiron la minuict 
i'entends trois ou quatre hommes qui chantoient & 
hurloient dans les bois; ie me leue, mais ces chan- 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 239 

lief in his Name. I advised him, if he found himself 
surronnded by his enemies, or if his life was in dan- 
ger, to remember to ask deliverance of him, so that 
he might have an opportunity to be baptized. He 
promised me he would do .so. In the twilight, the 
more prominent ones among them accosted me, and 
began to talk about our ways of doing things. They 
said that when I prayed God they [224] greatly ap- 
proved of it, as well as of what I told them; and 
hence, that I must also approve of their customs, and 
I must believe in their ways of doing things; that 
one of their number was going to pray in their way, 
soon, and that I should listen patiently. I saw at 
once that they were preparing a little tent, in order 
to consult the Manitou, or some Spirit ; I asked them 
if they believed that the Manitou or Demons would 
come into this little tower, and if it was not the Sor- 
cerer who was shaking this house or tent ; they pro- 
tested that it was not he. Thereupon I made them 
an offer. " When this tent is shaking," I said to 
them, "allow me to enter it; and if, after I have 
seized the two hands of the Juggler, you still see his 
tent shaking, I promise that I will give you a keg of 
peas as soon as we reach the three Rivers." " Give 
tis a Cask of bread," said the young fellows. " Very 
well; let the Juggler enter." But the older ones did 
not wish to accept this proposition ; and, as it was al- 
ready quite dark, the Captain cried out, " Go to sleep, 
young men, [225] and note carefully what you dream; 
conceal nothing of what you shall see in your dreams." 
Thereupon all go to sleep, and I throw myself upon 
my pallet and do as the others do. About midnight, 
I heard three or four men singing and howling in the 
woods; I arose, but these singers soon afterward be- 


teurs fe teurent bien toft apres; c'eftoit le Charlatan 
qui vouloit faire fa confulte. Or ie ne f^ay s'il m'en- 
tendit, quoy que e'en foit, il fortit de fon tabernacle 
fans rien faire, difant que le Manitou ne vouloit pas 
venir. Le lendemain matin ayant veu la pifte de 
quelques Caftors, & rencontre 1^ du bois propre pour 
faire des boucliers, ils y vouloient paffer la iournee, 
ce qui me fafchoit fort, car ie defirois d'offrir le fainct 
Sacrifice de la Meffe le iour fuiuant, qui elloit vn Di- 
manche, efperant que nous arriuerions aux trois Ri- 
uieres; ie les prie, ie les prefTe; point de nouuelles: 
ils me demandoient fi i'eftois enfant pour m'attrifter, 
& que ie ferois encore bien loing fi ie fuffe reft6 dans 
la Barque : enfin leur ayant dit que ie voulois le iour 
fuiuant prier celuy qui pent tout, que ie le prierois 
pour eux, afin qu'il les aydalt dans [226] leurs com- 
bats, ils laifTerent partir celuj' qui me menoit dans 
fon Canot, & eux-mefmes s'embarquerent bien toft 
apres; le manuals temps nous fit demeurer a fix lieues 
pr^s des trois Riuieres. Le foir deuant qu'on s'en- 
dormit, le Capitaine s'ecria, Tenez vos armes preftes, 
6 ieuneffe, que chacun ayt fon epee, fa hache & fon 
courteau aupres de foy en dormant. Ils commen- 
(^oient k craindre les furprifes de leurs ennemis. Sur 
la minuict voila vne abondance d'eau, qui fe decharge 
fur ceux qui n'eftoient pas abriez ; ie me mis en pe- 
loton fous la peau qui me feruoit de mattelas, & que 
ie fis feruir de couuerture; & 1^ deffous auffi content, 
que fous vn lambry dore, ie regoy plus d'vn poinfTon 
d'eau fans me beaucoup moiiiller. Le iour fuiuant, 
I'Aurore commen9ant ^ poindre, i'eueille mes gens, 
ie les preffe tant que ie peux, & m'addrefCant k mon 
hofte ; ie luy promets, que fi nous arriuions deuant 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 241 

came silent. It was the Charlatan who was trying 
to have his consultation. Now I do not know whether 
he heard me; be that as it may, he went out from his 
tent, without accomplishing anything, saying that the 
Manitou would not come. The next morning having 
discovered some Beaver tracks, and having found 
some wood suitable for making shields, they wished 
to pass the day there ; this annoyed me greatly, for 
I desired to offer the holy Sacrifice of the Mass on 
the following day, which was Sunday, hoping we 
would reach the three Rivers. I prayed them, I 
urged them; no change. They asked me if I was a 
child, that I should be cast down, saying that I would 
be still farther away, if I had remained in the Bark; 
finally, having told them that I wished upon the fol- 
lowing da}^ to pray to the one who can do all things, 
and that I would pray for them that he would aid 
them in [226] their combats, they allowed the one 
who took me in his Canoe to depart, and they them- 
selves embarked soon after. Bad weather caused us 
to remain at a standstill, six leagues from the three 
Rivers. In the evening, before any one went to 
sleep, the Captain cried out, " Keep your arms ready, 
O young men; let each one have his javelin, his 
hatchet, and his knife near him while asleep." They 
were beginning to fear ambushes from their enemies. 
Toward midnight there fell a heavy shower of rain 
upon those who were not under shelter ; I rolled my- 
self like a ball, under the skin which served me as 
mattress, and which I made serve as a covering ; and 
beneath this, as happy as under a gilded roof, I re- 
ceived over a cask of water without getting very wet. 
The next day, when the Dawn begins to appear, I 
waken my people ; I urge them all I can, and, address- 


midy aux trois Riuieres, ie luy ferois vn beau pre- 
fent; mais aufll ie I'afTeuray, que fi nous arriuios plus 
tard qu'il n'en auroit que la moiti^. Ne void tu pas, 
me fait-il, que ie ne puis pas faulTer compagnie. Ie 
m'eftois iuflement [227] adreffe k vn Canot, dans le- 
quel il y auoit vn ieune homme qui tomboit du haut 
mal, & qui en fut faifi deuant mes yeux, vn peu de- 
uant que de nous rembarquer: cela m6tonna, car fi ce 
mal reui\ pris au milieu de la riuiere, c'efloit pour 
renuerfer & nous & Ie Canot, & nous faire perdre ; ie 
ne voulus pas neantmoins changer de vaiffeau pour 
Ie peu de chemin qui refloit. Nous arriuafmes enfin 
comme il falloit pour auoir Ie temps d'offrir "k Dieu 
Ie faint facrifice de I'Autel : approchans des trois Ri- 
uieres, nos Canots fe raffemblerent en vn gros, & nos 
Peres les voyas venir de loing, fe doutans que ie fe- 
rois dans cette trouppe, vindrent au deuant de moy; 
mes Sauuages les voyans me dirent, Voicy tes Freres 
qui te viennent receuoir. Ie mets done pied k terre, 
& comme nous vinfmes "k nous entre-faliier, nous em- 
braffans par figne de charit6, mon efcoiiade de Sau- 
uages commence k pouffer vn grand cry du fond de 
la poitrine, temoignans tous enfemble par cette voix 
d'allegreffe, qu'ils approuuoient ces marques d'affe- 
ction & de deference, que nous-nous portions les vns 
aux autres. Le Pere Buteux & Ie Pere Chaflelain 
[228] eftoient les deux premiers; ie me mis auec eux, 
marchant fur la greue, pendant que mes Sauuages ra- 
moient doucement en bel ordre, fur le bord du Fleu- 
ue, n'aduangant pas plus que nous: rencontrant par 
apres le Pere Quentin, & le Pere Gamier, qui eftoient 
venus au premier bruit, & les faluant comme les au- 
tres, ces pauures Barbares redoublans tous enfemble 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 243 

ing myself to my host, I promise him that if we 
reach the three Rivers before noon, I will make him 
a fine present ; but I also assure him that, if we ar- 
rive later, he will have only the half of it. " Dost 
thou not see," he replied, " that I cannot slip away 
from my company?" I had just [227] applied to a 
Canoe in which there was a young man who had the 
falling sickness [epilepsy], and who was taken with 
it before my eyes, a little while before we reem- 
barked; this alarmed me, for, if the attack had seized 
him in the middle of the river, it would have resulted 
in upsetting both us and the Canoe, and we would 
have been lost; I did not wish, however, to change 
boats for the little distance that remained. At last 
we arrived so as to have time enough to offer to 
God the holy sacrifice of the Altar. Nearing the 
three Rivers, our Canoes were brought together in a 
body, and our Fathers, seeing them come from afar, 
and thinking I might be in the crowd, came to meet 
me; my Savages, seeing them, said to me, " Behold 
thy Brothers, who come to receive thee." I stepped 
on shore, then ; and as we were saluting each other, 
embracing as a sign of affection, my crowd of Sav- 
ages begin to utter a loud cry from the depths of 
their chests, all showing by this joyful cry that they 
approved these marks of affection and of deference, 
which we were bestowing upon each other. Father 
Buteux and Father Chastelain [228] were the first 
two; I joined them, and we walked along the strand, 
while my Savages paddled slowly, in fine order, along 
the shores of the River, not advancing any more than 
we. Later, encountering Father Quentin and Father 
Gamier, who had come at the first sound, and salut- 
ing them as we did the others, these poor Barbarians 


leurs cris de ioye, nous donnerent vn fecond t^moi- 
gnage de leur affection. Le lendemain nous leurs 
fifmes f eftin, qu'ils agreerent fort felon leur couftume ; 
ce mot de feflin parmi eux leur eft infinimet agre- 
able ; c'eft par 1^ qu'on les gaigne. 

Le quinziefme du mefme mois, arriua MonCeur le 
General dans fa Barque aux trois Riuieres. Le 
mefme iour arriuerent fept Hurons dans vn Canot, 
qui nous apporterent des lettres du Pere Brebceuf, 
lefquelles nous reioiiirent fort: car on nous auoit 
comme affeurez que les Hurons ne defcendroient point 
cette annee pour les grands bruits de guerre, qui cou- 
roient par toutes les Nations, par lefquelles lis doi- 
uent paffer. 

Le dix-huictiefme Monfieur le General partit des 
trois Riuieres, pour monter [229] k la riuiere des Hi- 
roquois, ou il eftoit attendu des Sauuages iufques au 
nombre de deux ou trois cens, pour parler de leurs 
guerres; il me dit qu'il y alloit auffi pour les recon- 
cilier, car il y auoit quelque diffention entre eux : & 
de fait vn Capitaine Montagues s'eftoit comme venu 
letter fouz fa protection; II n'y a plus que toy, & le 
Pere le leune, luy difoit-il, qui m'aymiez; mes Alliez 
fe bandent contre moy, les Algonquins me veulent 
mettre a mort, & perdre le Pais. On le foup9onnoit, 
mais a tort, d'auoir receu des prefens des Hiroquois, 
& d'auoir trahy la Grenoiiille, & les autres qui auoient 
efte maffacrez; ils en penfoient autant d'vn autre, 
qu'ils vouloient aufG egorger. Monfleur du Pleffis a 
appaife tout cela, comme nous dirons bien toft. 

Le vingt-vniefme du mefme mois de luillet, le 
Pere Chaftelain & le Pere Gamier s'embarquerent le 
plus heureufement du monde pour aller aux Hurons. 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION, i6s6 245 

all redoubled their cries of joy, thus giving us a sec- 
ond time evidence of their affection. The next day 
we made a feast for them, which, according to their 
custom, they readily accepted; this word " feast" is 
among them wonderfully agreeable ; it is by this that 
one wins them. 

On the fifteenth of the same month, Monsieur the 
Commandant arrived at the three Rivers in his Bark. 
On the same day there arrived seven Hurons in a 
Canoe, who brought us letters from Father Breboeuf 
which caused us great rejoicing, for we had been al- 
most sure that the Hurons would not come down this 
year, on account of the great rumors of war which 
were heard in all the Nations through which they 
must pass. 

On the eighteenth. Monsieur the Commandant de- 
parted from the three Rivers, to go up [229] to the 
river of the Hiroquois, where he was awaited by the 
Savages to the number of two or three hundred, to 
talk about their wars ; he told me that he went there 
also to reconcile them, as they had some dissensions 
among themselves; and, in fact, one of the Mon- 
tagnes Captains had come to throw himself under his 
protection. " There is no one left but thou and Fa- 
ther le Jeune," said he, " who loves me; my Allies 
are banded against me ; the Algonquins wish to kill 
me and to ruin the Country." He was suspected, but 
wrongly, of having received presents from the Hiro- 
quois, and of having betrayed la Grenoiiille ["the 
Frog"] and the others who had been massacred. 
They had the same opinion of another, whom they 
wished also to slaughter. Monsieur du Plessis settled 
all that, as we shall soon see. 

On the twenty -first of the same month of July, Fa- 


II y eut tant de facilite en cet affaire, que nous I'a- 
uions prefque pour fufpecte ; les affaires de Dieu font 
au commencement trauuerfees, mais elles ne laiifent 
pas d'auoir leur effet. Ces fept Hurons que i'ay 
[230] dit eftre arriuez le quinziefme de ce mois par- 
tans de leur Pais, n'auoient pas deffein de venir iuf- 
ques aux Fran9ois, mais feulement d'aller iufques k 
rifle, pour voir fi leur Nation auroit le paffage libre; 
car le bruit couroit que ces Sauuages de I'lfle, les 
plus fuperbes de tons ces Peuples vfoient de quelques 
menaces. Tout fut appaif6 par les Hurons, qui ren- 
uoyerent deux d6s leurs donner aduis, que la riuiere 
eftoit libre, & cependant defcediret aux trois Riui- 
eres. Or come I'vn de ces fept eftoit Capitaine de la 
Bourgade ou font nos Peres aux Hurons, & qu'il auoit 
porte I'an paff^ le P. le Mercier, & t^moign6 beau- 
coup d' affection, il nous demanda fi perfonne de nos 
Peres n'alloit a fon Pais, qu'il en voudroit bien me- 
ner vn, pourueu qu'on luy donnafl vn Canot, car ils 
efloient fept dans celuy qu'ils auoient; on luy trouiie 
auffi toil \'n Canot de Montagues, bien plus petit que 
les Canots des Hurons; I'ayant veu il s'en contenta. 
L'affaire eftant conclue, on luy fait des prefens, & k 
ceux qui s'embarquoient auec luy; les voila tres con- 
tens, & le Pere Chaftelain encor plus de fe voir defti- 
n^ pour partir auec ce Capitaine. Ceux qui eftoiet 
[231] dans I'autre Canot, voyans qu'il y auoit encor vn 
Pere ^ embarquer, nous vindrent dire qu'il ne falloit 
pas le feparer d'auec fon Compagnon, & qu'ils fe- 
roient bien aifes de le loger auec eux dans leur petit 
Nauire d'6corce. Voila les temps bien changez, les 
annees paff^es il falloit aller & venir, interpofer I'au- 
thorit6 de tout le monde, & I'affection de plufieurs, 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, r6j6 247 

ther Chastelain and Father Garnier embarked, the 
happiest men in the world, to go to the Hurons. 
This affair seemed so easy of accomplishment that 
we almost suspected something was wrong. The 
affairs of God are generally crossed in the beginning, 
but they do not fail to produce results. These seven 
Hurons who, as I [230] said, arrived on the fifteenth 
of this month, when leaving their Country did not 
intend to come so far as the Frenchmen, but only to 
go up to the Island to see if their Nation would have 
a free passage ; for it was rumored that these Island 
Savages, the haughtiest of all these Tribes, were 
using threats. All was made right by the Hurons, 
who sent back two of their men to give notice that 
the river was free, and meanwhile they descended to 
the three Rivers. Now as one of these seven was 
Captain of the Village where our Fathers are, with 
the Hurons, and as he had last year taken Father le 
Mercier, and had shown a great deal of interest in us, 
he asked if none of our Fathers were going to his 
Country, saying that he would gladly take one of 
them, provided they would give him a Canoe, for 
there were seven in the one they had. They imme- 
diately found for him a Montagues Canoe, much 
smaller than those of the Hurons ; having seen it, he 
was satisfied. The affair being concluded, they gave 
presents to him and to those who were embarking 
with him ; they were well pleased, and Father Chas- 
telain still more so at seeing himself destined to de- 
part with this Chief. Those who were [231] in the 
other Canoe, seeing there was still another Father to 
embark, came to tell us that it was not necessary to 
separate him from his Companion, and that they 
would be very glad to have him with them in their 


pour trouuer place a vn de nos Peres parmy ces Bar- 
bares. & cette annee les fept premiers qui font def- 
cendus en ont eux-naefmes demand^. On donna aux 
deux chefs & gouuemeurs de ces deux Canots, cha- 
cun vne couuerture. aux autres chacun vn capot, vn 
baril de pois, du pain, & quelques pruneaux ; c'eft la 
nourriture de nos Peres, & de leurs Sauuages, qui 
n'auoient point fait de caches en defcendant, & tout 
cela pour vingt ou trente iours, dans des chemins qui 
font horreur a en ouir parler; noftre Seigneur leur 
veiiille donner fa faincte benediction. 

Le dernier iour de ce mois, Monfieur le General 
retourna aux trois Riuieres. Voicy les particularitez 
de fon voyage. Ay ant trouue les Sauuages affem- 
blez a la Riuiere des Hiroquois, il leur parla des [232] 
differens qu'ils auoient les vns auec les autres, & leur 
fit faire quelques prefens, pour aualer plus douce- 
ment, comme ils parlent, leurs mecontentemens. En 
vn mot, il mit la paix parmy-eux ; & pour accouflu- 
mer touHours leurs oreilles a entendre parler de noflre 
creance, il leur difoit, que s'ils aymoient les Fran- 
§ois, ils deuoient aymer & ecouter ceux que les Fran- 
9ois cherifTent, & aufquels ils pretent I'oreille; qu'ils 
leurs deuoient donner leurs enfans pour les inftruire, 
il parloit de nous, adiouftant que le grand Capitaine 
venu de nouueau a Kebec auoit efte inftruit dans nos 
6coles ; que luy mefme auoit eft^ enfeigne de noflre 
main, & que s'ils defiroient que nous ne fuffions qu'vn 
Peuple par enfemble, qu'il falloit commencer par 1^. 
A tout cela ils repondirent, ho! ho! ho! felon leur 
coultume, quand ils approuuent quelque difcours. 

Au depart ces Barbares s'en allerent chercher quel- 
que pauure miferable Hiroquois; car la plus part de 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 249 

little bark Ship. See how the times are changed! 
In past years we had to go and come, to interpose 
the authority of everybody and the affection of many, 
to find a place for one of our Fathers among these 
Barbarians; and this year the first seven who have 
come down have themselves asked for them. There 
was given to the two chiefs and governors of these 
two Canoes, each a blanket, — to the others each a 
cloak, — a keg of peas, some bread, and some prunes; 
this is for the maintenance of our Fathers, and of 
their Savages, who had not made any caches on their 
journey down, and all this is for twenty or thirty 
days, over roads that make one shudder to hear 
about. May our Lord give them his holy benediction. 
On the last day of this month. Monsieur the Gen- 
eral returned to the three Rivers, and here are the 
particulars of his voyage. Having found the Sav- 
ages assembled at the River of the Hiroquois, he 
spoke to them of the [232] quarrels that existed among 
them, and had some presents given to them to make 
them more easily swallow, as one may say, their 
grievances. In a word, he restored peace among 
them ; and, that he might ever accustom their ears to 
hear our belief spoken of, he told them that, if they 
loved the French, they should love and listen to those 
whom the French cherish, and to whom they open 
their ears ; that they must give them their children 
for instruction; he spoke of us, — adding that the 
great Captain who had recently come to Kebec had 
been instructed in our schools, that he himself had 
been taught by us; and that, if they wished us all to 
be but one People, they must begin there. To all 
this they answered, ho! ho! ho! according to their 
custom when they approve a speech. 


leurs guerres fe paffent dans les furprifes, fe guet- 
tans les vns les autres, comme on feroit vn Sanglier. 
Cependant Monlieur le General [233] monte plus 
haut, donne iufques a la Riuiere des Prairies. A 
fon retour il nous decriuit ces lieux comme vn Para- 
dis terreflre : Les terres, difoit-il, y font meilleures, 
les arbres mieux nourris, les prairies en abondance, 
la beaute du Pais rauiffante, la pefche monftrueufe 
en quantite, en quality, & grandeur de poiflon; voila 
bien des richeffes alTembl^es en vn endroit; mais les 
Maringoins font les petits dragons qui gardent ces 
belles pommes d'or. qu'on n'aura pas fans peine, non 
plus que les autres prefens de la terre. 

Le treizieme iour d'Aoufl, arriua vn Canot du Pais 
des Hurons qui auoit rencontr^ le Pere Gamier, & le 
Pere Chaftelain ^ la petite Nation des Algonquins. 
Les Peres m'^criuoient ce peu de mots fur vn feiiillet 
de tablettes, faute de papier. Ces porteurs vous diront 
mieux comme sappelle le lieu oil ils nous ont rencontri 
que nous autres; nous fommes en bonne fant^, graces h 
Dieu; nous-nous en allons tons courans dans nos gondoles 
d'^corce ; nous volons a ce Paradis tat defir^ auec vn fur- 
croijl dc courage, que Dieu nous a doting. Kionch6 fait 
pour le vioins aujsi bon traittement au Pere Garnier, 
^«'Aenons au Pere Cliajlelain\ ils ont bien mdftag^ [234] 
nos viurcs, nous auons encor vn peu de pain : ie n'ay peu 
lire le relie. 

Le dixiefme du mefme mois, le Capitaine de Ta- 
douflac retouma de la guerre auec fon efcoiiade ; il 
nous dit qu'ils auoient trouu6 vne Cabane delaiffee, oil 
pent eflre trois cens Hiroquois auoient couche, qu'vne 
partie de leurs trouppes les pourfuiuoient, plufieurs 
ayant toume vifage, dont il eftoit du nombre, pour 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION. 163b 251 

When they parted, these Barbarians went off in 
search of some poor wretched Hiroquois; for the 
greater part of their wars consists in ambushes, lying 
in wait for each other as one would for a Wild Boar. 
Meanwhile Monsieur the Commandant [233] goes up 
higher, continuing as far as the River of the Prai- 
ries.*- Upon his return he described these places to 
us as a terrestrial Paradise. The land there, he says, 
is better, the trees more flourishing, the meadows 
abundant, the beauty of the Country ravishing; the 
fish enormous in quantity, in quality, and in size. 
There indeed are riches, collected in one place ; but 
the Mosquitoes are the little dragons that guard these 
beautiful golden apples, which cannot be had without 
difi&culty, any more than the other gifts of the earth. 

On the thirteenth day of August, there arrived a 
Canoe from the Country of the Hurons which had 
encountered Father Garnier and Father Chastelain 
at the petite Nation of the Algonquins. The Fathers 
wrote me these few words upon the leaf of a tablet, 
for lack of paper: The bearers of this will tell you, bet- 
ter than we can, the name of the place where they met us; 
we are in good health, thank God; we are gliding alottg 
swiftly in our bark gondolas; we are flying to this so- 
desired Paradise with an increase of courage that God has 
given us. Kionche shows at least as good treatment to 
Father Garnier, as Aenons does to Father Chastelain; 
they have managed our [234] provisions well, we have still 
a little bread. The rest I could not read. 

On the tenth of the same month, the Captain of 
Tadoussac returned with his company from the war. 
He told us that they had found an abandoned Cabin 
where perhaps three hundred Hiroquois had slept ; 
that part of their troop were still pursuing them, — 


quelque difpute qui eftoit furuenue entre-eux. Le 
lendemain vindrent nouuelles que le refte de rann6e 
retoumoit, & qu'on auoit mis h. mort quelques enne- 
mis. Enfin le treizieme parurent vne partie de ces 
guerriers dans leur Canot, ils portoient en forme de 
Guidons les pemiques de ceux qu'ils ancient tuez, 
car c'eft leur couftume d'arracher la peau de la tefte 
auec tout le poil de celuy qu'ils maflacrent. Ces 
peaux font de grands trophees. On les voyoit volti- 
ger auec leurs mouftaches chacune au bout d'vn long 
baft on qu'ils 61euoient en I'air, comme des guidons ; 
les femmes accoururent incontinent h la veue de ces 
palmes, & de ces lauriers, quitterent leurs robbes, & 
fe ietterent a la nage apres ces guirlandes; [235] c'e- 
ftoit a qui en attraperoit quelqu'vne pour la pendre 
dans leurs Cabanes comme vne marque de leur gene- 
rofite. On nous vint racompter cette barbaric: nous 
nous tranfportafmes aux Cabanes; comme ie regar- 
dois ces perruques, les femmes qui s'en eftoient fai- 
fies, s'en voulurent glorifier ; mais elles furent bien 
eftonnees quand elles entendirent les reproches que 
nous leur fifmes de leur vanite. Or pour deduire en 
deux mots le fuccez de cette guerre, quelques cent 
Sauuages & plus s'eltans debandez, le refte pourfui- 
uit fa pointe. Ils s'en vont a cofte d'vne bourgade 
de leurs ennemis, rencontrans vn ou deux pauures 
miferables, ils les faififlent, & leur promettent la vie 
s'ils decouurent en quel endroit on pourroit faire ren- 
contre de leurs compatriotes ; ils leurs enfeignent 
vne riuiere non pas bien efloigne de Ik, ou quelques 
hommes eftoient allez, partie pour la pefche, partie 
pour faire de grands colets d'^corces propre h. prendre 
des Cerfs. II y auoit auffi plufieurs femmes qui re- 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, jb3b 253 

many having turned their faces about, he being of 
this number, on account of some dispute which had 
arisen among them. The next day, the news came 
that the rest of the army was returning, and that 
some of the enemy had been put to death. Finally, 
on the thirteenth, a party of these warriors appeared 
in their Canoe ; they bore in the form of Guidons the 
scalps of those whom they had killed, for it is their 
custom to tear the skin, with all the hair, from the 
head of him whom they slay. These scalps are great 
trophies. One sees them with moustaches waving, 
each on the end of a long pole that they raise in the 
air, as if they were banners. The women ran hur- 
riedly at the sight of these palms and these laurels, 
dropped their clothes, and leaped in to swim after 
these^arlands. [235] There was a struggle among 
them as to which should catch one to hang it in their 
Cabins, as a token of the warriors' generosity. Some 
one came and told us of this barbarity ; we went to 
the Cabins, and, as I was examining these scalps, the 
women who had captured them began to boast of it ; 
but they were greatly surprised when they heard the 
reproaches we heaped upon them for their vanity. 
Now to express in two words the result of this war, 
some hundred Savages and more having disbanded, 
the rest followed up their purpose. They went off 
into the neighborhood of one of their enemy's settle- 
ments, and, encountering one or two poor wretches, 
they seized them, and promised to spare their lives 
if they revealed in what place their compatriots 
might be found. These showed them a river not far 
distant, where some men had gone, partly to fish and 
partly for the purpose of making stout snares of bark, 
suitable for catching Deer. There were also several 



cueilloient le chanvre du pais, ce font des horties, 
dont ils font de fort bons cordages; ces Barbares y 
accourent auffi toft, fe iettent [236] fur ces pauures 
gens, comma des loups deffus leur proye ; voila vn cry 
qui fe fait de tons coflez, les vns s'enfuient, les autres 
fe defendant, les femmes hurlent, & tafchet de fe fau- 
uer; bref ils prennent, & tuent en tout vingt-huict 
perfonnes, ^ ce qu'ils difent, tant hommes, que 
femmes & enfans; la plus grande partie eftoit de 
femmes, ils ramenerent en vie trois hommes, vne 
ieune femme, & vne ieune fille. Les Sauuages qui 
font au deffus des trois Riuieres eurent pour leur part 
deux homes & la fille, ceux d'icy bas en eurent vn & 
la ieune femme; ils en euffent amene dauantage, 
mais come ils craignoient d'eftre pourfuiuis de leurs 
ennemis, il tuoiet en chemin ceux qui ne marchoiet 
pas bien ; ils difent que cette ieune femme voyat 
qu'on en tuoit pour ne pouuoir cheminer, efloit la 
premiere en tefle de toute I'arm^e, portat la fatigue 
mieux qu'vn homme; car figurez vous qu'ils furent 
plufieurs iours fans rien manger du tout, fuyans h 
perte d'haleine, par vn teps de pluie fort fafcheux; 
on ne trouue point Xh. de maifon de retraitte pour fe 
feicher, celuy qui les moiiille les feiche, come Ton 
dit. Cette pauure femme ne difoit aucun [237] mot, 
paroiffant fans crainte au milieu de ces Loups ; elle 
auoit la face modefte, mais Tceil fi affeur6, que ie la 
prenois pour vn homme. II eft vray que les Barbares 
ne font point ordinairement de mal aux femmes, non 
plus qu'aux enfans, finon dans leurs furprifes, voire 
mefme quelque ieune homme ne fera point de diffi- 
culte d'epoufer vne prifonniere, fi elle trauaille bien, 
& par apres elle paffe pour vne femme du pays. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 255 

women who were gathering the hemp of the country, 
that is, nettles, of which they make very strong \ 
ropes. These Barbarians immediately run thither, ) 
and throw themselves [236] upon these poor people, 
like wolves upon their prey. Now cries are heard 
from all sides; some flee, others defend themselves; 
the women scream, and try to escape; in short, they 
take and kill in all twenty-eight persons, according 
to their story, as many men as women and children, 
there being more women than children. They 
brought alive three men, a young woman, and a 
young girl. The Savages who live above the three 
Rivers had as their share two men and the girl, those 
here had one man and the young woman. They 
would have brought back more of them, but, as they 
were afraid of being pursued by their enemies, they 
killed on the way those who did not walk fast enough. 
They say that this young woman, seeing them kill 
tEose who could not keep up, was at the head of the 
whole troop, enduring the fatigue better than a man. 
For imagine that they were seve ral days without any- 
thing at all to eat, flying in breathless haste in rainy 
and disagreeajjle weather. No house of retreat was 
to^be found there where they could dry themselves; 
he who wets them, dries them, as the saying is. 
This poor woman did not say a [237] word, being ap- 
parently without fear in the midst of these Wolves. 
She had a modest face^Jbut so bo ld aiL eye that I took 
her for a nianT Jt is true that the Barbarians do not 
usually harm" the ^women or the children, except in 
"Their sudden attacks. Indeed, many ayoung man wiTt 
not hesitate to even marry a prisoner, if she is very 
industrious ; and thereafter she will pass as a womair 
of his country. As to the men, they do not receive 


Pour les hommes il n'en va pas ainC, c'eft la cruaut6 
mefme qui les martyrife. Si toil: que celuy qui fut 
conduit aux trois Riuieres eut mis pied cl terre, les 
femmes & les enfans fe iettent deffus; c'eft ^ qui luy 
affenera le mieux fon coup ; cependant le prifonnier 
chante, palTe chemin fans fe retourner pour voir qui 
le frappe : vn miferable boitteux le voyant tout nud 
prend vne groffe corde en double & la decharge fur 
ce pauure corps, fur le dos & fur le ventre, & fur I'e- 
ftomach, en forte qu'il chancela & penfa tomber, fa 
chair en refla toute liuide, &toutemorte: d'autres 
luy mirent du feu dans la bouche, d'autres appro- 
choient des tifons en diuers endroits, pour le faire 
roftir, puis on luy donnoit vn peu de relache, [238] 
le faifant chanter & dancer: vne femme le vint mor- 
dre par vn doigt, tafchant de Tarracher, comme fe- 
roit vn chien; en fin n'en pouuant venir "k bout elle 
prend vn coufteau, & le coupe, puis luy met dans la 
bouche pour luy faire aualer, il tafche de le faire, 
mais il ne piit; I'ayant rendu "k cette TygrefTe, elle 
le fait roftir pour le donner k manger a des enfans, 
qui le fuc9oient deja ; vn de nos f oldats furuenant le 
demanda, k peine ces enfans le vouloient-ils quitter; 
il s'en faifit done, & le ietta dans la riuiere abhorrant 
ces cruautez. Deux ieunes hommes prirent vne autre- 
fois ce pauure miferable par les deux bras, & k belles 
dents comme des Loups enragez mordoient dedans, 
le fecoiiant comme vn dogue furieux fecoue vne cha- 
rongne pour en emporter la piece. Des que i'eus 
appris que ces rages fe faifoient a noftre porte, & 
deuant les yeux de nos Frangois, ie defcendis aux Ca- 
banes, & tangay fort & ferme ces bourreaux, les me- 
nagans que les Frangois ne les aimeroient plus : & en 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 "ial 

the same treatment ; it is cruelty itself which mar- 
tyrs them. As soon as the one who had been brought 
'to the three Rivers "had set foot upon land, the women 
and children fell upon him, each one trying to see 
which could strike the hardest blows. Meanwhile 
the prisoner sings, and continues on his way without 
turning around to see who strikes him. A wretched 
cripple, seeing him entirely naked, took a heavy 
doubled rope, and lashed this poor body, upon the 
back, upon the stomach, and upon the chest, so that 
he staggered and was about to fall, his flesh becom- 
ing quite livid and dead. Others put fire in his 
mouth, others thrust firebrands at him from different 
directions, to roast him ; then he was given a little 
respite, [238] and was made to sing and dance; a 
woman came and bit into his finger, trying to tear it 
off, as a dog would do; not being successful, she 
finally took a knife and cut it off, then put it in his 
mouth, to make him swallow it; he tried to do so, 
but could not. Having restored it to this Ti gres s, 
she roasted it, to give it to some children to eat, who 
continued to suck it for some time. One of our sol- 
diers coming along, asked them for it, but these chil- 
dren were reluctant to give it up ; then he snatched 
it, and threw it into the river, in abhorrence of these 
cruelties. Another time two young men took this 
poor wretch by his two arms, and bit into them as 
greedily as rabid Wolves, shaking him as an angry 
dog shakes a carcass to get a piece off. As soon as I 
learned that these insane acts were being committed 
at our door and before the eyes of our French people, 
I went down to the Cabins, and reproached these tor- 
mentors severely and emphatically, threatening that 
the French would no longer love them. And, in 


efifet il faudroit remarquer ceux qui exercent ces ma- 
nies, & les exclurre des maifons de tous les Fragois, 
cela les retiendroit: les hommes ne [239] me repar- 
tirent rien, baiffans la tefle tous honteux & confus. 
Quelques femmes nous dirent que les Hiroquois fai- 
foient encore pis k leurs peres, a leurs maris, & k 
leurs enfans, me demandant 11 i'amois vne fi mefchante 
Nation: ie leur repars que ie ne I'aimois pas, mais 
qu'ils pouuoient tuer ce miferable fans Ie traitter 
auec cette fureur. En vn mot ie leur lis entendre 
que fi leurs ennemis n'auoient point d'efprit, qu'il 
ne falloit pas les imiter; que ce n'efloit pas vne 
marque de courage & de generofit^ de battre & de 
mordre vn homme lie, que parmy eux mefmes les 
plus vaillans n'exer9oient point ces cruautez, & me 
tournant vers ceux que ie iugeois les plus genereux ; 
ce font ceux \k qui pourfuiuent les Hiroquois, qui les 
tuent dans la chaleur du combat, qui les prennent, 
qui les lient, & qui les amenent; & les poltrons qui 
demeurent au foyer des Cabanes en font cur^e comme 
des chiens ; ils fe mirent k rire, & m'aduouerent qu'ils 
n'euffent pas voulu exercer cette boucherie. II y 
eut neantmoins vn Capitaine eftranger nomme la 
Perdrix, qui fe fafcha, me dit-on, par apres de ce que 
i'auois dit, affeurant que [240] fj Ie prifonnier luy 
euft appartenu, qu'il m'auroit chaffe de fa Cabane. 
Ie f9ay bien qu'il ne I'auroit pas faict, car ie n'aurois 
garde de parler aux Algonquins, notamment k ceux 
de rifle, comme ie parle 'k nos Montagnes. Ie me 
fuis laiffe dire que Monfieur de Champlain les eflant 
alle fecourir dans leurs guerres, & voyans que I'vn 
d'eux traittoit rudement quelque femme prifonniere, 
ou quelque enfant, il leur voulut faire entendre que 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 259 

fact, it would be well to make a note of all those who 
perpetrate these outrages, and to exclude them from 
the houses of all the French; that would restrain 
them. The men [239] did not answer me, holding 
down their heads, ashamed and confused. Some of 
the women told me that the Hiroquois did still worse 
things to their fathers, husbands, and children, ask- 
ing me if I loved such a wicked Nation. I replied 
that I did not love them, but that they could kill this 
wretch without treating him with such cruelty. In a 
word, I gave them to understand that, if their ene- 
mies had no intelligence, they should not imitate 
them ; that it was no sign of courage and generosity 
to beat and bite a man who was bound ; that among 
themselves the most valiant did not engage in these 
cruel acts; and, turning toward those whom I consid- 
ered the most humane, I said, " These are they 
who pursue the Hiroquois, who kill them in the heat 
of combat, who capture them, who bind them, and 
who lead them away, — while the cowards who re- 
main at the Cabin fireside devour them like dogs." 
They began to laugh, and admitted that they would 
not willingly practice such butchery. There was, 
however, a strange Captain called la Perdrix [ ' ' the 
Partridge"],*^ who, I was told, became angry after 
hearing me say this, asserting that, [240] if the pris- 
oner had belonged to him, he would have driven me 
out of his Cabin. I am quite sure he would not have 
done so ; for I would be careful not to speak to the 
Algonquins, especially to those of the Island, as I 
speak to our Montagues. I permitted myself to say 
that when Monsieur de Champlain went to help them 
in their wars, and saw one of them treat roughly a 
woman prisoner, or a child, he tried to make them 



cette barbaric efloit aliene de la bont^ naturelle ^ 
I'homme: vn Sauuage de I'Ifle I'entendant luy dit, 
Regarde comme ie feray, puis que tu en paries, 11 
prend par le pied vn enfant qui efloit encor ^ la mam- 
melle, & luy caffe la telle centre vne roche, ou centre 
vn arbre. Si ces fuperbes ont parl^ en cette forte \ vn 
Capitaine qui auoit les armes en main, que feroient 
ils h vne perfonne qui n'a que fa parole ? Ie fcay bien 
qu'il faut vfer de grande difcretion auec ces Peuples, 
qui ne veulent receuoir aucun ioug. Ie fcay bien en- 
cor qu'ils ont quelque forte de raifon, ou pluftofl 
d'excufe, traittans leurs ennemis en cette forte; car 
les Hiroquois les tenans font encor plus enragez 
qu'eux; mais ie fgay [241] bien auffi que qui iamais 
ne commence vne affaire, iamais ne I'acheue: ie ne 
prefle point I'oreille ^ ceux qui penfent auoir tout 
dit, quand ils vous ont reprefent6 que c'efl leur cou- 
flume, qu'il les faut laiffer faire, qu'on n'y gaignera 
rien ; ils fe trompent ; nous ne fommes pas feuls qui 
cognoiffons k I'oeil qu'on a beaucoup gaign6 depuis 
quelque temps fur vne bonne partie de ces Barbares; 
quand ce ne feroit que de fe donner la hardieffe & 
rauthorit6 de les reprendre lors qu'ils commettent 
ces grands defordres, cela profite toufiours. La pre- 
miere ann^e que nous vinfmes icy quand i'euffe fceu 
la Langue en perfection, ie n'aurois eu garde de 
prendre fur eux I'afcendant que ie pourrois prendre 
maintenant auec mon begayement, ils m'auroient 
bien -toft impof6 le Glence. Mais quand ie voy des 
liommes crians tous les iours k la faim k nos portes, 
que nous obligeons incellamment, qui n'ont point 
d'autre appuy que nos Franfois; il me femble qu'en 
contrechange dec fecours qu'ils regoiuent de nos 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 163b 261 

understand that such barbarity was foreign to the 
kindness natural to man. An Island Savage, upon 
hearing this, said to him, " See what I shall do, now 
that thou speakest of it; " and he took by the foot a 
nursing child, and struck its head against a rock or a 
tree. If those proud spirits spoke thus to a Captain 
who had arms within reach, what would they do to a 
man who has nothing but his voice? I know full 
well that great discretion must be used with these 
Tribes, who will not submit to any yoke. I also 
know well that they have some reason, or rather ex- 
cuse, for treating their enemies in this way; for, 
when the Hiroquois get hold of them, they are still 
more rabid. But I know [241] well, also, that, if one 
never commences a thing, he will never finish it. I 
pay no attention to those who think they have said 
all when they have represented to you that it is their 
custom, that you must let them go on, and that noth- 
ing will be gained. They are mistaken. We are 
not the only ones who can see at a glance that a great 
deal has been achieved within a certain time among 
a good part of these Barbarians ; if it were only that 
we have gained the hardihood and authority to rep- 
rimand them when they commit these great wrongs, > 
that is always some advantage. The first year we 
came here, if I had known the Language to perfection, 
I would not have dared to assume over them the as- 
cendency which I can take now with my stammerings, 
for they would have soon imposed silence upon me. 
But when I daily see men crying with hunger at our 
doors, whom we are constantly favoring and who 
have no other support than our Frenchmen, it seems 
to me that, in return for the help they receive from 
our hands, we can exact from them some courtesy. 


mains, nous pouuons exiger d'eux quelque courtoif [i]e : 
il eft vray que quand on les reprend il ne faut iamais 
les mena9er [242] d'aucune violence, ce feroit tout 
perdre: auffi leur dis-ie ordinairement que s'ils veu- 
lent eftre opiniaftres dans leurs couftumes, que nous 
tiendrons ferme dans les noftres : que s'ils ne nous 
aiment iufques k ce poinct de quitter quelque chofe 
de leur cruaut6 en noftre confideration, qu'k la veri- 
ty nous ne leur ferons aucun mal, mais que nous ne 
les cherirons pas iufques W, que nous nous oftions le 
morceau de la bouche pour les affifter dans leurs be- 
foins : que nous remarquerons fort bien ceux qui fe- 
ront quelque impudence publique, ou qui entreront 
dans ces rages, & dans ces manies, pour leur fermer 
la porta, & I'ouurir k ceux qui font bons parmy eux; 
pleuft k Dieu que tous nos Frafois fiffent le mefme. 
Les Sauuages nos voifins dependent beaucoup de 
nous ; fi nous nous accordions tous k renuoyer fans 
iniure ceux qui font des chofes fi ^loign6es de la rai- 
fon & de la nature, on verroit bien-toft du change- 
ment parmy eux. Au refte ils fgauent que ie les 
aime, c'eft pourquoy ils ne me veulent pas fl aif6- 
ment choquer. Ce n'eft pas qu'il n'y en ait encor qui 
fe gauffent, & qui fe rient de ce que nous leur difons: 
[243] mais ce n'eft rien en comparaifon des iniures 
que i'ay beu autrefois: & apres tout cela ie ne puis 
dire qu'on trouue plus de refiftance interieure en vn 
Chreftien enchaifn6 des mauuaifes habitudes de fes 
vies, qu'en vn Sauuage tant barbare foit-il. Pour 
conclure ce poinct, le Capitaine que i'auois notam- 
ment tanc^, car c'eft k luy le prifonnier, on le luy a 
donn6 en ^change d'vn Qen frere tu6 par les Hiro- 
quois: ce Capitaine, dis-ie, m'eftant venu voir le len- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i63b 263 

Of course, when we reprimand them we must never ! 

threaten them [242] with any violence, for this would 
be to lose all; therefore I generally tell them that, if i 
they are going to be stubborn about their customs, we I 
will hold fast to ours ; that, if they do not care enough 
for us to give up some of their acts of cruelty for our 
sake, we will certainly not do them any harm, but 
we will not cherish them to the extent of taking the 
morsel from our own mouths to assist them in their 
needs ; that we will observe very carefully those who 
perpetrate any public indecency, or who take part in 
these outrages and insane acts, so that we may close 
our doors against them and open them to those amongj 
them who are good. Would to God that all ourj 
French people would do the same. Our neighboring 
Savages depend greatly upon us; if we all should 
agree to exclude without doing them any harm, those 
who commit acts so at variance with reason and na- 
ture, we would soon see a change among them. Be- 
sides, they know I love them, and that is why they 
are not willing to offend me. Not that some of them 
do not still sneer and laugh at what we say to them ; 
[243] but this is nothing in comparison with the in- 
sults I formerly had to swallow. And, after all, I 
cannot say that one finds more internal resistance in 
a Christian enchained by the bad habits of his life 
than in a Savage, however barbarous he may be. To 
conclude this subject, the Captain whom I particular- 
ly chided, — for the prisoner belonged to him, having 
been given to him in exchange for a brother of his, 
who had been killed by the Hiroquois, — this Cap- 
tain, I say, having come to see me the next day, I 
explained to him that he ought to take all I had said 
to him as a mark of my affection for him ; that I was 


demain, ie luy reprefentay qu'il deuoit prendre tout 
ce que ie luy auois dit comme vne marque de mon 
aflfection en fon endroit; que i'eftois marry dans Ie 
ccEur que luy qui fait profeffion d'aimer les Francois, 
permift qu'on fift en leur prefence des actions qu'ils 
haiffent comme la mort; que nos foldats s'en retour- 
nans en France diroient "k nos compatriotes, que ces 
Peuples icy font des chiens, & qu'ils font prouenus 
de quelques chiens ; & que moy qui les aime ferois 
fafche de cette nouuelle: qu'il ne peut pas douter 
de mon amiti6; que luy mefme a dit k Monfieur 
Ie General qu'il n'y auoit plus que luy & moy 
qui I'aimaflions; que i'ay pri6 ce grand Capitaine 
de Ie prendre fouz [244] fa protection, contre ceux 
qui Ie vouloient tuer; qu'il a fait des prefens en 
fa confideration pour appaifer leurs differens; qu'il 
fgait bien que ie I'ay fecouru dans fa neceflite; 
qu'il a toufiours efle affiile des Frangois; qu'il veut 
hyuerner k K6bec, oil ie me dois trouuer aupres du 
grand Capitaine de tous les Capitaines Fran9ois qui 
font en leur pais ; que ce Capitaine eft vn homme 
doux & humain; qu'il n'aime point Ie fang, ny Ie 
carnage, fmon dans la fureur de la guerre. Nous 
vous accordons quelquefois ce que \-ous nous deman- 
dez, accordez nous auiTi ce que nous vous demandons, 
afin que nous venions petit a petit k n'eflre plus qu'vn 
mefme Peuple. II m'auoiia que i'auois raifon, & 
qu'il aimeroit toufiours fon amy Monfieur noftre Gou- 
uerneur, me priant de Ie fecourir en fes neceffitez, 
qui vont eflre d'autant plus grandes, que I'age luy 
va interdire la guerre & la chafTe. 

Le quatorzieme du mefme mois d'Aoull les Sau- 
uages vindrent voir en corps Monfieur le General, 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 265 

heartily sorry that he, who professed to love the 
French, should permit to be done in their presence 
deeds that they hated like death ; that our soldiers, 
upon returning to France, would say to our country- 
men that these Peoples here are dogs, and that they 
have sprung from dogs ; — and that I, who love them, 
would be annoyed at such statements. I told him 
that my friendship could not be doubted, — that he 
himself had said to Monsieur the Commandant that 
there was no one now that loved him but he and 
I; that I had prayed that great Captain to take 
him under [244] his protection, in opposition to those 
who wished to kill him ; that the Captain had made 
presents in his behalf, to settle their quarrels ; that 
he was well aware that I had helped him in his time 
of need. I reminded him that he had always been 
assisted by the French ; that he wished to spend the 
winter in K6bec, where I expected to be, near the 
great Captain of all the French Captains who are in 
their country ; that this Captain is a gentle and hu- 
mane man ; that he is not fond of blood nor of car- 
nage, unless in the fury of war. " We sometimes 
grant you what you ask of us ; grant us also what we 
ask of you, so that we may come to be, little by little, 
only one and the same People." He admitted that I 
was right, and that he would always love his friend 
Monsieur our Governor, — begging me to succor him 
in his need, which would become greater and greater 

as age interdicted him from war and the chase. ( 

On the fourteenth of the same month of August, 
the Savages came in a body to see Monsieur the Com- 
mandant, to present to him the young Hiroquois 
woman. The one who had captured her, seeing that 
all were seated on one side or the other, arose and 


pour luy prefenter cette ieune Hiroquoife : celuy qui 
I'auoit prife voyant tout le monde affis de part & 
d'autre, fe leua & harangua en cette [245] forte. Ef- 
coutez, Francois, ie vous vais tancer, car que pourroit 
faire autre chofe \ti gros animal comme moy, qui 
prend la hardieffe de parler deuant des Capitaines? 
Si i'eftois Capitaine i'aurois droit de parler; ie ne 
fuis qu'vn chien, ii faut-il que ie parle, & que ie vous 
faffe vne querelle d'amiti6. Nos Peres & nos vieux 
Capitaines fe font entr'aimez, ils font morts mainte- 
nant, nous nous entr'aimons& Frangois & Sauuages; 
nous nous entr'aimons, otiy nous nous entr'aimons: 
c'eft pourquoy il eull eft^ bie ^ propos de voir quel- 
ques-vns de vos ieunes gens parmy nous h la guerre ; 
mais cela nous ayant manque, nous auons fait ce que 
nous auons pu. Voicy vne ieune prifonniere que 
nous vous prefentons pour mettre en la place de I'vn 
des trois Fran9ois qui ont efl6 tuez il y a quel que 
temps bien pres d'icy: ie voy encor le fang tout 
rouge qui accufe la cruaute de nos ennemis & des 
voflres: ce prefent en cachera vne partie, c'efl peu 
de chofe, mais c'eft tout ce que nous auons, le refte 
ayant eft^ tu^: fi nous euffions eft6 fecourus, nous 
euffions fait dauantage, mais on nous a quitt6 de tons 
coftez. Ce fut a peu pres le fommaire de [246] fon 
difcours, qui finit par cette acclamation ho, ho, ho, 
tir^e du creux de I'eftomach de tous fes compagnons. 
Cela fait, on prefente cette pauure ieune femme, qui 
me parut cette fois fort trifte, & me femble que baif- 
fant les yeux elle ietta quelques larmes : on luy de- 
manda neantmoins G elle n'eftoit pas bien-aife d'eftre 
donne a vn fi braue Capitaine, qui I'aimeroit fort, & 
qui la mettroit auec fa Soeur; elle tefmoigna qu'elle 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, j6s6 267 

harangued in this [245] fashion: " Listen, French- 
men, I am going to chide you, for what else could be 
done by a great beast like me, who has the boldness 
to speak in the presence of Captains? If I were Cap- 
tain, I would have the right to speak; I am only a 
dog, yet I must speak, and have a friendly quarrel 
with you. Our Fathers and our old Captains loved 
each other ; they are dead now ; we love each other, 
both French and Savages ; we love each other, yes, 
we love each other; therefore it would have been 
very fitting to see some of your young men with us 
in the war; but as that failed us, we have done as 
well as we could. Here is a young female prisoner 
whom we present to you, to take the place of one of 
the three Frenchmen who was killed quite near here, 
some time ago. I still see the deep red blood that 
accuses the cruelty of our enemies and of yours ; this 
present will conceal a part of it ; it is a little thing, 
but it is all we have, the rest having been killed ; if 
we had been helped, we would have done more, but 
we were deserted on all sides." This was about the 
substance of [246] his discourse, which was finished 
with the exclamation, ho, ho, ho, which all his com- 
panions drew from the pit of their stomachs. This 
done, they presented the unfortunate young woman, 
who appeared this time very sad, and, lowering her 
eyes, seemed to me to shed some tears. She was 
asked, however, if she was not glad to be given to so 
gallant a Captain, who would be very fond of her, 
and who would place her with his Sister. She 
showed that she was well satisfied at this ; but she 
was greatly cheered afterward when they told her 
that the French were very honorable, and that they 
would do her no harm; that in crossing over to 


en eftoit bien contente; mais on la r^iouyt grande- 
ment puis apres, quand on luy dit que les Fran9ois 
efloient fort honneftes, & qu'on ne luy feroit au- 
cune iniure ; qu'elle feroit accompagnee paffant en 
France de quelques filles de ce pays-cy ; elle f oufrit 
de bonne grace k cette nouuelle, qui luy agrea fort. 
le luy fis dire par vn Sauuage deux iours apres, que 
(i quelqu'vn dans vn fi grand nombre de perfonnes 
qu'elle rencontreroit en la flotte qui repaffe en 
France, luy vouloit faire quelque infolence, qu'elle 
en auertift le Capitaine, Monfieur le general, ou bien 
I'vn de mes Freres qui deuoit repafler. Elle repar- 
tit qu'elle eftoit maintenant de leur Nation, qu'elle 
ne craignoit point qu'on luy fifl [247] aucune iniure; 
que C on luy commandoit de fe marier, qu'elle obei- 
roit, mais qu'autre que celuy qu'on luy auroit donn6 
ne I'approcheroit. le fupplierois Meffieurs de la Com- 
pagnie k qui on la doit prefenter, de la loger auec les 
Hofpitalieres qui doiuent paffer en la Nouuelle 
France, pour apprendre en leur maifon k cognoiflre 
Dieu, & ^ fecourir les malades, k deilein de la mener 
auec elles, fi elle reiiffit. Mais retoumons ^ noflre 
harangueur. Monfieur le General luy fit r^pondre, 
qu'il cheriroit ce prefent en confideration de la main 
de fes amis, dont il partoit, & non pas du Pais d'ou 
il eftoit forty, qu'il haiffoit ^ mort; qu'au refte lis 
voyoiet bien eux-mefmes, que fi les Fran9ois les 
euffent fuiuis, qu'ils les auroient abandonnez fur le 
difcord furuenu parmy eux; & que fi nous allions ia- 
mais en guerre, nous irions forts & puilTans, pour ne 
point retoumer que nous n'ayons d6truit les bour- 
gades entieres. lis prirent plaifir h. cette r^ponfe, 
fupplians qu'en figne de r^ioiiiflance, & d'amour mu- 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, 1636 269 

France she would be accompanied by some girls of 
this country; she smiled gratefully at this news, 
which was very agreeable to her. Two days later, I 
had a Savage tell her that if any person, among so 
many as she would encounter in the fleet which was 
going to France, tried to offer her any insults, she 
should inform the Captain, Monsieur the comman- 
dant, or else one of my Brothers who was going 
across. She replied that she was now of their Na- 
tion ; that she did not fear they would do her [247] 
any harm ; that, if she were commanded to marry, 
she would obey ; but that no one, except he to 
whom she had been given, should approach her. I 
begged the Gentlemen of the Company, to whom she 
was to be presented, to lodge her with the Hospital 
Nuns who were coming over to New France, to learn 
in their house to know God and to nurse the sick, so 
that they might bring her with them, if she suc- 
ceeded. But let us return to our orator. Monsieur 
the Commandant made known to him that he would 
cherish this present for the sake of the hand of his 
friends, whence it proceeded, and not for the Country 
from which it had come, which he hated like death ; 
that, besides, they themselves could see clearly that 
if the French had followed them they would have 
deserted them, when the quarrels arose among them- 
selves; and that, if we ever did go to war, we would 
go strong and powerful, and not return until we had 
destroyed entire villages. They received this answer 
with pleasure, begging that, as a sign of mutual re- 
joicing and love, some of our young people should 
dance to the sound of a hurdy-gurdy, that a little 
Frenchman held. This was granted [248] them, to 
their great satisfaction. 


tuel les vns les autres, on fifl danfer quelques-vns de 
nos ieunes gens au fon d'vne vielle, que tenoit vn pe- 
tit Fran9ois. Ce qui leur fut [248] accorde ^ leur 
grand contentement. 

Le quinziefme du mefme mois, iour dedi^ k la glo- 
rieufe Affomption de la fainte Vierge, quelques Ca- 
nots defcendans a Kebec, car tout cecy fe paffoit aux 
trois Riuieres, emmenerent le prifonnier pour le 
faire mourir Ik ; ie marqueray cy apres les particula- 
ritez de fa mort, fi on me les mande, ou (i ie les ap- 
prends defcendant bien toft Ik bas ; car i'ecry mainte- 
nant iour pour iour, ce que ie penfe meriter vn traict 
de plume. 

Ce mefme iour arriua vn Canot des Hurons, qui re- 
ioiiit fort Monfieur le General, ayant pris refolution 
de partir dans cinq iours, s'il n'euft receu cette nou- 
uelle ; la faifon de nauiger eftant fafcheufe fur le de- 
clin de I'Automne. Ce Canot fut enuoy6 deuant par 
le Pere Daniel, lequel ayant apris de nos Peres, qu'il 
auoit rencontr6 en chemin, que Monfieur le General 
ne s'engageroit pas dans I'arriere faifon pour retour- 
ner, luy enuoya, auec bien de la peine, ce Courrier 
d'enuiron cent cinquante lieues au deffus des trois 
Riuieres, pour Talleurer de la defcente des Hurons. 
Voicy comma il m'ecrit. Ie demeure a V IJle, en atten- 
dant le [249] gros de la bande, tant des Hurons, que des 
Nipifiriniens . Les Sautiages de ce lieu auoient deja ren- 
uoy^ treize Canots de Hurons, leur defendant de paffer 
aux Francois; mats leur Capitaine nommi Taratouan, 
ayant apris que ie defcendois, a tenu ferme iufques h mon 
arriue'e; car comme il ejl party deuant nous des Hurons, 
auJSi fommes nous arriuez apres luy a V IJle. II ma done 
dit, que les habit ans de cette IJle luy dejendoient le pajfage; 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 271 

On the fifteenth of the same month, the day dedi- 
cated to the glorious Assumption of the holy Virgin, 
some Canoes which were going down to Kebec, — for 
all this took place at the three Rivers, — brought the 
prisoner, to put him to death there. I will mention 
further on the particulars of his death, if they send 
them to me, or if I hear them, since I go down there 
soon; for I am writing now, from day to day, what 
I think deserves a stroke of the pen. 

This same day there arrived a Canoe of Hurons, 
which greatly pleased Monsieur the Commandant, as 
he had resolved to depart in five days, if he had not 
received the news they brought, — the season being 
very unfavorable to navigation toward the end of Au- 
tumn. This Canoe was sent on ahead by Father 
Daniel, who, having learned from our Fathers, whom 
he encountered on the way, that Monsieur the Com- 
mandant would not undertake to return at the end of 
the season, sent to him, with a great deal of trouble, 
this Courier from about one hundred and fifty leagues 
above the three Rivers, to assure him that the Hurons 
were coming down. This is how he writes me. / 
am staying at the Island, ivaiting for the [249] main part 
of the band, composed equally of Hurons and Nipisiriniens. 
The Savages of this place have already sent back thirteen 
Canoes of Hurons, forbidding them to go to the French; 
but their Captain, called Taratouan, havitig Icartied that 
I was coming down, held firm until my arrival; for as he 
had departed before we did from the Huron country, so we 
reached the Island after he did. Then he told me that 
the inhabitants of this Island forbade them to pass; when 
I asked him the reason for this, he answered that he had 
heard nothing except that the body of a recently-deceased 
Captain — it -was le Borgne** of the Island — had not yet 


conime ie biy en demandois la raifon, il ma repondu, quon 
ne liiy a dit atitre chofe, finon que le corps d'vn Capitaine 
nouuellement mart, c ejloit le Borgne de I'lfle, nejloit pas 
encor cach^\ vous fqatiez ce que c'eji a dire, & partant 
que pajfer par deuant, c'ejioit tetter du feu pour accroijlre 
leur douleur, & irritcr de nouueau les ieunes gens, qui 
font fort fafcheux & mutins. Ie luy ay reparty qu'il 
prijl courage, que ie parlerois a ce Capitaine. Eji effet 
ie I'ay veu, il ma fait affez ban accueil Dieu incrcy. 
Leur propofition efloit, qu'ils nous remeneroient nous 
autres Francois vers vous, mais que les Hurons euffent h 
s'en retourner. Or i' ay pris refolution de ne poifit pajfer, 
ft les Huros ne pajfent ; ie le leur ay d(;a promis, dont ils 
ont ejld fort ioyeux. Ces difficult ez leur font voir qu'il 
ejl important que nous demeurions dans leur Pais, ce qu'ils 
[250] cognoiffent fort bien. Fay pri^ le Capitaine de 
trouuer bon que i' enuoyaffe deuant vn Canot pour donner 
aduis de noflrc dcfcente; c'efl celuy qui vous parte ces 
lettres. Ie rencontray nos Peres le troifihne d'Aoufl, trois 
iourn^es au dcffus de V Iflc; ils ejloient tous detcx chauffez 
dans Icurs Canots fans ranter, ce qui me fait penfer qu'ils 
font doticement traittez; cela me fit f aire pour leur\s'\ gens, 
ce que ie n'auois pas encor voulu f aire pour les miens, ce 
fut de letir faire prefent d'vne herbe qu'ils adorent, & que 
nous n'aymons point; c'efl dti Petun, dont la cherts efl 
grande cette ann^e. Ie voudrois bien en efire quit te pour 
dix fois atitant a V Ifle, & vous voir au pluflofl auec de 
ieuncs Hurons; ie n cpargncray ricn potir ce fufet. C^t 
affaire efl trop important. De douze petits enfans, qui 
ntauoient promis de me fuiure auec le confentement de 
leurs parens, ie n'cn ay que trois auec moy, dont I'vn efl 
petit fils d'vn fort grand Capitaine; i'en efperc affez de 
grandelets, ft vous en voulez, nous les verrons enfemble, 

1636J LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 273 

been " cached; " you know what that means, and therefore 
that to go on ahead would be merely scattering fire to aug- 
ment their grief and to irritate anew the yoting men, who 
are very angry and mutinous. I told him that he must 
pluck up courage, that I would speak to the Captain here. 
In fact I did see him and he received me well, thank God. 
Their proposition was that they should take us Frenchtnen 
on to you, but that the Hurons should turn back. Now I 
had resolved not to proceed, tailess the Hurons did; I had 
already promised them this, and they were greatly pleased 
over it. These difficulties show them that it is important 
for us to remain in their Country, which they [250] know 
very well. I begged the Captain to consent to my sending 
a Canoe on ahead, to give notice of our coming; it is the 
one which brings you these letters. I met our Fathers on 
the third of August, three days' journey above the Island; 
both wore their shoes in the Canoe and were ttot paddling, 
which made me think they were being well treated; this 
caused me to do sotncthing for their men which I had tiot 
yet wished to do for my own, which was to make them a 
present of an kerb that they adore and thai we do not 
care for, namely. Tobacco, which is very high-priced this 
year. I would willingly give up ten times as much of it at 
the Island, and see you so much the sooner, together with 
my young Hurons; I shall spare nothing to accomplish it. 
This is a matter of the greatest itnportance. Of the twelve 
children who promised to follow 7ne with the consent of 
their parents, I have only three with 7ne, one of whom is 
the grandson of a very great Captain; I am very hopeful 
about getting some larger ones, if you wish them; we shall 
see them together when I have the pleasure of meeting you; 
the little ones had some trouble in leaving their mothers to 
make a journey of three hundred leagues. I am writing 
to Monsieur du Plessis that there are few Canoes, but that 


quand i'auray U bonhctir de vous voir; les petits out de la 
peine a quitter leurs meres pour /aire trois cens lieues. 
r^cry a Monficur du Plefsis quil y a peu de Canots, mais 
qu'ils portent tres grande quantite de tnarchandi/es. le 
vous recommande les porteurs, que mes promejfes [251] s'il 
y a moyen fe trouuent veritables ; cela ejl de confequence. 
Voila le contenu, voicy la datte de fa Lettre. De 
V Ijle ce feptiifine d'AouJl, a la lueur d'vne ^corce brulante; 
ce font les chandelles & les flambeaux du Pais. 

le penfe auoir d6ja dit autrefois que cette Ifle, dont 
il efl icy parl6, eft dans le grand Fleuue de fainct 
Laurens, enuiron k cent cinquante lieues au deffus 
des trois Riuieres; que les Sauuages qui I'habitent 
font extremement fuperbes. Les Hurons & les Fran- 
9ois qui demeurent en leur pais, voulans defcendre 9a 
bas, pafTent premierement par les terres des Nipifiri- 
niens, & puis viennent aborder cette Ifle, dont les 
habitans leur font tous les ans quelque peine. Ces 
Infulaires voudroient bien que les Hurons ne vinffent 
point aux Frangois, & que les Frangois n'allaflent 
point aux Hurons, afin d'emporter eux feuls tout le 
trafic; c'efl pourquoy ils ont fait tout ce qu'ils ont 
peu pour nous boucher le chemin : mais comme ils 
craignent les Frangois, ceux qui accompagnent les 
Hurons, leurs facilitent le chemin. C'efl chofe 
eflrange, que quoy que les Hurons foient dix contre 
[252] vn feul Infulaire, fi efl-ce qu'ils ne pafferont 
pas, H vn feul Infulaire s'y oppofe, tant ils gardent 
^troittement les loix du Pais. Les prefens ouurent 
pour r ordinaire cette porte, quelque fois on les fait 
plus grands, quelquefois plus petits, felon les occur- 
rences. Cette ann6e ils doiuent eftre plus riches, 
pour ce qu'vn Capitaine de I'lfle eflat mort ce Prin- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibst rih 

they carry a great amount of tnerckandise. I commend 
the bearers to you, that 7ny promises, [251] if there are 
means of doing so, may be fulfilled; this is of importance. 
These are the contents, and here is the date of his 
Letter. From the Island, this seventh of August, by the 
glimmer of a piece of burning bark, which forms the 
candles and the torches of this Country.) 

I think I have said before that this Island, which I 
mention here, is in the g^reat River saint Lawrence, 
about one hundred and fifty leagues above the three 
Rivers, and that the Savages who inhabit it are very 
haughty. The Hurons, and the French who are 
now staying in their country, wishing to come down 
here, pass first through the lands of the Nipisiriniens, 
and then come alongside this Island, the inhabitants 
of which every year cause them some trouble. These 
Islanders would prefer that the Hurons should not 
come to the French nor the French go to the Hurons, 
so that they themselves may carry away all the trade ; 
for this reason, they have done all they could to block 
the way ; but, as they fear the French, those who ac- 
company the Hurons make the journey easier for 
them. It is strange that although the Hurons may be 
ten against [252] one Islander, yet they will not pass 
by if a single inhabitant of the Island objects to it, 
so strictly do they guard the laws of the Country. 
This portal is usually opened by means of presents, 
sometimes greater and sometimes smaller, according 
to the emergency. They ought to be very rich this 
year; for, a Captain of the Island having died this 
Spring, and their tears being not yet dried, no strange 
Nation can pass by there without making them some 
gift, to make them more easily swallow, as they say, 
the grief occasioned by the death of their Chief. 


temps, les larmes n'eflans pas encor efluyees, aucune 
Nation eftrangere ne peut paffer par la qu'elle ne 
falTe quelque don, pour leur faire aualer, comme ils 
difent, plus doucement la trifteffe qu'ils ont receukla 
mort de leur Capitaine. Quand on a fait reuiure ce 
trepalTe; c'eft k dire, quand on a donne fon nom a vn 
autre, & des prefens k fes parens, alors on dit que le 
corps eft cache, ou pluftoft que le mort eft refufcite, 
& ainQ on ne paye que le tribut ordinaire quand on 
paffe fur les marches, & fur les limites de ces Infu- 

Puis que i'ay dit cecy pour I'intelligence de cette 
Lettre; i'adioufteray encor fur ce que le Pare Daniel 
coclud que le Pere Gamier, & le Pere Chaftelain 
eftoient doucement traittez par leurs hoftes, puis 
qu'ils eftoient chaufTez, & [253] qu'ils ne ramoient 
point ; c'eft k dire, que quand on va auec ces Bar- 
bares, il fe faut bien donner de garde de porter tant 
foit peu de terre ou de fable dans leurs Canots; c'eft 
pourquoy les Peres y entrant pieds nuds, qu'il faffe 
froid ou chaud, il en faut paffer par Ik, fl on ne ren- 
contre de bons Sauuages, qui nous laiffent faire k 
noftre mode. De plus il faut fgauoir manier I'auiron, 
qui veut voguer auec eux; & comme c'eft vn grand 
trauail, notamment au commencement qu'on n'y eft 
pas accouftume, nous donnons a chaque Canot ou 
s'embarque quelque Pere vn grand drap qui fert de 
voile, pour les racheter de cette peine: mais encore 
qu'on dife aces Barbares, que cette voile qH I'auiron 
des Peres, qu'ils n'en manient point d'autres, ils ne 
laiffent pas quelquefois de leur en faire prendre vn 
de bois, qu'il faut bien remuer pour les contenter. 
Quant aux enfans dont le Pere fait mention, c'eft 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 277 

When he who has passed away has been raised from 
the dead, — that is, when his name has been given to 
another, and presents have been offered to his rela- 
tives, — then it is said that the body is " cached," or 
rather, that the dead is resuscitated ; and then only 
the usual tribute is paid when one passes over the 
highways and boundaries of these Islanders. 

Since I have told this, for the better understanding 
of this Letter, I will explain what made Father 
Daniel conclude that Father Gamier and Father 
Chastelain were being well treated by their hosts, 
since they wore shoes, and [253] were not paddling. 
It was this, — that, when one goes with these Bar- 
barians, he must be very careful not to carry the 
least dirt or sand into their Canoes; for this reason, 
the Fathers go into them barefooted ; whether it is 
cold or warm, they must do this, unless they encoun- 
ter some good Savages who let them follow their own 
custom. Moreover, he who would sail with them 
must know how to handle the paddle ; and, as it is hard 
work, especially at first, when one is not accustomed 
to it, we give to every Canoe in which any of our 
Fathers embark a large sheet which serves as sail, to 
relieve them from this work; but, although these 
Barbarians may be told that this sail is the Fathers' 
paddle, that they do not wield any others, they do not 
fail sometimes to make them take one of wood, which 
has to be well worked, to satisfy them. As for the 
children the Father mentions, it is a Providence of 
God that he is not bringing as many of them as he 
hoped to, for we have neither houses at Kebec in 
which to lodge them, nor food to nourish them, nor 
stuff with which to comfortably clothe them, as we 
would desire and [254] as is fitting in these begin- 


vne Prouidence de Dieu, qu'il n'en amene pas ce qu'il 
efperoit, car nous n'auons ny baftimens a K6bec pour 
les loger, ny viures pour les nourrir, ny eftoflfes pour 
les couurir commodement, comme nous dellrerions, & 
[254] qu'il ert a propos en ces commencemens, veu 
mefme qu'il nous en faut deja entretenir quelques 
autres; nous ne laifferons pas d'en efperer vne demy 
douzaine. Dieu qui nourrit les oyfeaux du ciel ne 
les abandonnera pas; il a commence I'ouurage, il 
fgaura bien le mettre k chef. 

Le dix-huictiefme du mefme mois, le fieur Gode- 
froy, ieune homme fort lefte, & difpoft de fon corps, 
deuan9a ^ la courfe vn Huron aux yeux de quatre ou 
cinq Nations, fur vne gageure qu'auoit fait pour luy 
vn Montagues ; dequoy les Hurons demeurerent bien 
eftonnez, car ils nous tiennent pour des tortues, au 
refpect de tons les Sauuages. 

Le dix-neufiefme du mefme mois d'Aoufl, arriua 
vne partie du gros des Hurons. Si tofl que nous 
vifmes paroiflre leurs Canots fur le grand Fleuue, 
nous defcendifmes du Fort pour receuoir le Pere Da- 
niel & le Pere Dauofl, & quelques-vns de nos Fran- 
gois que nous attendions: Monfleur le General s'y 
trouua luy mefme. Le Pere Daniel efloit en cette 
premiere trouppe, le Pere Dauofl en I'arriere garde, 
qui ne paroifToit point encor; & mefme on nous fai- 
foit douter fi [255] les Sauuages de I'lfle ne les fe- 
roient point retourner. A la veue du Pere Daniel, 
noftre coeur s'attendrit; il auoit la face toute gaye & 
ioyeufe, mais toute defaite, il efloit pieds nuds, I'a- 
uiron k la main, couuert d'vne m^chante foutane fon 
Breuiaire pendu au col, fa chemise pourrie fur fon 
dos. II faliia nos Capitaines & nos Frangois; nous 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION. 1636 279 

nings, especially as we already have some others to 
maintain. We still have hopes of half a dozen. 
God, who feeds the birds of the air, will not abandon 
them; he has begun the work, he will know well 
how to make it succeed. 

On the eighteenth of the same month, sieur Gode- 
froy, a young man of light and agile body, beat one 
of the Hurons in a race, before the eyes of four or 
five Nations, upon a wager that a Montagues had 
made for him ; at which the Hurons were greatly 
astonished, for they look upon us as turtles in com- 
parison with all the Savages. 

On the nineteenth of the same month of August a 
part of the main body of the Hurons arrived. As 
soon as we saw their Canoes appear upon the great 
River, we descended from the Fort to receive Father 
Daniel and Father Davost, and a few of our French, 
whom we were expecting ; Monsieur the Commandant 
himself was there. Father Daniel was in this first 
company, Father Davost in the rear guard, which did 
not yet appear ; and we even began to doubt whether 
[255] the Island Savages had not made them return. 
At the sight of Father Daniel, our hearts melted; his 
face was gay and happy, but greatly emaciated ; he 
was barefooted, had a paddle in his hand, and was 
clad in a wretched cassock, his Breviary suspended to 
his neck, his shirt rotting on his back. He saluted our 
Captains and our French people ; then we embraced 
him, and, having led him to our little room, after 
having blessed and adored our Lord, he related to us 
in what condition was the cause of Christianity among 
the Hurons, delivering to me the Letters and the 
Relation sent from that Country, which constrained 
us to sing a TV Deum, as a thanksgiving for the bless- 


rembraffames, & I'ayans conduit en noftre petite 
chambre, apres auoir beny & adore noftre SeigTieur, 
il nous raconta en quel point eftoient les affaires du 
Chriflianifme aux Hurons, me rendant les Lettres & 
la Relation qu'on enuoyoit de ce Pais. Et nous obli- 
geant k chanter vn Te Deum, en action de grace des 
benedictions que Dieu va verfant fur cette Nouuelle 
Eglife. le ne parleray point des difficultez de fon 
voyage, tout cela eft deja dit; ce luy eitoit affez d'a- 
uoir baptife vn pauure miferable qu'on menoit a la 
mort, pour adoucir tous fes trauaux 

I'appris de luy, que Louys de faincte Foy, deuant 
que de partir pour aller a la guerre, tint ce difcours 
k fon pere, comme il I'a fceu du pere mefme. Mon 
pare, puis que vous defirez d'eftre Chreftien, [256] 
& que vous voulez defcendre la bas aux Fran9ois; ie 
vous fupplie de prendre garde pourquoy vous defires 
le Baptefme, n'y meflez point les confiderations hu- 
maines ; faites le pour honorer Dieu, & pour le falut 
de voftre ame, & non pour I'attente de quelque bien, 
ou de quelque faueur des Frangois. Vous auez deja 
affez de coliers de Porcelaine ; i'en ay encor que ie 
vous laiffe. Tout eft k vous, n'en recherchez pas 
dauantage ; nous aurons affez de bien, fi nous croyons 
en Dieu, & fi nous luy obeiffons. Quand vous ferez 
\k bas aux Frangois n'allez point ioiier de Cabanes en 
Cabanes, n'allez point par les maifons des Frangois, 
faire I'importun, ou le caimant; vifitez fouuent Mon- 
fieur de Champlain, & ne vous efloignez que fort peu 
des Peres. Voila les cofeils que le fils donnoit au 
pere: il le cognoiffoit porte au ieu, & au.x biens de 
la terre; c'eft pourquoy, comme il voyoit que nos 
Peres parloiet de le baptifer pour les inftances qu'il 

1636] LE JEUNBS RELA TION, 1636 281 

ings that God was pouring out upon this New Church. 
I shall not speak of the difficulties of his voyage, all 
that has been already told ; it was enough for him 
that he baptized a poor wretch they were leading to 
his death, to sweeten all his trials. 

I heard from him that Louys de saincte Foy,''^ be- 
fore leaving to go to the war, held this conversation 
with his father, as he learned from the father him- 
self: " My father, since you wish to be a Christian. 
[256] and to go down there to the French, I beg you 
to understand well why you wish Baptism, and do 
not mingle therein any worldly considerations; do it 
to honor God and for the salvation of your soul, and 
not in the expectation of deriving some benefit or 
some favor from the French. You already have 
enough Porcelain necklaces; I have still some, that I 
leave you. All is yours, do not seek anything more ; 
we shall be rich enough, if we believe in God and if 
we obey him. When you are down there with the 
French, do not go idling from Cabin to Cabin, do 
not go into the houses of the French, playing the 
nuisance or the beggar ; visit Monsieur de Champlain 
often, and do not go far away from the Fathers." 
These are the counsels that the son gave to the fa- 
ther; he realized that he was fond of gambling and 
of worldly wealth ; for this reason, when he saw that 
our Fathers talked of baptizing his parent, owing to 
his earnest entreaties, he begged them not to be too 
hasty, as he wished to see a better preparation in his 
father for a Sacrament of so great importance. Now, 
our Hurons having arrived, they held their councils, 
[257] and made some presents to cause our French to 
dry their tears, and more easily swallow the bitter- 
ness they experienced at the death of the late Mon- 


en faifoit. il pria qu'on ne fe hataft point, deQrant 
voir vne plus grande difpofition en fon pare, pour vn 
Sacremet de ii grande importance. Or nos Hurons 
eftans arriuez, ils tindrent leurs confeils, [257] & 
firent des prefens pour elTuyer les larmes, & aualler 
plus doucement I'amertume que nos Frangois rece- 
uoiet de la mort de feu Monfieur de Champlain. 
Item, pour confirmer I'amitie qui eftoit contract^e 
des long temps, entre eux & nous. Le Pere Daniel 
afllfla "k ce confeil, & me dit que MonGeur le General 
auoit fort fatisfait ces Sauuages, par fes reponfes. 
Apres ces confeils ils fe mirent a traiter, ou vendre 
leurs marchandifes, & cela fait, ils tindrent encor 
vne affembl^e auec nos Fran9ois. Et comme les pre- 
mieres affembl^es s'efloient faites en leur confidera- 
tion ; celle-cy fe faifoit pour les affaires des Fran9ois. 
Ayant done quelque chofe ^ leur reprefenter, ie pri- 
ay MonCeur le General de m'ouir fur ce que i'auois 
k dire; ce qu'il fit, & m'obligea. Ie voulois notam- 
ment parler pour auoir des enfans, & commencer vn 
Seminaire, comme vne chofe tres importante au falut 
de ces Nations, & au bien de Meffieurs de la Compa- 
gnie; car leurs enfans nous feront autant d'oftages, 
pour I'affeurace des Frangois qui font parmy eux, & 
pour I'aflFermiffement du commerce. Monfieur le 
General auoit deja bien conceu cette raifon. [258] 
Voila pourquoy il n'epargna rie pour en auoir; il dit, 
& nous laiffa dire fur ce fujet, tout ce que I'efprit 
nous pouuoit fuggerer. Oil il faut remarquer que 
nos Peres auoient difpofe dans le Pais douze petits 
gar$ons, fort gentils, & tres-contens de defcendre 9a 
bas, le Pere Daniel venoit pour les dreller & inflruire, 
comme ayant d6ja vne affez bonne cognoiffance de 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 28S 

sieur de Champlain, — also, to confirm the friendship 
formed long ago between them and us. Father 
Daniel was present at this council and tells me that 
Monsieur the Commandant gave great satisfaction to 
these Savages by his answers. After these councils 
they began to trade, or to sell their merchandise; 
and, when this was done, they held another meeting 
with our French, and, as the first meetings were on 
their own account, this one was held for the business 
of the French. Now, having certain things to rep- 
resent to them, I prayed Monsieur the Commandant 
to hear what I had to say, which he was kind enough 
to do. I wished particularly to speak about obtain-T 
ing their children, and Tjeginnihg a Seminary, as a ; 
matter of the greatest importance to the salvation of~^ 
Fhese Nations, and to the success of the Gentlemen 
^rihe Company ; for their children will be as so 
iiiany hostages to us for the safety of the French who , 
are among them, and for the strengthening of our I 
commercial relations. Monsieur the Commandant I 
had already conceived this idea, [258] and hence he 
spared no pains to accomplish it. He said, and al- 
lowed us to say, upon this subject whatever judg- 
ment could suggest. Here it must be remarked that 
our Fathers had prepared twelve very nice little boys 
of the Country, who were quite satisfied to come 
down here. Father Daniel came to train and instruct 
them, as he already possessed a very fair knowledge 
of their language. But when they were about to de- 
part, the mothers, and above all the grandmothers, 
would not allow their children to go away for a dis- 
tance of three hundred leagues, and to live with 
Strangers, quite different from them in their habits 
and customs. Some embarked, however ; but, when 



letir langue : mais quand ce vint a partir, les meres, 
& notamment les grades meres, ne pouuoiet laiffer 
fortir leurs enfans, pour faire trois cens lieues, & de- 
meurer auec des Eflrangers, de fagons de faire & de 
mcEurs, bien differentes d^s leurs. Quelques-vns ne- 
antmoins s'embarquerent, mais quand ils furent arri- 
uez, les peres de ces enfans reculoient, & cherchoient 
mille excufes. Le pauure Pere Daniel alloit & ve- 
noit de tons coftez, amadoiioit les vns, faifoit quel- 
ques prefens aux autres ; & apres tout cela, il f e vit 
quafi maiflre fans 6coliers, & pafleur fans oiiailles : 
vn feul ieune homme, petit fils d'vn Capitaine, tint 
ferme, n'abandonnant iamais la refolution qu'il auoit 
prife de le fuiure. La defCus on tient confeil, tout le 
monde affemble. Monfieur le General [259] fait fes 
prefens, en confideration de Vamour qu'ils nous por- 
toient, & de leurs vifites. Item, pour alleger leurs 
bras des trauaux qu'ils auoient pris ramans fi long- 
temps pour nous venir trouuer ; pour les induire auffi 
a continuer leur bien-veillance, & leur affection en- 
uers les Peres, & enuers tous les Fracois qui font en 
leur Pais. Bref pour les exciter k venir de bonne 
heure I'an prochain ; le Truchement qui f9ait les fa- 
mous de faire du Pais, fe feruoit de leurs fagons de 
s'enoncer. Voila, difoit-il, vn prefent pour graiCCer 
vos bras, & les fomenter pour les delaffer du trauail 
qu'ils ont pris en chemin. En voicy vn autre pour 
attacher vne corde &. vos Canots, afin de les tirer 9a 
bas de bonne heure I'an prochain ; bref apres que ces 
prefens furent faits, Monfieur le General leur dit, 
qu'il auoit encor quelques points d'importance h. leur 

II leur fit done demander s'ils nous aymoient au- 

1636] LE /EUNES RELATION, i6s6 285 

they arrived, the fathers of these children drew back 
and sought a thousand excuses. Poor Father Daniel 
went hither and thither, coaxed some, made presents 
to others, and yet after all he saw himself almost a 
master without pupils, a shepherd without sheep. A 
single young man, grandson of a Captain, remained 
steadfast, never yielding in his determination to fol- 
low him. Thereupon a council was held, where all 
assembled. Monsieur the Commandant [259] pre- 
sented his gifts, in consideration of the love they bear 
us, and of their visits, — also, to rest their arms from 
the labor they had in paddling so far to come to see 
us; and to induce them to continue their kindness 
and their affection toward the Fathers and toward all 
the French who are in their Country ; in short, to 
encourage them to come early next year. The Inter- 
preter, who is acquainted with the way of doing 
things in this Country, made the announcements after 
their fashion. " Here," said he, " is a present to 
grease your arms and to limber them, to relax them 
from the work they have had on the way. Here is 
another to fasten a rope to your Canoes, to pull them 
down here early next year. ' ' Soon after these pres- 
ents were made. Monsieur the Commandant told them 
that he had still some points of importance to com- 
municate to them. 

Then he had them asked if they loved us as much 
as we loved them; they answered that they really 
did. " Then why do you not show your friend- 
ship? You give Beaver robes to the French, and 
they give you hatchets and other goods, — [260] 
all this is called trafficking; these are not the evi- 
dences of the real love that I seek, but to visit and to 
help one another, to go into each other's country, to 


tant que nous les aymions; ils repondirent, qu'en 
effet ils nous aymoiet. D'ou vient done que vous ne 
temoignez pas voftre amiti6. Vous donez des robbes 
de Caflors atix Frangois, & ils vous donnent des 
haches & d'autres marchadifes [260] tout cela s'ap- 
pelle trafiquer : ce ne font point les marques du vray 
amour que ie recherche; mais s'entre-viCter, s'entre- 
fecourir, aller les vns dans le pais des autres, s'allier 
par enfemble come les doigts de la main, ce font des 
actes d'amiti6; c'eft ce que nous faifons, nous allons 
dans voftre pais, nous y enuoyons nos Peres, nos 
Maiftres, ce que nous auons de plus cher, ceux qui 
nous enfeignent le chemin du Ciel, & pas vn de vous 
ne veut demeurer auec nos Frangois. Pourquoy ne 
vous confiez vous pas autant en nous, comme nous- 
nous confions en vous? Quoy done n'y a-t'il qu'vne 
Bourgade aux Hurons qui nous ayme ? Nous met- 
tons I'amitie en ce point que nous gardons; pourquoy 
n'y correfpodez-vous? I'auois fait affeoir le ieune 
homme qui auoit efte conftant entre le Pere Daniel 
& moy, MonQeur le General le careflant, dit tout 
haut, qu'il I'aymoit comme fon frere, que rien ne luy 
manqueroit, que pour faire entendre k ceux de fa 
Bourgade I'eflat que nous en faifons, il leur faifoit 
vn prefent : que pour luy il ne pouuoit faire feflin a 
ceux qui efloient venus, eflant fort prefTe de fon re- 
tour, mais que ce ieune homme le feroit [261] en fa 
place, qu'il luy donneroit dequoy les traiter; qu'au 
refle s'ils vouloiet I'an prochain nous temoigner leur 
affection, qu'ils deuoient amener des enfans pour de- 
meurer auec les Frangois. II leur fit encor dire qu'ils 
eftoient tous les iours dans les alarmes en leur pais, 
qu'ils fouhaitteroiet bien auoir des Fragois pour le 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6s6 287 

ally ourselves together like the fingers of the hand, — 
these are acts of friendship ; that is what we are do- 
ing, we are going into your country, we are sending 
our Fathers there, our Teachers, those whom we 
hold most dear, those who show us the way to Heav- 
en; and not one of you will live with our French. 
Why do you not trust as much in us as we do in you ? 
Why then is there only one Village among the Hu- 
rons that loves us? We show in this respect our 
friendship toward you, why do you not do likewise? " 
I had seated the young man who remained faithful 
to us between Father Daniel and myself ; Monsieur 
the Commandant, caressing him, said in a loud voice 
that he loved him as his own brother, that he should 
want for nothing ; that, to make those of his Village 
understand how great was our regard for him, he 
would make them a present; that, for himself, he 
could not prepare a feast for those who had come, as 
he was in g^eat haste to return, but that this young 
man should make one [261] in his stead, — that he 
would give him something with which to entertain 
them ; that, furthermore, if they wished next year to 
give us an evidence of their affection, they should 
bring down some children to live with the French. I 
He had them told also that they were always in a 
state of alarm in their country, that they were very 
anxious to have some French to defend them, and 
that this was in their power ; for, if they were willing 
to give twenty little Hurons, they would get in re- 
turn twenty Frenchmen, and that we had good reason 
for speaking as we did. To all this they replied 
that, first, this matter must be talked over in their 
country. Father Daniel interrupted them, and said 
that Father Brebeuf had spoken of it in la Rochelle, 


defendre, que cela efloit en leur pouuoir; car s'ils 
vouloient donner vingt petits Hurons, on leur done- 
roit vingt Frangois, que nous ne parlions qu'auec 
grande raifon. A tout cecy, ils repartirent, premiere- 
ment qu'il falloit parler de cela dans le pais. Le 
Pere Daniel prit la parole, & dit, que le Pare Bre- 
beuf en auoit parl6 dans la Rochelle, c'eft le nom de 
I'vne de leurs Bourgades; qu'il auoit fait des prefens 
fur ce fujet, qu'on les auoit acceptez, & qu'ils man- 
quoient maintenant de parole. Secondement ils diret 
qu'il y auoit de grads dangers de defcendre 9k bas, 
pour les courfes de leurs ennemis. On leur detnade, 
s'il y auoit plus de danger pour eux a nous venir 
voir, que pour nous a nous tranfporter en leur pais, 
lis dirent que les enfans dependoient des parens, que 
le chemin efloit rude & fafcheux, que les [262] meres 
auoient le coeur tendre. On leur replique que nos 
meres nous aymoient, & que nous enuoyons Ik haut 
des enfans qui n'efloient pas moins aymez de leurs 
parens, que les petits Hurons des leurs; qu'on ne 
lailToit pas de leur faire paffer ce grand chemin pour 
marque de noflre amour en leur endroit, & qu'ils de- 
uoient nous imiter en ce point, s'ils vouloient culti- 
uer noflre amitie. Nous voyons bien que ces pau- 
ures gens efloient conuaincus; qu'on les prefToit de 
raifons fortes, & qu'ils efloient en peine. Enfin jm 
vieillard prenant la parole, dit qu'on laiffoit ce ieune 
homme comme a I'horenne, qu'on le traitafl bien, & 
que felon le raport qu'il feroit I'annee fuiuante qu'on 
pourroit auoir des enfans: on recent fon excufe, leur 
faifant entendre, que s'ils auoient du coeur & de I'a- 
mour pour nous, qu'ils nous t^moigneroient autant 
d'affection qu'auoit fait cette Bourgade, d'ou efloit 

1636J LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 289 

one of their Villages ; that, with this in view, he had 
offered them some presents, and they had accepted 
them; and that now they had failed to keep their 
word. Secondly, they said that there was g^reat dan- 
ger in coming down here, on account of the incur^;__ 
sions of their enemies. They were asked if there i 
was any more danger in their coming to see us, than 
in our going to their country. They said that the 
children were dependent upon their parents, that 
the way was rough and wearisome, that the [262] 
mothers had tender hearts. We replied to them that 
our mothers loved us, and that we sent up yonder 
children that were not less loved by their parents 
than the little Hurons were by theirs; that there was 
no hesitation about letting them take this long jour- 
ney as a mark of our love for them ; and that they 
shoiild imitate us in this respect, if they wished to 
cultivate our friendship. We saw clearly that these 
poor people were convinced ; that they were forcibly 
impressed by these considerations, and that they 
were perplexed. At last an old man, taking up the 
word, said that they would leave this young man on 
trial, as it were, — that we should treat him well, and 
that upon his report the following year would depend 
our having their children. His excuse was accepted, 
and it was made clear to them that if their hearts 
were kindly disposed towards us, they would show us 
as much affection as had that Village whence Satouta, 
the young man v/ho remained, had come. There- 
upon they went away; but they were not gone very 
far when some of the chief men of a certain Village 
held a consultation among themselves, which the 
Captain began [263] by saying that they ought to be 
ashamed to show less affection for the French than 



Satouta, c'eft le nom de celuy qui demeuroit. lis fe 
departirent Ik deffus, mais ils ne furet pas bien loing, 
que quelques-vns des principaux d'vne certaine Bour- 
gade, ne tinffent entre-eux vne confulte. en laquelle 
le Capitaine^onimenceJj63Xa toe, qu'ils deuoient 
auoir honte de fe tnonftrer moins affectionnez aux 
Fra;n9ois, que la Nation des Ours, d'ou efloit Satouta; 
que nous eflions bons & courtois, qu'il n'y auoit 
point de danger de demeurer^auec nous. Et Ik deffus 
feTournant^rs fon neueu, il luy dit, Mon neueu, il 
faut que vous demeuriez auec les Fran9ois, prenez 
courage, ne craignez point ils vous aymeront ; & vous 
vn tel, parlant k vn autre, il faut que vous luy teniez 
c^agnie. Comment n'auons nous point d'amour? 
Sommes nous des hommes? N'auons nous point de 
cosur^de ne pas aymer vne nation fi^ bonne ; foyez 
conflans, demeurez auec eux, & vous y comportez 
fagement. Ces deux ieunes hommes s'y accordent 
ais^ment, & tout fur I'heure vn de leurs parens en 
vint donner aduis au Pere Daniel. Nous I'allons t6- 
moigner k Monfieur le General, qui ne f9auoit com- 
ment declarer fa ioye, tant il efloit content, faifant 
mille careffes au Sauuage qui en apportoit la nou- 
uelle. Comme il eftoit deja nuict, on attendit le len- 
demain a nous amener ces deux ieunes gar96s. Le 
pere de I'vn d'iceux, luy fit vne belle harangue, & 
luy dit, Mon fils fois [264] conjlant, ne defijlc point de 
ta re/olution; tu fen vas auec de bomies per/onnes, tu ne 
manqueras de rien auec ces gens-la , ne prends rten fans le 
cong^ d'Antoine; c'efl ainfi qu'ils appellent le Pere 
Antoine Daniel ; ne frequente point les Montagn^s, mats 
les Francois feulement; fur tout obey a ceux qui portent 
des habits noirs, auec lef quels tu dois demeurer; fi tu 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 291 

did the Nation of the Bear, to which Satouta belonged; 
that we were good and courteous, and that there was 
no danger in remaining with us. And then, turning 
toward his nephew, he said, " My nephew, you must 
remain with the French ; be jx)urageouSj_jiQ^jiot fear, 
for they^ will l ove_you^ And y ou, so an d so," speakr, 
ing to another, " you must keep him company. How 
now, have we no love? Are we men? Have we no 
hearts, not to love so good a nation? Be faithful, 
remain~witfi them, and act with discretion." These j 
two young men readily agreed to this, and straight- 
way one of their relations came to inform Father 
Daniel of it. We went to impart the news to Mon-_j 
sieur the Commandant, who could hardly express his 
joy, so glad was he, showing the Savage who brought 
the news a thousand kindnesses. As it was already 
night, they waited until the next day to bring us 
these two young boys. The father of one of them 
made him a fine speech, saying, ''My son, be [264] 
firm, do not -weaken in thy resolution; thou art going with 
good people, thou wilt want for nothitig with them; take 
nothing without the leave of Antoine (this is what they 
call Father Antoine Daniel), do not associate with the 
Montagn^s, but only with the French; above all, obey those 
who wear the black gowns, with whom thou art to live; if 
thou takest Deer in the chase, give away the flesh and keep 
the skin; do not go into Canoes with the French, lest, by 
not understanding each other, you may take offense at 
something. Keep up thy courage until the coming year, 
when I shall see thee. ' ' We made some presents to 
their relations and invited them to a feast before our 
departure. Thereupon one came to ask Father Dan- 
iel, on the part of the Captain and of the inhabitants 
of la Rochelle, if we had less affection for that Vil- 


prends des Cerfs a la chaffe, donne la chair, & retiens la 
peau, n entre point dans Ics Canots auec les Fra^ois, de 
peur que ne vous entendans pas les vns les autres, vous tie 
vous fa/chics; prends courage iu/ques a Fan qui vient, 
que ie tc verray. Nous fifmes quelques prefens k leurs 
parens, & les inuitafmes au feftin deuant noftre de- 
part. La deffus on vint demander au Pere Daniel, 
de la part du Capitaine & des habitans de la Rochelle, 
fi nous portions moindre affection a cette Bourgade 
qu'aux autres. Pourquoy done nous ne leur don- 
nions point de Fran9ois a embarquer ? Nous repon- 
difmes, que s'ils en defiroient qu'ils en auroient, & 
comme le Pere Brebeuf me demandoit plufieurs Peres 
pour les difpofer Ik haut a la moiffon ; ie leur don- 
nay le Pere Ifaac logues, le Pere Daniel leur fait 
des prefens pour le porter, & le traiter doucement: 
[265] & les voila les plus contens du monde. Or 
comme le temps prelToit Monfieur le General, & qu'il 
fe trouuoit incommode de fa fante, il voulut partir. 
Comme nous acheuions quelques affaires, & que nous 
ne conduifions point nos Seminariftes, ils nous ve- 
noient deja demander, fi nous ne les embarquerions 
pas auec nous, tant ils en auoient d'enuie, nous les 
prifmes & menafmes a la Chalouppe, il faifoit beau 
voir leurs parens les apoftrophans, & leurs recom- 
mandans d'auoir courage, de ne rien prendre parmy 
nous; que ce n'eftoit point noflre coufkume d'eftre 
larrons ; bref ils firent cette action auec tant de t6- 
moignage d'amour, que tous nos Fran9ois en eftoient 
confolez. Nous montafmes done dans la Barque, on 
leue I'ancre, on tire le canon du Fort, & les pierriers, 
& autres pieces de fonte de la Barque pour falut, & 
nous voila fous voile. Arreftons nous vn peu. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 293 

lage than for the others. Why then did we not give 
them some French people to embark? We replied 
that, if they wanted some, they should have them; 
and as Father Brebeuf had asked me for several Fa- 
thers that he might prepare them up there for the 
harvest, I gave them Father Isaac Jogues. Father 
Daniel made them some presents, that they might 
take him and treat him kindly, [265] and behold 
them the happiest people in the world. Now as time 
was pressing Monsieur the Commandant, and as he 
was suffering from poor health, he wished to depart. 
While we were finishing up some business, as we had 
not yet taken our Seminarists, they came and asked 
us if we were not going to let them embark with us, 
so great was their desire to do so. They were taken 
and conducted to the Shallop, and it was pleasant to 
see their kinsmen apostrophizing them and recom- 
mending them to be of good cheer, and not to take 
anything while among us, saying that it was not the 
custom with us to steal ; in short, they did this with 
such an appearance of love that all our French were 
comforted by it. Then we entered the Bark, the an- 
chor was weighed, the cannon of the Fort, the swivel 
guns and other pieces of artillery of the Bark were 
fired off as a salute, and lo, we were under sail. Let 
us pause a little. 

So now, by the grace of God, we have begun a 
Huron Seminary. If you like you can have two 
more ; another one for the Hurons and other [266] 
neighboring Tribes in the same territory as the Hu- 
rons, where more than five hundred children could 
be educated if we had people and means enough. 
The third will be among the Montagnds ; I have al- 
ready said that nothing more is wanting now but a 


Voila d6ja, par la grace de Dieu, vn Seminaire de 
Hurons commence. Si vous en voulez deux autres, 
vous les aurez, I'vn fera encor de Hurons, & d'autres 
[266] Nations voifines dans le mefme pais des Hu- 
rons, ou Ton pourroit inftruire plus de cinq cens en- 
fans, £i on auoit affez de monde & de forces: le troi- 
f[i]efme fera de Montagues; i'ay deja dit qu'il ne 
manque plus finon dequoy loger & entretenir leurs 
enfans. Si MelTieurs de la Compagnie continuant, 
come nous efperons, de nous enuoyer des perfonnes, 
qui employent I'authorit^ qu'ils leur donnent pour 
le feruice de Dieu, tout ira bien, & la Nouuelle 
France imitera vn iour la piet^ de fa foeur aifn6e. 
I'ay deja dit que Monlieur noflre Gouuerneur s'y 
monftra zel6 au poflible. Monfieur le General de la 
flotte s'en retourne auec cette gloire deuant Dieu, de 
n'auoir rien oublie icy pour fa gloire. 

Le lendemain de noftre depart des trois Riuieres, 
nous arriuafmes k K6bec : nos Hurons qui font ieunes 
hommes lefles & bien-faits, le Pere Daniel & moy, 
ayans falu^ n6ftre Gouuerneur, nous nous retirafmes 
"k Noftre Dame des Anges, oil ie trouuay le Pere Ni- 
colas Adam frapp6 d'vne paralyfie, qui luy interdit 
quad tout I'vfage des pieds & des mains; ce font les 
[267] reliques d'vne fievre qui le faifit quelques iours 
apres fon arriu6e : on me parle de le renuoyer pour le 
recouurement de fa fant6, mais il dit qu'il efl venu 
icy pour y donner fa vie k noftre Seigneur, & aux 
ames, qu'il a rachet6; qu'il eft preft d'obeir, mais 
que le fentiment de fon coeur feroit de ne point recu- 
ler, & d'aller au Ciel du haut de la Croix ou Dieu I'a 
mis : nous le retiendrons done, fon example nous in- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 295 

place to lodge and maintain their children. If the 
Gentlemen of the Company continue, as we hope 
they will do, to send us persons who will use the au- 
thority they give them for the service of God, all will 
go well, and New France will some day imitate the 
piety of her elder sister. I have already said that 
Monsieur our Governor shows as much zeal as pos- 
sible. Monsieur the Commandant of the fleet returns 
with this glory in the sight of God, never to have 
neglected anything for his glory here. 

The day after our departure from the three Rivers 
we arrived at Kebec. Our Hurons, who are strong 
and active youths, Father Daniel and I, having sa- 
luted our Governor, withdrew to Nostre Dame des 
Anges, where I found Father Nicolas Adam"' strick- 
en with paralysis, wliich deprived him almost entire- 
ly of the use of his feet and hands; this is the [267] 
result of a fever which seized him a few days after 
his arrival. There is talk of sending him back for 
the recovery of his health, but he says that he came 
here to give his life to our Lord and to the souls 
that he has redeemed ; that he is ready to obey, but 
that the sentiments of his heart would be not to re- 
treat, and to go to Heaven from the summit of the 
Cross where God has placed him. So we will retain 
him ; his example will be edifying to us, and his pa- 
tience will procure new blessings upon these wilder- 
nesses. — 

I remember saying above that, on the fifteenth of 
this month, the Hiroquois prisoner was brought down 
to Kebec, to be put to death there by the Savages. 
Here are the details of his torture as related to me 
by Father de Ouen. As soon, said he, as this poor 


ftruira, & fa patience obtiendra de nouuelles benedi- 
ctions fur ces deferts. 

le me fouuiens d'auoir dit cy-deffus que le quin- 
zi6me de ce mois le prifonnier Hiroquois eftoit def- 
cendu k K^bec pour y eflre mis k mort par les 
Sauuages : voicy les particularitez de fon fupplice, fe- 
lon que le Pere de Quen m'en a inform^. Si toll;, dit-il, 
que cette pauure victime mit pied k terre, les femmes 
s'en faifirent, & le menerent en leurs Cabanes; Ik on 
le fit dafer; cependat vne Megere parut armee d'vn 
foiiet de cordes k plufieurs noeuds, qui luy decharge 
des coups k tour de bras auec autat de rage, qu'elle 
auoit de force: vne autre luy frappe la poictrine, I'e- 
ftomach, & le vetre d'vn gros caillou; & vne [268] 
troifi^me luy decouppe les epaules auec vn couteau, 
& luy fait ruiffeler le fang de tous coflez. Quelque 
temps apres vn Sauuage fee & defait come vn fque- 
let, eftant malade depuis plufieurs mois reprit des 
forces k la veue de ce miferable, il luy faute au col- 
let, I'atrappe par I'oreille comme vn chien, la luy 
emporte k belles dents, la luy met dans la bouche ; 
le prifonnier la prend fans fe troubler, la mache quel- 
que temps, & ne la pouuant aualer, la crache dans le 
feu: voila I'accueil qu'on luy fit. Apres cela on luy 
done quelque relafche, on le traitte des meilleures 
viandes qui fuITent en la Cabane; & ce qui femble in- 
croyable cet homme fe reioiiyffoit, comme s'il eult ap- 
pris nouuelle de fa liberty. Sur le foir ils le trainent 
116 de cordes de Cabane en Cabane, pendant qu'vne 
femme enraaree le foiiettoit k la cadence d'vne chan- 
fon; on dit qu'ils exercerent vne autre cruaute fur 
luy, qui feroit rougir ce papier. Monfieur le Gou- 
uerneur eftant informe de tout cecy, leur fit fignifier 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 297 

victim stepped ashore, the women seized him and 
led him to their Cabins ; there he was made to dance. 
Meanwhile a Fury appeared, armed with a whip of 
knotted cords, with which she rained blows upon him 
around his arms, with as much rage as she had 
strength ; another struck him upon the chest, the 
stomach, and the belly, with a great stone ; and a 
[268] third gashed his shoulders with a knife and 
made the blood flow in streams. A little while after- 
wards a Savage, as dry and fleshless as a skeleton, 
having been sick for several months, regained his 
strength at the sight of this wretch, jumped upon 
his neck, caught him by the ear like a dog, greedily 
bit it off, and placed it in his mouth ; the prisoner 
took it without being disconcerted, chewed it a 
while, and, not being able to swallow it, spit it into 
the fire. See what a reception they gave him. After 
this, he was granted a little respite, and was regaled 
with the best food there was in the Cabin. And, what 
seems incredible, this man seemed to be as greatly 
pleased as if he had received news of his liberty. 
Toward evening they dragged him, bound with ropes, 
from Cabin to Cabin, while an infuriated woman 
whipped him to the music of a song. It is said that 
they perpetrated another act of cruelty upon him 
which would make this paper blush. When Mon- 
sieur the Governor was informed of all this, he made 
known to them that he was dissatisfied with these 
outrages, and that they should go somewhere else, 
not to wound the eyes of our French people by these 
acts of barbarity, [269] to our eyes intolerable. This 
caused them to restrain their mad rage ; they then 
crossed over the great river and strangled their vie- 


qu'il eftoit m^content de ces cruautez, & qu'ils fe re- 
tirafset ailleurs, pour ne bleller la veue de nos Fran- 
9ois par des barbaries [269] infupportables ^ nos 
yeux ; cela leur fit abreger leur manie : ils pallerent 
done dela le grand fleuue, & firent eftrangler cette 
victime, qu'ils roftirent au feu, puis la donnerent aux 
chiens, iettant les os dans la riuiere. C'efl iufques 
ou pent aller la rage & la furie des ames qui ne co- 
gnoiflent point Dieu; ceux ou celles qui s'attachent 
plus afprement i ces cruautez font gens dont les 
peres, ou les maris, ou les plus proches parens ont 
efte traittez auec pareilles furies aux terres de leurs 
ennemis; c'efl le fouuenir de la mort de leurs plus 
proches, qui iette cette rage dans leur coeur. 

Comme i'ecris cecy le vingt huicti^me d'Aoufl, 
voila que le Pere Buteux me mande le depart du Pere 
logues, I'arriu^e d'vne autre troupe de Hurons, de 
qui le fieur Nicolet a encores obtenu trois ieunes gar- 
90ns, fur le rapport que leur ont fait leurs compagnos 
du bon traittement que Monfieur le General & tous 
les autres Francois leur auoient fait. le finis, priant 
Noftre Seigneur de vouloir eftre le Pere nourricier 
pour I'ame & pour le corps de ceux qu'il nous en- 
uoye de furcroift. [270] Des I'hyuer prochain nous 
aliens congedier vne partie de nos hommes, k raifon 
du manquement de viures ; car de refuf er cette bene- 
diction du Ciel, & de renuoyer vne partie de nos Sau- 
uages, nous ne le ferons iamais, nous leur donnerions 
pluftoft la moiti6 de nous mefmes; I'affaire eft trop 
importante pour la gloire de Noftre Seigneur : qu'il 
foit beny k iamais dans les temps & dans I'etemit^. 

Nous fommes icy 'k defricher ce petit coin de la 
vigne du grand Pere de famille, vingt-fix des noflres 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 299 

tim, whom they roasted at the fire and then gave to 
the dogs, throwing the bones into the river. To 
such a point can the rage and fury of souls which 
know not God attain. The men or women who in- 
dulge most fiercely in these acts of cruelty are those 
whose fathers or husbands or nearest relatives have 
been treated with equal fury in the country of their 
enemies ; it is the recollection of the death of their 
kindred that fills their hearts with this madness. 

As I am writing this, on the twenty-eighth of Au- 
gust, Father Buteux sends me word of the departure 
of Father Jogues, and of the arrival of another band 
of Hurons from whom sieur Nicolet has obtained 
three young boys, upon the report made by their com- 
panions of the good treatment that Monsieur the 
Commandant and all the other French people have 
shown them. I finish, praying Our Lord to be a 
foster Father to the souls and bodies of those he 
sends us in addition to the ones we have. [270] The 
coming winter, we are going to dismiss a part of our 
men on account of the scarcity of food ; for to refuse 
this Heavenly blessing by sending away part of our 
Savages, this we will never do, — we would rather 
give them the half of ourselves; the matter is too 
important for the glory of Our Lord. May he be 
blessed forever through time and through eternity. 

We are here to clear this little corner in the vine- 
yard of the great Head of the family. At present 
there are twenty-six of us, — twenty Priests and six 
of our lay Brothers ; they stay in the following 
places, beginning with the most distant: In the resi- 
dence of saint Joseph, among the Hurons, Reverend 
Father Jean Brebeuf , Superior of that Mission ; Fa- 


pour le prefent, vingt Preflres, & fix de nos Freres 
coadiuteurs: voicy les lieux de leur demeure, com- 
men^ant par les plus eloignez. En la refidence de 
fainct lofeph aux Hurons le R. Pete lean Brebeuf 
Superieur de cette Miflion, le P. Fran9ois Mercier, le 
P. Pierre Pijart, le Pere Pierre Chaftelain, le Pere 
Charles Gamier, & le Pere Ifaac logues. 

En la Refidence de la Conception aux trois Ri- 
uieres, le Pere lacques Buteux, & le Pere Charles 
du March6: on baftit en cette Refidence, nous y en- 
uoyerons encore vn Pere quand on I'y pourra loger. 

[271] En la Refidence de Noftre Dame de Recou- 
urance ^ Kebec, le Pere lean de Quen & moy; on 
baftit encor icy pour le Seminaire & pour le College ; 
fi toft qu'il y aura place i'y feray venir des Peres: 
cependant le Pere de Quen enfeignera les Efcoliers 
Fran9ois, moy quelques Sauuages ; & auec tout cela 
il faut fecourir nos Francois, qui font deja vne petite 
Paroiffe, & eftudier ^ la langue Montagnaife. 

En la Refidence de Noftre Dame des Anges, le R. 
Pere Charles Lallemant Superieur de cette Maifon, 
le Pere Nicolas Adam, le Pere Enemond Malle, le 
Pere Anne Denoue, le Pere Antoine Daniel, le Pere 
Ambroife Dauoft: nos Freres Gilbert Burel, Pierre 
le Telier, lean Liegeois, Pierre Feaute, Ambroife 
Cauuet, & Loiiys Gobert. 

En la Refidence de Miskou, le Pere Claude Quen- 
tin, s'il y pent arriuer, & le Pere Charles Turgis. 

En la Refidence de S. Anne au Cap-breton, le Pere 
Daudemare, & le Pere Andre Richard. Dieu fgait fi 
nous implorons tous auec ardeur, pour nous, & pour 
[272] ces pauures Peuples le fecours des prieres de V. 
R. & de tous nos Peres, & Freres. le le fais pour mon 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, ,636 301 

ther Francois Mercier, Father Pierre Pijart, Father 
Pierre Chastelain, Father Charles Garnier, and Fa- 
ther Isaac Jogues. 

In the Residence of the Conception, at the three 
Rivers, Father Jacques Buteux and Father Charles 
du Marche; they are building at that Residence, and 
we will send there another Father when they shall 
have a lodging for him. 

[271] In the Residence of Nostre Dame de Recou- 
vrance at Kebec, Father Jean de Quen and I. We 
are building here also, for the Seminary and the Col- 
lege. As soon as there shall be a place for them, I 
shall send for some Fathers; meanwhile Father de 
Quen will teach the French Pupils and I the Savage 
ones, — and with all this we shall have to help our 
French people, who already form quite a little Par- 
ish, and to study the Montagnais language. 

In the Residence of Nostre Dame des Anges, Rev- 
erend Father Charles Lallemant, Superior of that 
House, Father Nicolas Adam, Father Enemond 
Masse, Father Anne Denoue, Father Antoine Daniel, 
Father Ambroise Davost; our Brothers Gilbert Burel, 
Pierre le Teller, Jean Liegeois, Pierre Feaute, Am- 
broise Cauvet and Loiiys Gobert. 

In the Residence of Miskou, Father Claude Quen- 
tin, if he has succeeded in reaching there, and Father 
Charles Turgis. 

In the Residence of Ste. Anne at Cap-breton, Fa- 
ther Daudemare^" and Father Andre Richard. God 
knows with how much ardor we all implore, both for 
ourselves and for [272] these poor Peoples, the help 
of the prayers of Your Reverence and of all our Fa- 
thers and Brothers. I desire it in my own behalf 


particulier, de toute I'etendue de mon coeur, comme 
celuy qui me diray au nom de tous, ce que ie fuis en 

Voftre tres-humble, & tres- 

obeiffant feruiteur en noftre 

Pavl le Ievne. 

I 'ay trace fort k la hafte cette Relation, tantoft 
en vn endroit, tantoft en vn autre; quelquefois fur 
les eaux, d' autre fois fur la terre; enfin ie la con- 
cluds en la Refidence de noftre Dame des Anges, 
proche de Kdbec en la Nouuelle France, ce 28. 
d'Aouft 1636. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 303 

with all my heart, as one who will sig^n himself in 
the name of all, what he is in fact, 

Your very humble and very 

obedient servant in our 

Paul le Jeune. 

I have jotted this Relation down hastily, now in 
one place, now in another; sometimes upon the wa- 
ter, sometimes upon the land. I finally conclude it 
in the Residence of nostre Dame des Anges, near 
K6bec in New France, this 28th of August, 1636. 


(Figures in parentheses, /ol/owing number of note, refer to pages 
of English text.) 

1 (p. 15). — Madame Hebout : this was Marie Hubou, whose first 
husband was Louis Hubert (see vol. v., note 13). 

2 (p. 29). — Le Jeune gives (in Relation of 1634) a long account 
of the persecutions he endured at the hands of this man. 

3 (P- 33)-— Jacques Hertel. a native of Normandy, came to Cana- 
da in 161 5. He was long employed by Champlain as an interpreter, 
and, upon the capture of Quebec, took refuge with the savages. In 
1633 he obtained a grant of land at Three Rivers, where he was the 
first settler (see vol. iv., note 24); and two other estates there were 
granted him by Montmagny, Aug. 18, 1636. Five years later he 
was married to Marie Marguene ; their son Frani;ois was ennobled 
by Louis XIV. Hediedat Three Rivers, Aug. 10, 1651. — See Suite's 
Can.-Fran(ais, vols, i., ii. 

4 (P- 33)- — Sieur Godefroy : probably the " Sieur Jean Paul" 
mentioned in the next chapter. This was Jean Paul Godefroy (God- 
frey), who came to Canada at an early date, and served as inter- 
preter and trading clerk ; he returned to France with Champlain in 
1629. but his name appears at Three Rivers in 1636, as a clerk there. 
In 1644, he accompanied Pierre Le Gardeur to France, delegated by 
the Canadian colonists (see vol. viii., note 57). In the following 
year, he was commander of a ship, and during 1648-50 was admiral 
of the fleet. Oct. 3, 1646, he married Marie Madeleine, daughter of 
Le Gardeur ; he had by her two daughters, one of whom became an 
Ursuhne nun. In 1650, he formed a commercial association with 
Tilly, Buissot, Lespine, and others, for seal-fishing at Tadoussac 
and fur-trading with the Indians. In June, 1651, he went with the 
Jesuit Druillettes on an embassy to the New England authorities, 
to carry on the negotiations begun in 1647, relative to commerce and 
to the formation of an alliance, offensive and defensive, against the 
Iroquois. This proposal, however, was refused by the colonies of 
Plymouth and Massachusetts. Godefroy was elected a member of 
the Quebec council, in 1648; he was apparently a prominent colo- 
nist, and active in developing the commerce and resources of the 
country. He was a relative of the noted Jean Godefroy de L.nctot. 


The date of his death is not recorded. He is mentioned several 
times in Jour, des Jesuiles ; see also Suite's Can.-Frattfais, vols, 
ii., iii. 

5 (P- 33)- — For sketch of M. de Gand, see vol. vii., note 22. 

6 (p. 43). — Suite says (Can.-Fran(ais, vol. ii., p. 82) that in the 
re^ster of Three Rivers appears, early in 1636, the name of Jean 
Rousseau, a Parisian; he died there in 1643 (July 21), killed by the 
discharge of a g^n. 

I (p. 51). — M. de Lisle (L'Isle), a chevalier of the knights of 
Malta, was the lieutenant of Montmag^ny, and commanded at Three 
Rivers in the summer of 1636. He was a man of great piety, and is 
frequently mentioned in the Relations, from 1636 to 1641. as a friend 
of the missionaries, and as participating in various religious cere- 

For a sketch of Montmagny, see vol. viii., note 50. 

Suite says (Can.-Franfais, vol. ii., p. 8i). "A gentleman named 
St Jean, who had come in 1635, if not earlier, accompanied Mont- 
magny on his official journeys;" he appears to have remained in 
Canada until 1641. 

Concerning Chastellain and Garnier. see vol. viii., notes 51, 52. 
Details of the baptism at which the former officiated upon first arriv- 
ing in Canada are given in Le Jeune's Introduction to this Relation 
(see vol. viii., p. 219). Chastellain's Christian name is given vajour. 
des Jesuites as Guillaumc Pierre. 

8 (p. 59). — Robert Hache, a Jesuit donne, who lived in the mis- 
sion at Three Rivers, is named in the register of that town during 
the years 1636-40. Laleraant also mentions him in a letter to the 
provincial in 1634 (see vol. vi. , p. 55). Hache was at Sillery in 1645, 
and, in the year after, made a journey to France. He is occasion- 
ally mentioned in Mi^ Jour, des Jisuiies, — the last time (Sept. 12, 
1659), under the following significant entry: "Item, as for Robert 
Hache, it was decided that he should go away, or come to an under- 
standing with the other donn6s. " 

9 (p. 59). — For a sketch of the chief, Capitanal. see vol. viii., 
note 67. 

10 (p. 59). — The register of Three Rivers mentions, in 1637, the 
name of M. de la Treille, clerk. 

II (p. 59). — For a sketch of Du Marche, see vol. viii., note 19. 

12 (p. 63). — This was Guillaume Hubert, eldest child and only son 
of Louis Hebert (see vol. li., note 80) and Marie RoUet. Guillaume 
married, Oct. i, 1634, Helene Desportes, then aged fourteen; he 
died five years later, leaving three children. 

13 (p. 65). — Madamoiselle : in olden times, the appellation given 
to every married lady who was not noble, or who, though noble. 


bore no title, — the designation "madame" being reserved exclu- 
sively for the wives of those on whom kniKhthood had been conferred. 

14 (p. 65). — Jacques Castillon, a bourgeois of Pans, and one of 
the Hundred Associates; the Isle of Orleans was gianted him Jan. 
15, 1636, as the representative of a company of eight persons — Lau- 
son, Cheffault. and others. 

15 (p. 65). — For a sketch of Daniel, see vol. v., twU 53; con- 
cerning the Petite Nation, nott: 56 in same volume. 

i6 (p. 6g). — "The apostate" was Pierre Antoine (see volume v., 
;/('/<• 33); regarding his brothers, see Le Jeune's account o:' his win- 
ter sojourn with them {Rftation of 1634. vol. vii. of this series). 

17 (p. 83). — Manitousiouekhi : see vol. v.. note ^"i. 

18 (p. 95). — This Oumastikoueiau (Oumasaticoueie) was an Al- 
gonkin chief of unusual shrewdness and ability ; it was he who en- 
deavored, in the summer of 1635, to incite strife between the Monta- 
gnais and Hurons — in order, as Le Jeune thought, to divert the 
Huron trade from the French. The latter mentions this Indian 
several times; in July, i()33, his son was baptized by Brebeuf ; and 
in 1636 he was slain by the Iroquois. 

19 (p. 99). — Le Jeune here refers to Madame de Combalet's 
scheme for a hospital at Quebec (see vol. viii., note 62J. 

20 (p. 115). — The Attikamegues were a Montagnais tribe, dwell- 
ing on the upper St. Maurice River, by which stream they descended 
to Three Rivers for trade (though not until 1637, when the French 
fort there insured them some protection from the Iroquois). The 
missionaries found them docile and receptive, and made numerous 
converts among them. It was during one of Buteux's journeys to 
visit this tribe that he was slain by the Iroquois, who often made 
hostile incursions even thus far north of the St. Lawrence. Letters 
from the Huron missionaries were often sent to Three Rivers and 
Quebec by the Attikamegues, who traded with the Hurons, as a 
safer though more circuitous despatch than that by the Ottawa 
River, which was especially infested by the Iroquois. The Attika- 
megues, though a timid people, at times valiantly resisted their 
enemies; but by 1661 they had been practically destroyed by the 
Iroquois, and their ruin was completed, a few years later, by the 
ravages of the smallpox. 

Viraont says (Relation of 1641. chap, vii.) that the appellation of 
this tribe was derived from the Montagnais name of a certain white 
fish, of excellent quality, which abounded in the rivers and lakes of 
that region (probably the "whitefish," now found in the Great 
Lakes, Coregonus, of the Halmonidce). 

21 (p. 117). — Riviere des Iroquois : the Sorel or Riihelieu River 
(see vol. i., note 67). 


Savages of the Island : the tribe that inhabited AUumettes Island 
(see vol. v., noie 57). Traces of its early occupants are still found 
on this island. 

22 (p. 121). — See Le Jeune's account of the spirits or progenitors 
of the seasons, vol. vi., p. 161. 

23 (p. 123). — Like the Hebrews, the North American aborigines 
regarded a woman in her periodical illness as unclean, defiling all 
that she touched ; but the latter race also cherished a superstitious 
belief that her look, or touch, or even the sight of her, had a malign 
influence — inducing disease, causing ill-luck in hunting or war. and 
bringing misfortune. In consequence, seclusion at this period was 
imposed by custom upon the woman, who must dwell apart from her 
family, in a small hut or wigwam constructed for this purpose (of. 
Biard's statement, vol. iii., p. 105). This superstition still exists 
among many tribes. Schoolcraft mentions it, and a custom result- 
ing therefrom — that a woman in this condition, and naked, makes 
the circuit of the cornfields at night, to destroj- blight, vermin, and 
noxious insects. 

A Menomoiiee legend given by Hoffman {Bur. of Ethnol. Rep., 
1892-93. p. 175) relates that Manabiish (Manabozho, or Michabou, 
"the Great Hare") once threw a clot of bear's blood at his grand- 
mother, hitting her on the abdomen ; whence originated menstrua- 
tion. An Omaha version of this story is mentioned by Dorsey, who 
gives the following account of the periodical seclusion of women 
among that tribe; "The Omaha woman reckons pregnancy from 
the last time that she ' dwelt alone.' Among the Omahas and Pon- 
kas, the woman makes a different fire for four days, dwelling in a 
small lodge apart from the rest of the household, even in cold 
weather. She cooks and eats alone, telling no one of her sickness, 
not even her husband. Grown people do not fear her, but children 
are caused to fear the odor that she is said to give forth. If any eat 
with her. they become sick in the chest, and very lean ; and their 
lips become parched in a circle about two inches in diameter. Their 
blood grows black ; children vomit. On the fourth or fifth day, she 
bathes herself, and washes her dishes, etc. ; then she can return to 
the household. Another woman who is similarly affected can stay 
with her in the small lodge, if she knows the circumstances. Dur- 
ing this period, the men will neither lie nor eat with the woman, and 
they will not use the same dish, bowl, and spoon." The Omaha 
name for this illness indicates their superstitious notions regarding 
it, — Wakdndatat/iica", "pertaining to Wakanda " ("the Great 
Spirit"). — See Bur. of Et/mol. Rep., 1881-82, pp. 263, 267. 

The same custom of seclusion obtains among many tribes, in con- 
nection with childbirth. MacCauley says {Bur. of Ethnol. Rep., 


1883-84, p. 497) that a Seminole woman, just before childbirth, 
builds a small lodge, not far from the main house of the family, and 
goes there for her confinement. Boas and Murdoch describe a simi- 
lar custom among different tribes of the Eskimos ; a small hut or 
snow house is built for the mother, in which she spends the time of 
her delivery and recovery. Murdoch was told by one of these natives 
that a sore on the latter's face was caused by drinking from a cup 
that had been used by a woman who had recently had a miscar- 
riage. — See liur. of Ethnol. Rep., 1884-85, p. 610; and 18S7-88, p. 

24 (p. 125). — A sketch of Jean Nicolet is g^ven in vol. viii., note 29. 

25 (p. 131). — The toise is a French linear measure, of six (French) 
feet, equal to 1.949 metres. Littre cites Thaumassiere's Coutume de 
Berry (xb'Oci century), thus; "We use in this country two toises — 
one, the carpenter's toise, of 5>i feet; the other, the mason's toise of 
6 feet, with which is measured the square toise." Wurtele's Tables 

for Reducing Measures (Montreal, 1861) make,"-, the toise equivalent 
to 6.395 English feet. 

26 (p. 135). — The early settlement of Acadia by the French is re- 
lated at length by Lescarbot and Biard in vols, i.-iii. of this series. 
A sketch of the first English settlement there is given in vol. iv., 
note ^b. After the restoration of New France by England (1632), 
Acadia was governed by Isaac de Razilly until his death in 1635. 
Upon that event, his authority mainly devolved upon his lieutenants, 
D'Aulnay and La Tour; while another of his officers, Nicolas Denys, 
sieur de Fronsac, remained in possession of Cape Breton and other 
islands, with the coasts of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 

Denys established flourishing settlements at Ste. Anne's, Cheda- 
bouctou (now Guysboro'), and St. Peter's (on the isthmus now cut 
by a ship canal), also at Miscou (see vol. vii., note ig); and carried 
on an extensive trade in fish, lumber, and other products of the 
country. After his return to France (about 1671), he wrote an inter- 
esting account of the territory he had occupied in America, — De- 
scription Giographique et Historique de I' Amirique Sep tent ri- 
c«a/^ (Paris, 1672). Bourinot gives (Cape Breton, pp. 139-141) a 
bibliography of Denys's work, and translates his description of Cape 

27 (p. 135). — See sketch of De Razilly in vol. viii., note 2. As 
governor of Acadia, he established his official residence at La Heve 
(see vol. i., note 42). He erected fortifications there, brought over 
colonists, cultivated grain and fruit, established fisheries, and ruled 
the province with energy, judgment, and foresight. Williamson 
(Maine, vol. i., p. 263) relates this instance of his generosity towards 
the English "Afterwards the French treated the colonists with 


more forbearance and kindness. A crew of Connecticut mariners, 
for instance, being wrecked on the Isle of Sables, received from 
them many testimonies of humanity, and were even transported to 
La Heve, the residence of Razilla; from which place, he gave four 
of them a passage to France, and furnished the others with a shal- 
lop to convey themselves home. These generous acts were in the 
last days of his life — happily monumental of his worth and clem- 

28 (p. 141). — Diane: the drumbeat which is sounded at day- 
break. This appellation is, according to Littre, derived from the 
Italian stella diana ("the morning star"), originally from Latin 
dies; it has been used as above since the i6th century. 

29 (p. 143). — De Repentigny and La Poterie are sketched in vol. 
viii., notes 57, 58. 

30 (p. 145). — Chevalei : an instrument of torture, "a sort of 
wooden horse, with a sharp back, on which soldiers who had com- 
mitted disorders were placed, with cannon balls attached to their 
feet" (Littr^). 

31 (p. 145). — Champlain had strictly forbidden any traffic with 
the Indians in intoxicating liquors (see vol. vi., note 19). Cf. pp. 
203-207 of this volume. 

32 (p. 149). — Plans for the establishment of a college at Quebec 
had been made by Rene de Rohault and his father (see vol. vi., note 
9), as early as 1626; but the hostilities between England and France, 
and the capture of Quebec, hindered the execution of their design. 
Le Jeune, however, was able to carry it out later — having received 
from the Marquis de Gamache, in 1635, a large sum of money, and 
from the Company of New France (Mar. 18, 1637) twelve arpents of 
land, for this purpose. The history of this college is related at 
length by Rochemonteix (Jisuites, vol. 1., pp. 205-230). 

33 (p. 165). — 'Y'ne.K.'e.^^n^vache sauvage, bwuf sauvage,&Tid'i,ovs\^- 
times even buffe and buffle, were applied by the early French writ- 
ers alike to the buffalo, the moose, and the elk, — whence has arisen 
much confusion in regard to the former habitat of the buffalo. But 
examination of the fossil remains of this animal, and of the state- 
ments of early writers, both English and French, indicates at least 
the strong probability that the buffalo was not found east of Hud- 
son's Bay and the Great Lakes, or the Alleghanies. Boucher, in his 
Hist, verit. et nat. (reprinted, with numerous annotations by Suite, 
in Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc, 1896), chap, v., makes (1663 J a definite 
statement on this point: " As for the animals called Bufles, they are 
only found in the country of the Outaouais, some four or five hun- 
dred leagues from Quebec, towards the West and North." The 
subject is exhaustively discussed in Allen's valuable monograph. 


" History of the American Bison," published in U. S. Geol. and 
Geogr. Survey of t hi- Territories, Ninth Ann. Rep., 1875 (Wash- 
ington, 1377). pp. 443-5S7. 

Le Jeune doubtless refers in the text to either the elk or the moose 
(see vol. ii., note 34). 

j4 (p. 169). — L'Isle Perce (now called Perce Rock) is situated on 
the eastern coast of Gaspe, opposite the village of Perce, and 36 
miles from the towTi of Gaspe Basin. It lies at the foot of Mt. Joly, 
from which it has evidently been separated (like Cape Forillon — 
see vol. iii.. note 45) by the action, through many centuries, of 
waves and ice. This rocky islet is 288 feet high, 1,200 feet long, 
and about 70 feet wide ; its sides are boldly precipitous, and within 
it, cut by the waters, are three great arches, from which it derives 
its name — the central one large enough to allow the easy passage 
of a boat under sail. Vast numbers of sea fowl resort here every 
summer, to rear their young. Perce is noted for its grand and 
romantic scenery, and as the location of the most extensive cod fish- 
ery in Quebec province. 

Bonaventure is a small island opposite Perce, 1% miles long, and 
J^ of a mile wide ; it forms a natural breakwater between Perce and 
the Gulf. It contains about 50 families. A river of the same name 
empties into the Bay of Chaleurs. 

35 (p. 169). — Concerning white whales, see vol. v., note 6. 

36 (p. 183). — For citations on the connection' of the Jesuits with 
the fur trade, see vol. i., note 31 ; vol. iii., note 33. 

37 (P- 191)- — This cape was named by Champlain. In his voyage 
of 1608 (Laverdifere's ed., p. 294), he says; " Coasting the shore from 
the Isle aux Couldres, we made a headland, which we named cap de 
Tourmente, five leagues away ; and we named it thus because, how- 
ever little wind may blow, the sea rises there as if it were high tide. 
At this place, the water begins to be fresh." This point is. how- 
ever, eight leagues from Isle au.>c Coudres, instead of five, and 'is 
ten leagues below Quebec. It is a lofty, steep promontory, rising 
to the height of 1.900 feet above the fertile meadows at its base 
(whence the name Beaupr6). 

Champlain, in 1626, sent to this place the cattle of the colony, with 
a few men to care for them, erecting buildings for their use ; and 
every week he made a trip thither to inspect the establishment and 
provide for its needs. This settlement was destroyed by Kirk in 
1628. at which time it was in charge of Nicholas Pivert. who had 
with him his wife and niece, besides the men who took care of the 
cattle. Upon the return of the French, a few colonists settled at 
Beaupre, attracted by its great natural advantages — a little stream 
which furnished a good landing-place, abundant and diversified for- 


ests, and excellent pasturage, admirably adapting it for stock-rais- 
ing. Jan. 15, 1636, the Company of New France granted to Antoine 
Cheffault, one of its members, the seigniory known as Cote de Beau- 
pre — having six leagues of river frontage, and embracing all of the 
present Montmorency county, and more. Flourishing settlements 
soon arose in this region — among them, one at Ste. Anne, where 
was laid (March, 1658) the corner stone of a church, named Ste. 
Anne de Petit Cap. The Jesuit missionaries frequently visited these 
colonies, to minister to their spiritual needs. 

38 (p. 209). — See sketch of Chasteaufort in vol. viii., note 55. 

39 (p. 213). — Teston (teste, "head"): an old French silver coin, 
stamped with the likeness of the king. It was worth, under Francis 
I., ten sous and a few deniers; under Louis XIII., its value had 
gradually risen to 19^ sous; its use was then discontinued. 

The English shilling of Henry VIII. was called " testoon " — a 
name adopted from that of the above French coin; it was in use 
during 1544-48. 

40 (p. 227). — Paul Ragueneau, born in Paris, Mar. 18, 1608, be- 
came a Jesuit novice Aug. 21, 1626. His studies were pursued at 
Clermont and Bourges ; he was also an mstructor in the latter insti- 
tution during 1628-32, among his pupils being "the great Conde " 
(vol. viii., note 13). He came to Canada June 28, 1636, and labored 
in the Huron mission until its close — except during the year 1640- 
41 ; in the spring of the latter year, he, with Nicolet, held an ineffec- 
tual conference with the hostile Iroquois near Three Rivers (vol. 
viii., note 29). He was named by the Hurons Aondechete. 

Ragueneau was superior of the Huron mission from early m 1645 
until its destruction in 1649; and superior of all the Canadian mis- 
sions from 1650 to 1653. In June, 1657, Ragueneau and Joseph Du 
Peron undertook the mission to the Onondagas (for sketch of this 
tribe, see vol. viii., note 34); but they found these savages bitterly 
hostile to the French, and, learning that the former had planned to 
murder them, all the French (March 1658), secretly fled for their 
lives, and escaped in safety, arriving at Quebec April 23. 

Returning to France in August, 1662, Ragueneau became agent 
in that country for the Canadian mission, and died at Paris, Sept. 
3, 1680. As superior, he wrote the Relations of the Huron mission, 
during 1645-49, and edited the general Relations for the years 1649- 
53; he was also editor of the Jour, des /^suites from Nov. 1. 1650 
to Aug. 15, 1653. After his return to France, he wrote Vie de Mere 
Catherine de St. .lu^ustin, a Hospital nun at Quebec (published 
at Paris, 1671). Sommervogel also cites a MS., Memoires touchant 
les vertus des Peres de NoUe, Jogues, Daniet, etc. (4to, pp. 314), 
as collected from diflferent sources by Ragueneau, in 1652, — "to 


be used in a plea for beatification," — each memoir bearing at the 
end his signed and sworn attestation. 

Fran5ois Ragueneau, a brother of Paul, was born at Blois, Jan. 
14, 1597, and entered the Jesuit novitiate Apr. 16, 1614. In 1628, 
he went to Canada with Charles Lalemant, on Roquemont's expedi- 
tion; but they were captured by Kirk (vol. iv., notes 20, 46), and the 
Jesuits were obliged to return to France. Frangois was rector of 
Bourges, and died there Apr. 10, 1665. A MS. written by him is 
cited by Sommervogel as in the archives of Ste. Genevieve, Paris — 
Annua litters Missionis Canadensis Societatis /esu, 166J-64 
(dated Feb. i, 1665). 

No information is available concerning the lay brother Louis Go- 
bert. Some writers seem to consider this name as a mere error for 
that of Ambroise Cauvet ; but both these names are mentioned by 
Le Jeune in the text (p. 301). 

41 (p. 227). — Isaac Jogues was born at Orleans, France, Jan. 10, 
1607. At the age of ten, he became a student in the Jesuit college 
just established at Orleans, and a novice in that order Oct. 24, 1624. 
at Rouen, where he was under the care of Louis Lalemant, a rela- C ^ ^~] 

tive of the missionaries of that name. His studies were pursued at 
Rouen, La Fleche, and Clermont; and he was ordained as a priest, 
early in 1636. In April of that year, he departed for Canada, in 
company with Chastellain, Gamier, Adam, Du March^, Ragueneau, 
and the lay brother Ambroise Cauvet (vol. viii., note 56); they came 
with the fleet that escorted Montraagny, Champlain's successor. 
Jogues went immediately to the Huron mission, and there labored 
six years — mainly at Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye. During this time, he, 
with Gamier (vol. viii., note 52), made an unsuccessful attempt to 
found a mission among the Tobacco tribe (vol. v., note 18). In Sep- 
tember, 1641, Jogues, with Charles Raymbault, made an expedition 
to Sault Ste. Marie, to visit the Chippewas there, and obtain infor- 
mation concerning that region. In June, 1642, they descended to 
Quebec, with a company of Hurons, to obtain supplies for their mis- 
sion. On the return journey, an ambushed band of Iroquois attacked 
the party, 31 miles above Three Rivers, and captured Jogues, the 
donnes Rene Goupil and Guillaume Couture, and several Huron con- 
verts. The captives were taken to the Mohawk villages, where they 
were cruelly tortured, and some burned alive ; Goupil was murdered, 
soon after; while Jogues and Couture were given to Indian families 
as slaves. In August, 1643, Jogues contrived to escape by the aid of 
the Dutch commandant at Rensselaerswyck (also called Fort 
Orange; now Albany), and of Jan Megapolensis, a Protestant " dom- 
inie;" and on Nov. 5 he left New Amsterdam (New York) on a 
Dutch vessel, — arriving, after many hardships and dangers, at the 
Jesuit college in Rennes, Jan. 5, 1644. 


In the following spring, he returned to the Canadian mission, and 
was stationed at Montreal. For three years past, the Iroquois had 
been especially hostile and dangerous, and their incursions con- 
stantly harassed the French, and so terrified the Hurons and Algon- 
kins that they no longer dared come down the St. Lawrence for 
trade. July 5, 1644, a Mohawk embassy came to Three Rivers, to 
negotiate a treaty of peace ; they brought Couture, and restored him 
to the French. The treaty was concluded, after many delays; but 
it was not ratified until May, 1646, when Jogues and Jean Bourdon 
were sent to the Mohawks by Montmagny, for this purpose. Their 
commission was safely executed, and they returned to Quebec. In 
the following September, Jogues was again sent to the Mohawk 
country, by his superiors, to spend the winter there ; but the sav- 
ages had renewed their hostility to the French, and, captunng 
Jogues not far from Fort Richelieu (on the Sorel), they took him as 
a prisoner, with his companion Jean de la Lande, to the Mohawk 
town of Ossemenon (now Auriesville, N. Y. ). A council of the tribe 
decided to set the prisoners at liberty ; but they were treacherously 
assassinated (Oct. 18, 1646) by some fanatical members of the Bear 
clan of Mohawks (vol. \'iii., note 34). Information of this cruel mur- 
der was sent to Montmag^y by Wilhelm Kieft, then governor of New 
Netherlands. — See Martin's Le R. P. Isaac /agues (Paris, 1873); 
English translation by Shea, under the title. Life of Father Isaac 
Jogues (N. Y., 1885). 

Jogues wrote an account of the life and death of Ren6 Goupil ; 
and a description of the Dutch colonies on the Hudson, under the 
title Novum Belgium (to be reproduced in this series). These are 
translated by Shea, in Life of Jogues (ut supra). 

42 (p. 251). — The name Riviere des Prairies (vol. viii., note 25) 
was restricted to the south branch of the Ottawa at an early date, 
as may be seen by the description of the original seigniory of Terre- 
bonne, which was granted Dec. 23, 1673, to Daulier Deslandes — 
■'two leagues frontage upon the Riviere J6sus, formerly called 
Riviere des Prairies." This later name was evidently transferred 
from the Isle J6sus (at first known, during a few years, as Isle Mont- 
magny). In the autumn of 1672, this island was granted to Sieur 
Berthelot, a royal councilor and State officer of France; and the 
Riviere des Prairies to Jean Baptiste Le Gardeur, a grandson of 
Pierre (vol. viii., note 57), whose wife was Margfuerite Nicolet (vol. 
viii., note 29). 

43 (P- 259)- — La Perdrix : a chief of the Island tribe (vol. viii., 
note 22). 

44 (p. 271). — Apparently the second of the chiefs known to the 
French by the appellation " Le Borgne " (vol. N-iii., note 30). 


45 (p. s8i).— Louis de Saincte Foy (vol. v.. note 20) returned to 
his own nation, and rendered valuable aid to the missionaries in the 
Huron countr>'.— See Brebeuf s frequent mention of him in the Re- 
lation of 1635, and in this Relation, post. 

46 (p. 295).— See sketch of Nicolas Adam in vol. viii., note 55. 

47 (p. 301). — Georges d'Eudemare (according to Rochemonteix ; 
Daudemare. in the text; Dendemare, in four, des Jesuites; and 
D'Endemare, in Quebec edition of the Relations) had apparently 
joined Richard at the Ste. Anne (Cape Breton) mission about 1635 ; 
but he is not mentioned elsewhere in the Relations. According to 
/our. des /^suites, he was at Quebec in 1645, having returned from 
the abandoned Fort Richelieu (built in 1642 by Montmagny, as a 
defense against the Iroquois, at the mouth of the Richelieu or Sorel 
River) ; he is also mentioned several times in the Journal, as taking 
part in important consultations at the headquarters of the mission 
in Quebec, and (May, 1648) as present at negotiations with the Iro- 
quois, at Montreal. 

^Uieb JSocumente 

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents 

Travels and Explorations 

OF THE Jesuit [Missionaries 

IN New France 




Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin 

Vol. X 

HURONS : 1636 



New York 







Assistant Editor 

Reuben Gold Thwaites 
' FiNLON Alexander 
Percy Favor Bicknell 
William Frederic Giese 
Crawford Lindsay 
William Price 
Emma Helen Blair 

Bibliographical Adviser Victor Hugo Paltsits 


Preface to Volume X . . . i 

Document: — 

XXVI. Relation de ce qui s'est passe en la Nov- 
velle France, en I'annee 1636. [Part 
II., being Brebeuf's Relation of the 
Hurons for this year, originally pub- 
lished as an appendix to Le Jeune's 
Relation of i6j6, and thus complet- 
ing the document.] Jean de Brtfbeuf; 
Ihonatiria, July 16, 1636 . 5 

Notes . . • 319 


I. Map showing sites of Huron Missions, by 

Andrew F. Hunter, of Barrie, Ont. Facing 319 


Following is a synopsis of the third and final in- 
stallment of Document XXVI., contained in the pres- 
ent volume : 

XXVI. In the Preface to Vol. VIII. , we explained 
that the Relation of 1636, like many others of the 
series, is a composite. Part I. is a general report to 
the provincial of the Jesuits, at Paris, upon the prog- 
ress and condition of the missions in New France, in 
1636, from the pen of the superior, Le Jeune; Part 
II. consists of a specific Relation, addressed to the 
latter by Brebeuf, of the mission to the Hurons for 
this year. In Vols. VIII. and IX. were presented Le 
Jeune 's Relation proper, the present volume being 
devoted to Brebeuf 's Huron Relation, thus completing 
the document. 

As usual, Brebeuf commences his annual letter 
by describing " the conversion, baptism, and happy 
death of some Hurons." During the year, the mis- 
sionaries in that far-away field have baptized eighty- 
six savages, — an encouraging gain over the fourteen 
who were ' ' rescued from the service of the devil ' ' 
during the first year of their labors. Their great 
hope is in the conversion of the children, who, they 
report, show surprising aptitude and willingness 
to learn the doctrines of the Christian faith; and, 
through them, many parents have been reached. 

At a council of the Huron chiefs, Brebeuf produces 

-fl-, r,\ 


letters from Champlain and Duplessis-Bochart, who 
exhort the tribesmen to follow the teaching of the 
missionaries, and embrace Christianity ; to emphasize 
this advice, and in accordance with the custom of the 
country, he ' ' presents to the assembly a collar of 
twelve hundred beads of Porcelain, telling them that 
it was given to smooth the difficulties of the road to 
Paradise. ' ' 
\~^ The writer describes the unusual and intense 
drought which prevailed throughout Canada, in the 
spring and early summer of 1635. The Huron coun- 
try, being sandy, is especially affected, and is threat- 
ened with a total failure of the crops. The ' ' sorcer- 

"ers, " or medicine men, practice all their arts to bring 
rain, but without success, and attribute their failure 
to the cross erected by the missionaries. The latter, 
as a last resort, appeal to their patron saints; and 
abundant rains are secured, — in June, by a novena 
of masses in honor of St. Joseph; and in August, by 
another novena for St. Ignace. The result is a plenti- 
ful harvest, which increases the good will of the sav- 

j^ages toward the black gowns. 

I The Hurons are in constant dread of hostile incur- 
sions from the Iroquois ; the missionaries promise to 
assist them in such emergencies, and instruct them 
how to improve the fortifications around their vil- 
lages; for this, the Hurons are duly grateful. 

In August, Mercier and Pijart arrive from Que- 
bec, — a welcome reinforcement. Many details of 
missionary work are given, — journeys, instructions, 
debates with Indians, conversions, baptisms, etc. 
Louis de Sainte-Foi (Amantacha), who had been 
educated in France during 1626-28, is praised for 
his intelligence, fidelity, and Christian character; 


and he greatly aids the labors of the missionaries. 

An embassy of Island savages (from the Allu- 
mettes) visits the Hurons, attempting, but in vain, 
to incite them to an attack on the Iroquois. Br6- 
beuf takes this opportunity to win, for himself and 
his brethren, the friendship of these Islanders, — giv- 
ing them a canoe and other presents. 

For the benefit of those of his brethren in France 
who desire to undertake missionary work in the Hu- 
ron country, Br^beuf recounts the many perils of the 
journey hither, and the annoyances and dangers to 
which apostles of the faith are continually exposed 
among the savages ; but he offers much encourage- 
ment and consolation to those who are willing, never- 
theless, to brave all obstacles, and to devote them- 
selves to the conversion of the natives. . 

The missionaries are compiling a grammar and \ 
dictionary of the Huron dialect ; and Brebeuf devotes 
a chapter to the peculiarities of this tongue. -A 

The second part of this Relation, is occupied by a ^ 
minute account of " the beliefs, manners, and cus- 
toms of the Hurons," — their myths of Deity and 
creation ; their notions regarding the nature of man's 
soul, and its condition after death : their worship of 
the sky, and of demons ; their superstitions, and faith j 
in dreams ; their feasts and dances ; their games, and ' 
the general habit of gambling. Then are described, 
at length, the tricks of medicine men; the national | 
characteristics of the Huron tribes; their customs, 
both in peace and war; their councils and oratory; 
and, finally, their solemn feast of the dead, — at 
which ghastly ceremony, once in twelve years, the ^^^"^^ 
corpses of all who have died during that time receive ' 
a public and common burial. _ - 


Br^beuf closes his account with an expression of 
much hope for the future success of their labors, — 
mingled, however, with fear lest these savage neo- 
phytes may grow restive when placed under gfreater 
restrictions on their moral and social conduct, than 
have thus far seemed advisable to the cautious mis- 

The translation of Br^beuf 's portion of the Relation 
of 1636, contained in the present volume, was made 
by the late James McFie Hunter, M. A., of Barrie, 

R. G. T. 

Madison, Wis., October, 1897. 

XXVI (concluded) 

Le Jeune's Relation, 1636 


Part 1. (Le Jeune's own Relation) appeared in Volumes 
VIII., IX. The present installment, which closes the docu- 
ment, is Part II., consisting of Br^beuf's annual report on 
the Huron mission. 


[I] Relation de ce qui s'efl paffe dans le Pays 
des Hvrons en I'annee 1636. 

Enuoyie a Kibec au R. P. Paul le leune Superieur de la Miffion 
de la Compagnie de Iesvs, en la Nouuelle France. 

MON Reverend Pere, 
Ayant appris, tant par vos lettres, que par 
le recit des Peres, qui arriuerent heureufe- 
ment I'an palT6, comme I'ancienne France brufle de 
tres-ardens defirs pour la Nouuelle ; que noflre R. P. 
General cherit cette Miffion comme la prunelle de 
fes yeux; que le P. Prouincial s'y porte de tout fon 
coeur; que le feu eft fi grand dans nos Colleges, qu'il 
eft plus difficile d'appaifer les [2] larmes de ceux 
qu'on ^conduit, & aufquels on refufe de nous venir 
ayder, que de trouuer des ouuriers; qu'vne infinite 
de perfonnes Relig[i]eufes & feculieres, offrent conti- 
nuellement h. Dieu leurs prieres & leurs vceux pour 
la conuerfion des pauures Barbares de tout ce pays, 
& qu'en la Maifon de Montmartre, fans parler des 
autres, il y a inceffamment nuict & iour vne Reli- 
gieufe proftern6e deuant le S. Sacrement, qui prie k 
cefte intention : Tout cela nous fait croire & efperer, 
que Dieu veut maintenant ouurir les threfors de fes 
graces & faueurs deffus ces pauures Peuples, & leur 
deffiller les yeux de I'ame pour cognoiftre la verity. 
Car il n'inciteroit pas tant de denotes perfonnes k de- 
mander, s'il n'auoit enuie de les exaucer: loint que 
nous f^auons que la peuplade de Kebec fe va grande- 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELA TION, 1636 

[I] Relation of what occurred in the Country of 
the Hurons in the year 1636. 

Sent to Kibec to Reverend Father Paul le Jeune, Superior of the 
Mission of the Society of Jesus, in New France. 

MY Reverend Father, 
Having learned from your letters, and 
from the statements of the Fathers who ar- 
rived here fortunately last year, how old France is 
burning with ardent desires for the New ; that our 
Reverend Father General cherishes this Mission as 
the apple of his eye ; that the Father Provincial is 
inclined to it with his whole heart ; that the ardor in 
our Colleges is so great that it is more difficult to 
check the [2] tears of those who are turned away, and 
refused permission to come to our assistance, than to 
find those who will work ; that a very great number 
of persons, Religious and secular, are continually 
offering their prayers and their vows to God for the 
conversion of the poor Barbarians of this whole coun- 
try; and that in the House of Montmartre, not to 
speak of others, a Nun is prostrated night and day 
before the Holy Sacrament, praying for this result ; 
all this makes us hope and believe that God will now 
open the treasures of his grace and favor upon these 
poor Peoples, and unseal the eyes of their souls to 
know the truth. For he would not incite so many 
devout persons to ask, if he had not the inclination to 
grant their prayers. Besides, we learn that the colo- 
ny of Kebec is rapidly increasing, through the efforts 


ment multipliant par les foins de Meffieurs les Affo- 
ciez de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France, qui n'ef- 
pargnent rien de leur coft^ ; & que nous efperons que 
le bon exemple de nos Fran9ois feruira grandement, 
tant ^ ramaffer & encourager les Sauuages errants, & 
faineants au trauail, qu'k les porter k vouloir faire 
pour Dieu ce qu'ils verront eflre faifable. Outre 
que ie puis dire [3] auec raifon, que fi la diuine Bonte 
continue h. r^pandre fes faueurs & benedictios fur nos 
Hurons, & fur nous, qui les cultiuons, ainfl comme 
elle a fait depuis noftre arriu^e, il faut dans [sans] 
doute attendre icy vn iour vne plantureufe moillon 
des ames. Ce n'efl pas qu'il n'y ait parmy ces Peu- 
ples beaucoup d'erreurs, de fuperftitions, de vices, & 
de tres-mauuaifes couflumes ^ dferaciner, encore plus 
que nous ne nous eflions figurez au commencement, 
ainll qu'il fe verra au cours de cefte Relation. Mais 
auec Dieu rien n'eft impoffible ; c'efl par fon ayde que 
nous auons defia plant6 la Croix parmy cefle Barba- 
rie, & que nous commen9os & continuerons, s'il luy 
plaift, h. publier le nom & les merueilles de celuy, 
qui par la Croix a rachet6 le monde. Mais en voila 
affez en general, il faut defcendre plus en particu- 
lier; ce que ie feray volontiers, & amplement, vous 
affeurant que ie n'auanceray rien que ie n'aye veu 
moy-mefme, ou que ie n'aye appris de perfonnes 
dignes de foy. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 9 

of Messieurs the Associates of the Company of New 
France, who spare no pains on their side; and we 
hope the good example of our Frenchmen will greatly 
aid not only to bring together and encourage to work 
the idle and wandering Savages, but to incite them 
to do for God what they shall find practicable. 
Moreover, I can say [3] with reason that if divine 
Goodness continues to scatter his favors and blessings 
on our Hurons, and on us who labor among them, 
as freely as he has done since our arrival, we ought, 
without doubt, to expect here some day an abundant 
harvest of souls. It is true, there are among these 
Tribes many errors, superstitions, vices, and utterly 
evil customs to uproot, — more than we had imagined 
at first, as will be seen in the course of this Relation ; 
but with God. nothing is impossible. It is by his aid 
that we have already planted the Cross in the midst 
of this Barbarism, and are beginning and will con- 
tinue, if it please him, to make known the name and 
marvelous works of him who by the Cross has re- 
deemed the world. But enough has been said in a 
general way; it is time to enter into particulars, 
which I shall willingly and fully do, assuring you 
that I shall state nothing that I have not seen myself 
or have not learned from persons worthy of credence. 


[4] Premiere Partie. 





1L y en a eu cefle ann^e quatrevingts fix de bapti- 
fez, aufquels ioignant les quatorze de I'ann^e 
pafft^e, ce font en tout cent, que nous croyons 
eftre fortis de la feruitude du diable en ce pays de- 
puis noflre retour. De ce nobre Dieu en a appell6 
dix au Ciel, fix en bas aage, & quatre plus aduancez. 
L'vn d'iceux nom^ Frangois SangHati eftoit Capitaine 
de noftre village; il efloit naturellement bon, & con- 
fentit tres volontiers a eftre inflruit, & receuoir le S. 
Baptefme, qu'il auoit auparauant loii^ & approuu^ en 
autruy. I'admiray la douce Prouidence de Dieu en 
la conuerfion d'vne femme, qui eft I'vne des quatre 
decedez; laquelle ie baptifay [5] cet Automne au vil- 
lage de Scanonaenrat, en retournant de la maifon de 
Louys de faincte Foy, ou nous eftions allez inftruire 
fes parens. La furdit6 de cefte malade, & la profon- 
deur des myfteres que ie luy propofois, faifoit qu'elle 
ne m'entendoit pas fufi&famment, ioinct que I'accent 
de cefte Nation, vn peu different de celuy des Ours 
oil nous fommes, mefme mon ignorance en la langue, 
accroifToient la diflficulte, & me rendoient moins intel- 
ligible. Mais Noftre Seigneur qui vouloit fauuer 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 U 

[4] Part First. 




DURING the present year, eighty-six have been 
baptized, and, adding to these the fourteen of 
last year, there are a hundred souls in all who, 
we believe, have been rescued from the service of 
the devil in this country since our return. Of this 
number God has called ten to Heaven, — six while they 
were young, and four more advanced in age. One 
of these, named Fran9ois Sangwati, was Captain of 
our v-illage. He had a naturally good disposition, 
and consented very willingly to be instructed and to 
receive Holy Baptism, a course he had previously 
praised and approved in others. I admired the ten- 
der Providence of God in the conversion of a woman, 
who is one of the four deceased. I baptized her [5] 
this Autumn at the village of Scanoiiacnrat,^ when re- 
turning from the house of Louys de saincte Foy, 
where we had gone to instruct his parents. The 
deafness of this sick woman, and the depths of the 
mysteries I brought to her notice, prevented her 
from sufificiently understanding me; and, besides, 
the accent of that Nation is a little different from 
that of the Bears, with whom we live. My own im- 
perfect acquaintance with the language rendered me 


cede ame, nous pourueut incontinent d'vn ieune 
home, lequel nous feruit de truchement. II s'efloit 
trouu^ auec nous en la Cabane de Louys, & nous 
auoit ouy difcourir de nos myfteres, de forte qu'il en 
polledoit defia vne bonne partie, & conceuoit fort 
bien ce que ie luy difois. On dit que cefte femme qui 
fut nomm^e Marie, dans fes plus grandes foibleffes, 
predit qu'elle ne mourroit de huict iours; ce qui 

lis ne recherchent prefque le Baptefme que pour 
la fant^. Nous tafchons de purifier cefte intention, 
& les difpofer k receuoir 6galement de la main de 
Dieu la maladie & la fante, la mort & la vie, & leurs 
enfeignons que les eaux viuifiantes du S. [6] Bap- 
tefme, nous conferent principalement la vie de I'ame, 
& non celle du corps. Cependant ils ont cefte opi- 
nion fi fort imprim^e, que les baptifez, nommement 
les enfans, ne font plus maladifs, qu'ils Tauront tatoft 
diuulguee & publi^e par tout, de forte qu'on nous 
apporte plufieurs enfans k baptifer de deux, de trois, 
voire mefmes de fept lieues. 

Au refte la diuine Bont^, qui agit en nous fuiuant 
la mefure de la Foy, a conferu^ iufques k prefent ces 
petits enfans en bonne fante : de forte que la mort de 
ceux qui font decedez, a eft^ attribuee aux maladies 
incurables & defefper6es dont ils efloient malades 
auparauant, & fi quelqu'autre a efle par fois atteint 
de quelque petite maladie, les parens bien qu'encores 
infideles, I'ont rapport6e h. la negligence & au mef- 
pris qu'ils ont fait paroiftre au feruice de Dieu. 

II y a en noftre village vne petite fiUe Chreftienne 
nomm6e Louyf e, laquelle k fix mois a commence a mar- 
cher toute feule : les parens aileurent n'auoir encor 

1636] LEJEUNE-S RELATION. 1636 13 

Still less intelligible, and increased my difficulties. 
But Our Lord, who willed to save this soul, immedi- 
ately sent us a young man, who served us as inter- 
preter. He had been with us in the Cabin of Louys, 
and had heard us talking of our mysteries, so that 
he already knew a considerable part of them, and 
understood very well what I said. It is said that this 
woman, who was named Marie, in the midst of her 
greatest weakness foretold that she would not die for 
eight days ; and so it happened. 

They seek Baptism almost entirely as an aid to 
health. We try to purify this intention, and to lead 
them to receive from the hand of God alike sickness 
and health, death and life; and teach them that the 
life-giving waters of Holy [6] Baptism principally im- 
part life to the soul, and not to the body. However, 
they have the opinion so deeply rooted that the bap- 
tized, especially the children, are no longer sickly, 
that soon they will have spread it abroad and pub- 
lished it everywhere. The result is that they are 
now bringing us children to baptize from two, three, 
yes, even seven leagues away. _ 

Moreover, the divine Goodness which acts in us f 
according to the measure of our Faith, has thus far 
preserved these little ones in good health ; so that 
the death of those who have passed away has been 
attributed to incurable and hopeless maladies con- 
tracted beforehand ; and, if another has occasionally 
suffered from some trifling ailment, the parents, al- 
though still unbelieving, have attributed it to the 
neglect and irreverence they have shown toward the ' 
service of God. 

There is in our village a little Christian girl named 
Louyse, who at six months began to walk alone ; the 


rien veu de femblable, & I'attribuent k I'efficace du 
S. Baptefme. Vn autre nous difoit vn iour auec 
beaucoup de ioye, que fon petit [7] gargon, qui eitoit 
prefque toufiours malade, & comme tout etique auant 
le Baptefme, s'eftoit du depuis parfaictement bien 
port6. Cecy fuffira pour monftrer comme Noflre 
Seigneur va leur imprimant vne grande opinion de ce 
diuin Sacrement ; laquelle fe fortifie par la bonne & 
entiere fante que Dieu nous donne, & qu'il a toufiours 
donnee k tous les Fran9ois qui ont efl6 en ce pays: 
car, difent-ils, c'eft merueille qu'horfmis vn feul qui 
eft mort icy de fa mort naturelle, tous les autres, de- 
puis vingt-cinq ans ou enuiron qu'on y hante, n'ayent 
quafi pas Qii€ malades. 

De tout cecy on pourra facilement recueillir I'eflat 
prefent du Chriflianifme naiffant en ce pays, & I'ef- 
perance du futur. Deux ou trois chofes y feruiront 
encor. La premiere eft la methode que nous tenons 
k I'inftruction des Sauuages. Nous affemblons les 
hommes le plus fouuent que nous pouuons, car leurs 
confeils, leurs feflins, leurs ieux, & leurs danfes ne 
nous permettent pas de les auoir icy h. toute heure, 
ny tous les iours. Nous auons ^gard particulierement 
aux Anciens, d'autant que ce font eux qui determi- 
nent & decident des affaires, & tout fe fait fuiuant 
leurs aduis. [8] Tous viennent volontiers nous en- 
tendre, tous vniuerfellement difent qu'ils ont enuie 
d'aller au Ciel, & qu'ils redoutent ces braifes ardentes 
de I'enfer : ils n'ont quafi rien k nous repliquer, nous 
fouhaitterions quelquesfois qu'ils propofafTent plus de 
doutes, ce qui nous donneroit toufiours plus d'occafio 
de leur d^chiffrer par le menu nos faincts Myfleres. 
En verity les Comandemens de Dieu font tres-iuftes 

1836] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION. 1636 15 

parents declare they have seen nothing like it, and 
attribute it to the efficacy of Holy Baptism. Another 

"person told us one day, with great delight, that his 
little [7] boy, who had always been sick and much 
emaciated before Baptism, had been very well since 
then. This will suffice to show how Our Lord is in- ; 
spiring them with a high opinion of this divine Sac-j 
rament, which is strengthened by the perfect health 
God gives us, and which he has given to all the 
French who have been in this country; for, they 
say, it is very strange that, except a single man who 
died here from natural causes, all the others, during 
the twenty-five years or thereabout in which the 
French have been frequenting this region, have 
scarcely ever been sick. 

From all this may be easily gathered the present 
state of the young Christianity of this country, and 
the hope for the future. Two or three things be- 
sides will help to the same end. The first is the 
method we pursue in the instruction of the Savages. 
We gather together the men as often as we can ; for 
their councils, their feasts, their games, and their 
dances do not permit us to have them here at any 
hour, nor every day. We_pay especial attention to, 
the Old Men, inasmuch as they are the ones who de- 

~fermine and decide all matters, and everything is 
ordered by their advice. [8] All come willingly to 
hear us ; all, without exception, say they have a de- 
sire to go to Heaven and fear the fiery torments of 
hell. They have hardly anything to answer us 
with ; we could wish sometimes that they would bring 
forward more objections, which would always afford 
us better opportunity to explain our holy Mysteries 
in detail. Of a truth, the Commandments of God 


& tres-raifonnables, & ceux Xk doiuent eftre moins 
qu'hommes qui y trouuent ^ redire; car nos Hurons 
qui n'ont encor que la lumiere naturelle, les ont trou- 
u6 fi beaux, & G conformes k la raifon, qu'apres en 
auoir ouy I'explication, ils difoient par admiration ca 
chia att^ain aa arrihUaa, certes voila des affaires d'im- 
portance, & dignes d'eftre propof6es dans des con- 
feils ; ils difent la verity, ils ne difent rien hors de 
propos, nous n'auons iamais entendu de tels difcours. 
Entre autres chofes qui leur ont fait auoiier la verity 
d'vn Dieu, Createur, Gouuemeur & Confeniateur de 
toutes chofes, fut I'exemple que ie leur apportay de 
I'enfant cogeu dans le ventre de la mere. Car qui 
eft-ce, difois-ie, Qn5 Dieu, qui organife le corps de 
cet enfant, qui d'vne mefme matiere [9] forme le 
coeur, le foye, le poulmon, bref vne infinie variety de 
membres £i neceffaires, & tous fi bien proportionnez & 
ioints les vns auec les autres: ce n'efl pas le pere, car 
ces merueilles s'accompliffent en fon abfence, & quel- 
quesfois apres fa mort. Ce n'eft non plus la mere, 
car elle ne fgait ce qui fe paffe dedans fon ventre : 
que fi c'efl le pere ou la mere qui forment ce corps k 
difcretion, pourquoy n'engendrent-ils vn fils ou vne 
fille quand ils veulent? pourquoy ne produifent-ils des 
enfans beaux, grands, forts & adroits. Et fi les pa- 
rens donnent I'ame k leurs enfans? pourquoy ne leur 
departent-ils k tous de grands efprits, vne heureufe 
memoire, & toutes fortes de belles & loiiables quali- 
tez, veu qu'il n'y a perfonne qui ne defiraft auoir de 
tels enfans, s'il efloit en fon pouuoir? A cela nos 
Hurons s'eflonnent, & n'ayant que refpondre, ils c6- 
f client que nous difons la verity, & qu'en effet il y a 
vn Dieu, que d'orefnauant ils le veulent recognoiflre. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 17 

are very just and reasonable, and they must be less 
than men who find therein anything to censure. 
Our Hurons, who have as yet only the light of nature, 
have found them so noble, so agreeable to reason, 
that after having heard the explanation of them they 
would say, in admiration, ca chia attwain aa arrihwaa, 
" Certainly these are important matters, and worthy of 
being discussed in our councils ; they speak the truth, 
they say nothing but what is to the purpose; we_^ 
have never heard such discourse." Among other H 
things which made them acknowledge the truth of i 
one God, Creator, Governor, and Preserver of all 
things, was the illustration I employed of the child 
conceived in its mother's womb. " Who," said I, 
" but God forms the body of this child; who out of 
one and the same material [9] forms the heart, the 
liver, the lungs, — in short, an infinite variety of 
members, all necessary, all well-proportioned, and 
joined one to another? Not the father, for these 
wonders take place in his absence, and sometimes 
after his death. Nor is it the mother, for she does not 
know what takes place in her womb. If it be the 
father or the mother that forms this body at discre- 
tion, why is not a son or a daughter begotten at will? 
Why do they not produce children, handsome, tall, 
strong, and active ? And, if parents give the soul to 
their children, why do they not impart to all of them 
great minds, a retentive memory, and all sorts of 
noble and praiseworthy qualities, seeing that there is 
no one who would not desire to have such children 
if this were in his power?" To all this the Hurons, 
full of wonder, make no reply. They confess that 
we speak the truth, and that indeed there is a God ; 
they declare that henceforth they will recognize, 


le feruir & honorer, defirans d'eftre promptement in- 
ftruits, de forte qu"ils demandent que nous leur faflions 
tous les iours le Catechifme : mais come i'ay deCa 
dit, leur[s] occupations & diuertiffemens ne le per- 
mettent pas. 

[lo] Outre cela, la conformity de tous les poincts de 
la Doctrine Chreftienne leur plaift meraeilleufement ; 
car, difent-ils, vous parlez conform^ment, & toufiours 
confecutiuement ^ ce que nous auez dit; vous n'ex- 
trauaguez point; vous ne dites rie hors de propos, 
mais nous autres nous parlos k I'^tourdy, fans fgauoir 
ce que nous difons. C'eft le propre de la fauffet^ de 
s'ebaraffer dans vne infinite de contradictions. 

Le mal efl, qu'ils font fi attachez ^ leurs vieilles 
couftumes, que cognoifsat la beauts de la verit6 ils fe 
contentent de I'approuuer fans I'embrafler. Leur r6- 
pofe ordinaire eft, oniondechHten, la couftume de nollre 
pais efl telle. Nous auons combattu cefle excufe, & 
la leur auons ofl6e de la bouche, mais non encores du 
coeur ; noftre Seigneur le fera quand il luy plaira. 

C'eft ainQ que nous agiflons auec les Anciens; car 
pour autant que les femmes & les enfans nous cau- 
foient beaucoup de trouble, nous auons trouu^ cefle 
inuention, qui nous reiiffit affez bien: le P. Antoine 
Daniel, & les autres Peres vont tous les iours par 
toutes les Cabanes enfeigner aux enfans, foit baptifez 
ou non, la doctrine Chreflienne, fgauoir efl le Ggne 
de la Croix, [ii] le Pater, I'Aue, le Credo, les Com- 
mandemens de Dieu, I'Oraifon ^ I'Ange Gardien, & 
autres brief ues prieres; le tout en leur langue, pource 
que ces Peuples ont vne ineptitude naturelle d'en ap- 
prendre vne autre. 

Les Dimanches nous affemblons toute cefle ieu- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 19 

serve, and honor him ; and, desiring to be promptly 
instructed, they ask us to teach them the Catechism 
every day ; but, as I have said, their occupations and 
amusements do not permit that. - — 

[10] Moreover, the harmony of all points of Chris- 
tian Doctrine pleases them wonderfully; "For," they 
say, " you always speak connectedly, and consistent- 
ly with what you have said ; you never wander off, 
you never speak save to the purpose ; we, on the con- 
trary, speak heedlessly, not knowing what we say." 
It is a characteristic of falsehood to embarrass itself 
in a multitude of contradictions. 

The evil is, they are so attached to their old cus- 
toms that, knowing the beauty of truth, they are 
content to approve it without embracing it. Their 
usual reply is, oniondcchotiten, " ^uch is the_^custom 
of our country. ' ' We have fought this excuse and _ 
have taken it from their mouths, biit not yet from 
their hearts; our Lord will do that when it shall 
please him. 

Thus, then, we deal with the Old Men. As the 
women and children caused us much trouble, we 
have hit upon this plan, which succeeds fairly well. 
Father Antoine DanTel and the other Fathers go 
every day through the Cabins, teaching the children, 
whether baptized or not, Christian doctrine, — name- 
ly, the sign of the Cross, [11] the Pater, the Ave, the 
Credo, the Commandments of God, the Prayer to the 
Guardian Angel, and other brief prayers, all in their 
own tongue, because these Peoples have a natural 
inaptitude for learning any other. 

Qn Sundays, we assemble all these young people 
twice in our Cabin, which serves as a Chapel. In 
the morning we get them to assist at Mass, even 



neffe par deux fois das noflre Cabane qui nous fert 
de Chappelle. Le matin nous les faifons aflifler k la 
Meffe iufques k I'offertoire ; deuant laquelle nous fai- 
fons folemnellement I'eau benifte, puis ie leur fais 
dire k tous enfemble apres moy le Pater, I'Aue, & 
autres prieres qu'ils f9auent. L'aprefdin6e ie leur 
propofe quelque petite demande du Catecbifme, & 
leur fais rendre compte de ce qu'ils out appris pendant 
la femaine, donnant h chacun quelque petit prix fe- 
lon fon merite. 

Cefle methode coniointe auec ces petites recom- 
penfes a des effects incroyables: car premierement 
cela a allum^ parmy tous les enfans vn d grand defir 
d'apprendre, qu'il n'y en a point du tout, pourueu 
qu'ils f9achent tant foit peu beguayer, qui ne vueillent 
eftre inflruits, & comme ils font quafi tous d'vn affez 
bon efprit, c'efl auec vn grand progrez; car mefme 
ils [12] s'inflruifent les vns les autres. 

Ie ne fjaurois dire le contentement & la confolation 
que nous donne cefle petite ieunefle, quand nous con- 
fiderons leurs Peres plongez encor dans leurs fuperfti- 
tions, quoy qu'ils recognoillent fufl&famment la verit6. 
II nous vient en penf^e de craindre que Dieu irrit6 
par leurs pecbez ne les ayt rebutez encor pour vn 
temps ; car pour les enfans fans doute il leur tend les 
bras, & les attire k foy; I'ardeur qu'ils tefmoignent k 
apprendre ce qui regarde le deuoir d'vn Chreflien 
nous empefche d'en douter; les plus petits fe vien- 
nent letter entre nos bras quand nous allons par les 
Cabanes, & ne fe font point prier pour dire & eflre 
inflruits. Le P. Daniel a trouu6 I'inuention d'appai- 
fer vn petit enfant, quand il le trouue pleurant entre 
les bras de fa mere ; qui efl de luy faire faire le figne 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 21 

to the offertory, before which we solemnly bless the 
holy water ; then I make them say all together, after 
me, the Pater, the Ave, and other prayers they know. 
In the afternoon I propose to them some little ques- 
tion from the Catechism, and make them give ac- 
count of what they have learned during the week, 
giving to each some little prize according to his merit. 

This method, along with the little rewards, has 
wonderful results. For, in the first place, it has 
kindled among all the children so great a desire to 
learn that there is not even one who, if it can stam- 
mer out words at all, does not desire to be instructed; 
and, as they are almost all fairly intelligent, they 
make rapid progress, for they even [12] teach one 

I cannot tell you the satisfaction and consolation 
these little children give us. When we consider 
their Fathers, still plunged in their superstitions, 
although recognizing sufficiently the truth, we are 
afraid that God, provoked by their sins, has rejected 
them for a time ; but, as for the children, without 
doubt he holds out his arms to them and draws them 
to himself. The eagerness they show to learn the 
duties of a Christian keeps us from doubting it. The 
smallest ones throw themselves into our arms, as we 
pass through the Cabins, and do not require to be 
urged to talk and to learn. Father Daniel hit upon 
the plan of quieting a little child, crying in its 
mother's arms, by having it make the sign of the 
Cross. And indeed, one day when I had just been 
teaching the Catechism to them in our Cabin, this 
child made us laugh ; its mother was carrying it in 
her arms, and was going out; but, as soon as she 
reached the door, it began to cry so that she was com- 


de la Croix : Et de fait, vn iour que ie venois de leur 

faire le Catechifme en noftre Cabane ; cat enfant nous 

fit lire : fa mere le portoit entre fes bras, & s'en al- 

loit, mais elle ne fut pas fi toft fur le feiiil de la porte 

qu'il fe prit h. pleurer, de forte qu'elle fut contrainte 

de rentrer; elle luy demande ce qu'il auoit, Que ie 

recommence, [13] dit-il, que ie recommence, ie veux 

encor dire. Ie luy fis done faire derechef le figne de 

la Croix, & il fe prit incontinent k rire, & a fauter 

d'aife. I' ay veu le mefme vne autrefois pleurer bien 

fort pour auoir eu le doigt froiffe, cependant s'appai- 

fer, & rire, auffi-toft qu'on luy euft fait faire le figne 

de la Croix. Ie m'ellend volontiers fur ce fuiet, ne 

doutant point que les bonnes ames ne prennent plai- 

fir d'entendre toutes ces particularitez ; dans les com- 

mencemens de cefte Eglife naifl^ante, que pouuons 

nous raconter finon les begayemens de nos enfans 

fpirituels? Nous auons vne petite fille entre autres 

nomee Marie Aoefii^a, qui n'a point fa pareille ; vous 

diriez que tout fon contentement foit de faire le figne 

de la Croix, & de dire fon Pater & Aue, h peine auons 

nous mis le pied dans fa Cabane, qu'elle quitte tout 

pour prier Dieu. Quand nous affemblons les enfans 

pour la priere ou pour le Catechifme, elle fe trouue 

toufiours des premieres, & y accourt plus gayement 

que plufieurs ne feroient au ieu; elle ne bouge de 

chez nous, & ne fe lafl!e point de faire le figne de la 

Croix, & de dire & redire cinquante fois le iour le 

Pater & Aue; elle le fait faire aux autres, & vn de nos 

[14] Frangois eftant arriue de nouueau; pour tout 

compliment, elle luy prift la main, & luy fit faire le 

figne de la Croix. Souuent elle fe trouue dans la 

campagne quand nos Peres y recitent leur Office elle 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 23 

pelled to turn back. She asked it what was the mat- 
ter. " Let me begin again," [13] it said, " let me 
begin again, I want to say more." I then got it to 
make again the sign of the Cross, and it immediately 
began to laugh and to jump for joy. I saw the same 
child, another time, crying hard because it had had 
its finger frozen; but it quieted down and laughed, 
as soon as they had it make the sign of the Cross. I 
dwell willingly upon this matter, as I am sure pious 
souls take pleasure in hearing all these particulars. 
In the beginnings of this infant Church, what can we 
speak about if not the stammerings of our spiritual 
children? We have one little girl, among others, 
named Marie Aoesiwa, who has not her equal. Her 
whole satisfaction seems to be in making the sign of 
the Cross and in saying her Pater and Ave. Scarcely 
have we set foot in her Cabin, when she leaves every- 
thing to pray to God. When we assemble the chil- 
dren for prayers or for Catechism, she is always 
among the first, and hastens there more cheerfully 
than many would to play. She does not stir from 
our Cabin, and does not omit making the sign of the 
Cross, and saying over and over fifty times a day the 
Pater and Ave. She gets others to do the same ; and, 
one of our [14] Frenchman having newly come, her 
only greeting was to take his hand, and have him 
make the sign of the Cross. Often she is in the 
field when our Fathers recite their Office there ; she 
stands in the road, and, almost every time they re- 
turn, she begins to make the sign of the Cross, and 
to pray to God in- a loud voice. 

Another little girl named Catherine had often been 
wayward about receiving instruction, and so had not 
been rewarded like the others. Some days afterward. 


fe tient dans le chemin, & prefque autant de fois 
qu'ils fe retoument, elle fe met k faire le figne de la 
Croix, & 'k prier Dieu k haute voix. 

Vne autre petite notnmee Catherine, auoit fait fou- 
uent la difl&cile ^ fe faire inflruire, & en fuite n'auoit 
point eft6 recompenfee comma les autres: quelques 
iours apres vne uenne compagne I'amena ^ vn des 
noftres, luy faifant accroire qu'elle efloit toute difpo- 
fee "k dire ; mais quand ce fut au fait & au prendre, 
elle fit ^ I'ordinaire ; alors cefle petite qui I'auoit ame- 
nee fe mift en humeur, & employa toute fa petite 
rhetorique naturelle pour luy d6ferrer les levTes, & 
la faire parler, tantoft vfant de menaces, tantofl luy 
faifant efperer quelque recompenfe de moy, £i elle 
difoit bien, & fit G bien qu'elle en vint k bout au grand 
contentement de celuy des noflres qui I'efcoutoit. 

Vn autre bien qu'apporte cefle practique conforme 
^ noflre Inftitut, eft que les grads mefmes demeurent 
[deviennent] par ce moyen inftruits; [15] car le defir 
que les peres & meres ont que leurs enfans foient 
loiiez & recompenfez de quelque prix, fait qu'ils s'in- 
ftruifent eux-mefmes pour inftruire leurs enfans ; par- 
ticulierement beaucoup de grandes filles prennent 
plaifir k imiter les petites. Quand elles retoument 
du bois, fouuent elles s'arreftent au premier de nos 
Peres qu'elles rencontrent, & luy difent ta arrihUaiens- 
tan fen, enfeigne moy ie te prie, & quoy qu'elles 
foient bien chargees, elles ne font point contentes 
qu'on ne leur ait fait dire le Pater & VAue. Quelques- 
fois mefmes elles nous preuiennent, & de fi loin 
qu'elles apper9oiuent quelqu'vn de nous autres, elles 
fe mettent k dire ce qu'elles fgauent. Quelle confo- 
lation d'entendre retentir ces campagnes du nom de 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. i6s6 25 

one of her companions brought her t-^ one of our Fa- 
thers, giving him to understand that she was quite 
disposed to learn ; but, when it came to the point, she 
acted as usual. The little girl who had brought her 
became annoyed, and used all her little natural rhet- 
oric to make her open her lips and to get her to 
speak, — sometimes using threats, sometimes holding 
out a reward from me if she spoke properly ; she was 
so earnest that she succeeded, to the great satisfac- 
tion of those of our Fathers who were listening to her. 

Another benefit that results from this practice ^^ 
which is in conformity with our Institute — is, that 
even the adults become instructed by this means; 
[15] for the desire of the fathers and mothers that 
their children should be praised and rewarded leads 
them to be instructed themselves, in order to teach 
their children; particularly many older girls take 
pleasure in imitating the younger ones. When they 
are returning from the forest, they often stop the 
first of our Fathers whom they meet, and say to him, 
ta arrihwaienstan sen, " Teach me, I pray thee;" and 
although they may be well laden, they are not satis- 
fied unless he has them say the Pater and the Ave. 
Sometimes they anticipate us, and, from as far as 
they can see one of our Fathers, they begin to recite 
what they know. What a consolation to hear these 
districts resound with the name of Jesus, where 
the devil has been, so to speak, adored and recog- 
nized as God during so many ages. 

This exercise also enables us to improve greatly in 
the use and knowledge of the language, which is no 
small gain. Generally speaking they praise and ap- 
prove the Christian Religion, and blame their wicked 
customs; but when will they leave them off entirely? 


Iesvs, ou le diable a efle, pour ainfi dire, ador^ & 
recognu pour Dieu par tant de fiecles. 

Ce mefme exercice fait que nous profitons beaucoup 
en I'vfage & cognoiffance de la langue, qui n'efl pas 
vn petit fruict. Vniuerfellement parlant ils lolient & 
approuuent la Religion Chreflienne, & blafment leurs 
mefchantes couflumes; & quand fera-ce qu'ils les 
quitteront tout k fait? Quelques-vns nous difent, 
Penfez-vous [i6] venir ^ bout de renuerfer le Pays, 
c'eft ainfi qu'ils appellent le changement de leur vie 
Payenne & Barbare. en vne vie ciuile & Chreflienne? 
Nous refpondons que nous ne fommes pas G prefomp- 
tueux, mais que ce qui eft impoffible aux hommes, eft 
non feulement poffible, mais facile k Dieu. Voicy 
encor vn autre indice de leur bonne volonte pour la 
Foy. Monfieur de Champlain & Monfieur le General 
du PlelTiS Bochart, nous obligerent grandement I'an- 
nee paffee, exhortant les Hurons en plein confeil k 
embraffer la Religion Chreftienne, & leur difant que 
c'eftoit Ik I'vnique moyen non feulement d'eflre vn 
iour veritablement heureux dans le Ciel, mais auffi 
de lier k I'auenir \Tie tres-eftroite amitie auec les 
Fran9ois, lefquels en ce faifant viendroient volontiers 
en leur Pays, fe marieroient k leurs filles, leurs ap- 
prendroient diuers arts & meftiers, & les affifteroient 
contre leurs ennemis; & que s'ils vouloient amener 
quelques-vns de leurs enfans I'an prochain, qu'on les 
inftruiroit k Kebec, que nos Peres en auroient vn 
grand foin. Et pour autant que les Capitaines du 
pays n'eftoient pas la bas, ils leur dirent qu'ils tinffent 
confeil tous enfemble quand ils [17] feroient de retour 
touchant les poincts fufdits, & qu'ils me rendiffent les 
lettres dont il leur pleuft m'honorer, par lefquelles 
ces Meffieurs nous donnoient aduis de ce qui auoit 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ib3b 27 

Some say to us : " Do you think [ 1 6] you are going 
to succeed in overturning the Country?" Thus do 
they style the change from their Pagan and Barba- 
rous life to one that is civilized and Christian. We 
reply that we are not so presumptuous, but that what 
is impossible to man is not only possible but easy to 
God. Here is another indication of their good will 
toward the Faith. Monsieur de Champlain and Mon- 
sieur the General du Plessis Bochart rendered us 
great service last year, by exhorting the^Hurons in 
full council to embrace the Christian Religion, and 
by telling them that it was the only means not only 
of being some day truly happy in Heaven, but also 
of cementing in the future a very close alliance with 
the French, — who, if this were done, would readily 
come into their Country, marry their daughters, teach 
them different arts and trades, and assist them 
against their enemies; and that, if they would bring 
some of their children next year, to be instructed at 
K^bec, our Fathers would take good care of them. 
And, inasmuch as the Captains of the country were 
not there, they asked them to hold a general council 
on their [17J return, concerning the points mentioned; 
also to give me the letters with which they were 
pleased to honor me, in which these Gentlemen in- 
formed us of what had been said, in order that we 
might be present at the Huron Council, and be able 
to avail ourselves of what they had done. In accord- 
ance with this, in the month of April last, having 
been invited to an Assembly or Council, where all 
the Old Men and Chiefs of the Nation of the Bear 
met to deliberate on their great feast of the dead, I 
took occasion to show them the letters of these Gen- 
tlemen, and asked them to decide, after careful delib- 


efl6 dit, afin que nous afliftaffions au Confeil des Hu- 
rons, & fgeuflions nous preualoir de ce qu'ils auoient 
fait. Confonnement k cela au mois d'Auril dernier 
ayant efle inuite k vne Aflemblee ou Confeil, oil 
efloient tous les Anciens & les Chefs de la Nation des 
Ours, pour deliberer fur leur grande fefte des morts, 
ie pris I'occafion de leur reprefenter la lettre de ces 
Meffieurs, & demander qu'ils deliberaffent meurement 
ce qu'ils defiroient y refpondre. Ie leur dis que tous 
les hommes ayant I'ame immortelle alloient finale- 
ment apres cefte vie en I'vn de ces deiix lieux, f9auoir 
en Paradis ou en Enfer, & ce pour vn iamais : mais 
que ces lieux efloiet grandement dififerents, car Ie 
Paradis eftoit vn lieu remply de toutes fortes de biens, 
& exempt de toutes fortes de maux; & 1' Enfer eftoit 
vn eftat deftitu6 de tout bien, & remply de toutes 
fortes de maux, que c'eftoit vne foumaife tres-ardente 
au milieu de laquelle les damnez feroient k iamais 
tourmentez & brulez fans eftre confommez, [i8] qu'ils 
auifaffent maintenant auquel de ces deux lieiix ils 
defiroient vn iour aller pour vn iamais, & ce pendant 
qu'ils eftoiet encor en vie; car pour tous les defunts 
pour qui ils auoient fait, & alloient faire la fefte, que 
c'eftoit vne afifaire decidee, que tous ayat ignore Dieu, 
& outrepaffe fes comandemens, auoiet fuiuy Ie che- 
min de 1' Enfer, oil ils eftoient maintenant tourmen- 
tez de fupplices qui ne fe peuuent imaginer, & qu'il 
n'y auoit plus de remede. Que pour eux s'ils vou- 
loient aller au Ciel nous leur enfeignerions Ie chemin ; 
& pour autant que toutes les affaires d'importans fe 
font icy par prefens, & que la Pourcelaine qui tient 
lieu d'or & d'argent en ce Pays, eft toute puiffante, 
ie prefentay en cefte AlTemblee vn collier de douze 
cens grains de Pourcelaine, leur difant, que c'eftoit- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 29 

eration, what they wished to answer thereto. I told 
them that every man, as possessing an immortal soul, 
would at last, after this life, go to one or the other of 
two places. Paradise or Hell, and that forever ; but that 
these places were widely different, since Paradise is 
a place abounding in blessings of all kinds, and free 
from all manner of ills; Hell, a place where no bless- 
ing comes, and where ills of all kinds abound ; that 
it is a fiery furnace, in the midst of which the 
damned would be forever tormented, and burned 
without ever being consumed; [18] that they must 
now consider to which of these two places they pre- 
ferred to go some day, forever, and to do this while 
they were still in this life, because the matter was 
decided so far as it concerned all the dead for whom 
they had made or were going to make feasts; that 
all those who had slighted God and broken his com- 
mandments had followed the path to Hell, where 
they now were tormented by punishments that could 
not be imagined, and for which there was no remedy. 
I told them that, if they wished to go to Heaven, we 
would teach them the way; and, inasmuch as all 
affairs of importance are managed here by presents, 
and as the Porcelain that takes the place of gold and 
silver in this Country is all-powerful, I presented in 
this Assembly a collar of twelve hundred beads of 
Porcelain, telling them that it was given to smooth 
the difficulties of the road to Paradise. It is custom- 
ary to employ such terms, when they make presents 
to succeed in some difficult enterprise. Then all, in 
turn expressing their opinions, said that they dreaded 
these glowing fires of Hell, and that they preferred 
the road to Heaven. There was, nevertheless, one 
who — either seriously, or more probably [19] in 


la pour applanir les difficultez du chemin de Paradis ; 
ce font les termes dont ils ont couftume de fe feruir 
quand ils font quelques prefens pour venir h. bout de 
quelque difficile entreprife. Alors tous opinans a 
leur tour, dirent qu'ils redoutoient ces feux ardens 
de I'Enfer, & qu'ils aymoient mieux prendre le che- 
min du Ciel : il y en eut neatmoins vn lequel ou feri- 
eufement, ou plutoft [19] en gauffant dit, que cela 
alloit bien que tous vouluffent aller au Ciel, & eftre 
bien-heureux, pour luy qu'il n'importoit pas quand il 
feroit brule dedans I'Enfer. le repartis que Dieu 
nous donnoit ^ tous I'option de I'vn & de I'autre, 
mais qu'il ne f9auoit pas quel efloit le feu d'Enfer, 
& que i'efperois qu'il changeroit de refolution quand 
il en feroit mieux informe. 

Voila la difpofition qu'ont les Hurons, & notam- 
ment la Nation des Ours k receuoir le Chriftianifme, 
k quo}^ feruira grandement que nous auons defia bap- 
tife beaucoup d'enfans; car, difent-ils, nous ne vou- 
lons pas abandonner nos enfans, nous defirons aller 
au Ciel auec eux. Tu peux iuger, difent ils, combien 
nous agreons tes difcours, puis que nous-nous y trou- 
uons volontiers, & fans mot dire, & que nous permet- 
tos que nos enfans foient baptifez. II ne faut pas 
que ie m'oublie k cefte occafion de tefmoigner la fa- 
tisfaction que nous donne Louys de faincte Foy ; il 
eft vray qu'il nous a autant edifiez & contentez dans 
le deuoir de Chreflien, qu'il y auoit manque par le 
paff6. A ce mois de Septembre il eut vn defir de re- 
tourner pour hyuerner chez nous k K^bec, afin d'y 
rapprendre paifiblement [20] les bons enfeignemens 
qu'il auoit eu autrefois de nos Peres en France, & fe 
remettre parfaictement dans le train de la vertu & 
piete Chreflienne. Nous approuuions fort ce deffein. 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 31 

jest — said it was very fine that all should wish to go 
to Heaven, and be happy; but that, as far as he was 
concerned, it did not matter even if he should be 
burned in Hell. I replied that God gave us all the 
choice of the one or the other ; that he did not know 
what Hell fire was, and that I hoped he would change 
his mind when he was better informed. 

You see the inclination of the Hurons, and espe- 
cially of the Nation of the Bear, to receive Christian- 
ity; and this will be greatly increased by the fact 
that we have already baptized many of their chil- 
dren. For they sa^-, " We do not wish to be sepa- 
rated from our children, we desire to go to Heaven 
with them. You can judge," they say, " how much 
we approve your talk, seeing we willingly listen to 
it, withoiit contradiction, and permit you to baptize 
our children." I must not forget to express on this 
occasion the satisfaction which Louys de saincte Foy 
gives us ; he certainly performs his duties as a Chris- 
tian as much to our edification and pleasure as for- 
merly he failed therein. In this month of Septem- 
ber he had a desire to return to our house at Kebec 
for the winter, in order to resume quietly [20] the 
good instructions he had had formerly from our Fa- 
thers in France, and to devote himself again to the 
practice of virtue and Christian piety. We strongly 
approved this design, the more so as he could have 
taken with him some young relative who might have 
been instructed and baptized there ; but as some diffi- 
culty came in the way of his resolution, he concluded 
that he would pass a good part of the Winter with 
us. This he has done with much satisfaction and 
profit, both to himself and to us; for he has resumed 
attendance upon the Sacraments, and the habit of 


veu mefmement qu'il euft men6 auec luy quel que 
ieune homme de fes parens, qui euft pu eftre inftruit 
& baptif6 Ik bas : mais quelque difi&culte ayant tra- 
uerf6 cefte refolution, il fe delibera de pafler vne 
bonne partie de I'Hyuer auec nous, ce qu'il a fait 
auec beaucoup de contentement & de profit, tat de 
fon coft6 que du noftre ; car il s'eft remis dans la han- 
tife des Sacremens, & dans I'vfage de la priere. A 
Noel il fit vne fort bonne Confeffion generale depuis 
fon Baptefme: d'autre part en nos Catechifmes & in- 
ftructions que nous faifons aux Sauuages il nous fer- 
uoit de Truchement, & nous a traduit plufieurs chofes 
en langue Huronne, ou nous admirions la facility qu'il 
auoit k entendre noftre langue, & h. comprendre & 
expliquer les myfteres les plus difl&ciles. Bref il tef- 
moigne que veritablement il a la crainte de Dieu. 

Pour conclufion de ce chapitre nous efperons vous 
renuoyer les Peres Antoine Daniel, & Ambroife Da- 
uot auec vne bande de braues petits Hurons, afin de 
donner [21] commencement au Seminaire, duquel on 
peut efperer auec raifon de grands fruits pour la con- 
uerfion de ces Peuples. Que s'il y auoit k K6bec des 
Religieufes, ie croy qu'on vous pourroit aufll enuoyer 
de petites Seminariftes, il y a icy quantity de braues 
petites filles, lefquelles fi elles eftoient bien efleuees 
ne cederoient en rien h. noftre ieunefl!e Franfoife. Ce 
nous eft vn grand creue-coeur de voir ces petites inno- 
centes foiiiller incontinent la puret6 de leur corps & 
beauts de leur ame faute de bon exemple & bonne 
inftruction ; ie ne doute nullement que la diuine Bon- 
t6 ne comble de grands biens, particulierement ceux 
qu'elle infpirera de contribuer k la fondation de ces 
Seminaires, & a I'education de ces petites plantes de 
cefte Eglife naiflante. 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION, rdjd 33 

prayer. At Christmas he made a very good general 
Confession for the period since his Baptism. Be- 
sides, in our Catechizing and teaching of the Sav- 
ages, he served as Interpreter, and has translated 
several things into the Huron language for us, where- 
in we admired the facility with which he understood 
our language, and comprehended and explained the 
most difficult mysteries. In short, he gives evidence 
that truly he has the fear of God before his eyes. 

To conclude this chapter, we hope to send you Fa- 
thers Antoine Daniel and Ambroise Davot with a 
band of honest little Hurons, to make [21] a begin- 
ning for the Seminary, from which we can reasonably 
expect much fruit in the conversion of these Peoples. 
If there were Nuns at Kebec, I believe we might beT 
able to send also girls for a Seminary. There are 
here a number of fine little girls, who, if they were 
well brought up, would not yield in any respect to 
our young French girls. It makes our hearts ache 
to see these innocent young girls so soon defile their 
purity of body and beauty of soul, for lack of a good 
example and good instruction. I doubt not at allj 
that the divine Goodness will crown with great bless- 
ings those in particular whom he inspires to con- 
tribute to the foundation of these Seminaries, and to 
the education of these young plants of this infant 






LA premiere chofe eft la fechereffe de I'Eft^ paff6 
laquelle a efl6 fort vniuerfelle [22] en tous ces 
Pays, autant que i'ay peu appredre tant des 
lettres de K6bec, comme de diuers Sauuages reuenans 
des traittes loingtaines, tout eftoit fi fee & fi aride 
qu'k la moindre 6tincelle de feu les forefls & les cam- 
pagnes efloient incontinent embraf^es: d'ou arriua 
que plufieurs Sauuages allans par pays, & n'eftans 
pas fur leur garde eurent leurs Cabanes & viures 
bruflez, comme auffi deux de nos hommes. Mais 
pour ne parler que du Pays des Hurons, la fechereffe 
y fut tres-grande, car depuis Pafques iufques a la 
my-Iuin il ne pleut point, ou fort peu; rien ne pro- 
fitoit, tout deperiffoit, de forte qu'on apprehendoit 
vne grand famine, & k bon droit; car tout le terroir 
des Hurons & des lieux circonuoifms eflans tout fa- 
blonneux, s'il eft trois iours fans eftre arroufe des 
pluyes du Ciel, tout commence k faner & i baiffer la 
tefte. Dans ces apprehenfions tout le Pays eftoit en 
alarme de la famine, veu mefmement que le Prin- 
temps paff6 trois villages auoiet efte bruflez, qui fans 
cet accident euffent pu feruir dans la neceffite de gre- 
niers k tout le Pays. Tous crioient "k I'ayde, & im- 
ploroient k leur ordinaire le fecours des Sorciers ou 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, X636 35 





FIRST, I notice the dryness of the past Summer, ' 
which has been very general [22] throughout 

these Regions, so far as I can learn from K6bec 
letters, and from Savages returning from distant 
trading expeditions ; everything was so dry and so 
arid that at the least spark of fire the forests and 
fields were at once in a blaze. Thus it happened 
that many Savages, going about the country and not 
being on their guard, had their Cabins and provisions 
burned, as did also two of our men. But to speak 
only of the Huron Country, — the drought was very 
great, for from Easter until the middle of June there 
was no rain at all, or very little. Nothing was grow- 
ing, everything was dying, so that we apprehended 
a serious famine, and rightly; for, the soil of the 
Huron country and adjacent regions being sandy, if 
three days pass without its being watered with rain 
from Heaven, everything begins to fade and hang 
its head. Filled with these apprehensions, the whole 
Country was dreading a famine, especially as last 
Spring three villages had been burned which, but 
for this accident, might have served in case of neces- 
sity as granaries to the whole Country. All were 
crying for help, and imploring, according to their 
custom, the help of the Sorcerers, or Arendiowane, 


Arendio)^ane, qui fe font icy adorer, [23] promettans 
qu'ils defloumeroit les malheurs dont le Ciel les me- 
nace. Ces abufeurs firent iouer tous les refforts que 
les fonges, & leur ceruelle creufe leur peut fuggerer, 
afin de faire pleuuoir, mais en vain, le Ciel elicit 
d"airain a leurs fottifes. II y eut vn de ces Sorciers 
nomme Tehorenhaegnon plus fameux que les autres, 
qui promifl merueilles, pourueu que tout le Pays luy 
fifl vn prefent de la valeur de dix haches, fans cen- 
ter vne infinite de feflins : mais ces efforts furent en 
vain, il auoit beau fonger, feftiner & danfer, il n'en 
tomboit pas vne goutte d'eau, de forte qu'il cofeffoit 
qu'il n'en pouuoit venir k bout, & affeuroit que les 
bleds ne meuriroient point; mais le mal eftoit pour 
nous, ou plutolt le bon-heur, qu'il difoit qu'il efloit 
empefch^ de faire pleuuoir par vne Croix qui efl vis 
k vds de noflre porte, & que la maifon des Franfois 
eftoit vne maifon de demons, ou de gens mefaifans 
qui eftoiet venus en leur Pays afin de les faire mou- 
rir. Quelques-vns encheriffans Ik delTus difoient que 
parauanture nous anions des relTentimens de la mort 
d'Eitienne Brufl^, & que nous voulions tirer ven- 
geance de tout le Pays pour la mort d'vne feule per- 
fonne. [24] D'autres adioufloient que les Algonquins 
leur auoient dit que les Frangois ne venoient icy que 
pour les faire mourir, & que d'eux efloit prouenue la 
contagion de Tajin^e paff^e. En fuite de ces difcours 
on nous difoit que nous abatiffions la Croix, & que fi 
les bleds ne meurifloient pas, on nous pourroit bien 
affommer ainfi comme on fait icy les Sorciers, & 
autres gens pemicieux. Quelques-vns, k noftre grand 
regret & creue-cceur, difoient qu'ils abbattroient la 
Croix, & vinrent iufques k ce poinct, que des ieunes 
gens en ayants fait vne autre, & I'ayans plantee fur 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 37 

who are here held in reverence, [23] because they 
promise to turn aside the misfortunes with which 
Heaven threatens them. These deceivers played all 
the tricks that dreams and their own empty heads 
could suggest to them, in order to bring rain, but in 
vain, the Heavens were as brass to their foolishness. 
There was one of these Sorcerers named Tehorcnhaeg- 
non, more famous than the others, who promised 
marvels, provided the whole Country made him a 
present of the value of ten hatchets, not to speak of 
a multitude of feasts ; but these efforts were in vain, — 
dreaming, feasting, dancing, were all to no purpose, 
there fell not a drop of water ; so that he had to con- 
fess that he could not succeed, and he declared that 
the crops would not ripen ; but unfortunately, or 
rather fortunately for us, he said that he was hin- 
dered from making it rain by a Cross which is before 
our door, and that the house of the French was a 
house of demons, or of ill-disposed people who had 
come into their Country in order to make them die. 
Some thereupon, trying to outdo him, said perhaps 
we cherished resentment for the death of Estienne 
Brusl6 and that we wished to draw down vengeance 
upon the whole Country for the death of a single per- 
son. [24] Others added that the Algonquins had told 
them that the French came here only to compass 
their death, and that from them had come the con- 
tagion of last year. In consequence of these state- 
ments we were told that we must take down our 
Cross; and that, if the crops should not mature, they 
might beat us to death as they do the Sorcerers and 
other pernicious people here. Some, to our great 
regret and sorrow, said that they would pull down 
the Cross ; and it even went so far that some young 


le faifte d'vne Cabane, fe mirent k tirer a I'encontre, 
comme au blanc, auec leurs arcs & leurs fleches ; mais 
noftre Seigneur ne permift pas qu'ils la frappaffent 
d'vn feul coup. D'autres elloient d'autant plus m6- 
chans qu'ils eitoient deCa mieux informez de la co- 
gnoilTance d'vn Dieu Createur & Gouuerneur de toutes 
chofes, car ils accufoient fa Bonte & Prouidence auec 
d'horribles blafphemes. II euft fallu eftre de bronze 
pour n'ei^re pas irrite de ces infolences. Ce qui nous 
touchoit dauantage efloit la mifere de ce pauure 
Peuple, fon aueuglement, & fur tout I'iniure qu'on 
faifoit [25] a Dieu le quittant pour des Sorciers: car 
pour la mort ie croy que tous euffent efte tres aifes 
de la fubir pour la defenfe de la Croix. Nous affem- 
blafmes done en noftre Cabane les hommes & les 
femmes de noftre village, attendu particulierement 
qu'eux feuls n'auoient point eu recours aux Sorciers, 
ains nous demandoiet continuellement que nous 
fiffions pleuuoir. lis ont cefte penfee que rien ne 
nous eft impoffible : le leur dis que ny nous, ny au- 
cun homme ne difpofoit de la pluye, ou du beau 
temps ; que celuy qui a fait le Ciel & la terre en eftoit 
feul le maiftre, & la diftribuoit felon fon bon plaifir; 
que c'eftoit a luy k qui il falloit auoir recours; que la 
Croix que nous anions plantee n'empefchoit point la 
pluye, veu que depuis que nous 1' anions erigee il 
auoit pleu & tonn^ par pluQeurs fois ; mais que para- 
uanture Dieu eftoit fafche de ce qu'ils en parloient 
mal, & de ce qu'ils recouroient a de mefchans Aren- 
dioSanc, lef quels ou n'auoient point de pouuoir, ou 
bien peut-eftre caufoient eux-mefmes les fechereffes 
par les hantifes & pacts qu'ils auoient auec le diable; 
& qu'au refte tout ce qu'ils en faifoient n'eftoit que 
pour auoir des prefens; que s'ils y pouuoient [26] 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 39 

people, having made another and having placed it ] 
on the ridge of a Cabin, began to shoot at it as at a / 
target with their bows and arrows, but our Lord did ' 
not permit them to hit it even once. Others were 
much more wicked, since they were more fully ac- 
quainted with the knowledge of the one God, Creator 
and Governor of all things, for they accused his Good- 
ness and Providence with horrid blasphemies. One 
would have to be of bronze not to be irritated by 
such insolence. What touched us most keenly was 
the misery of these poor People, their blindness, 
and above all the offense they committed [25] against 
God by forsaking him for the Sorcerers. As to death, 
I believe that all of us would have been very glad to 
submit to it for the defense of the Cross. We there- 
fore assembled in our Cabin the men and women of 
our village, especially because they alone had not 
resorted to the Sorcerers, but had always asked 
us to make it rain. They believe that nothing is im- 
possible for us. I told them that neither we nor any 
man could bring rain or fine weather ; that he who 
made Heaven and earth alone was master of them, and 
distributed them according to his good pleasure ; that 
recourse must be had only to him ; that the Cross we 
had planted had not hindered the rain, as it had 
often rained and thundered since we had erected it; 
but that perhaps God was angry because they had 
spoken ill of him and had had recourse to wicked 
Arendiowane, who either had no power, or, indeed, 
perhaps had themselves caused the drought by their 
intercourse and pacts with the devil ; that, besides, 
everything they did was only to get presents, and 
that, if they could do [26] anything, they should 
make rain. Consequently, if they would obtain what 


quelque chofe, qu'ils fiffent doc plouuoir. Partant 
que s'ils vouloient obtenir ce qu'ils defiroient, ie leur 
dis qu'ils s'adreffaffent k celuy qui a tout fait, & qui 
eft feul Auteur de tous biens, duquel nous leur auions 
tant parle, & que nous leur enfeignerions la fagon de 
le prier. Cefte Nation eft fort docile, & fous la con- 
fideration des biens temporels vous les flechilTez ou 
vous voulez. lis me refpondirent tous, qu'ils n'ad- 
iouftoient point foy k leurs deuins, & que c'eftoient 
des abufeurs, qu'ils ne vouloient point d'autre Dieu 
que celuy que nous leur enfeignions, & qu'ils feroient 
ce que nous leur dirions. Ie leur dis done qu'ils de- 
uoient detefter leurs pecbez, & fe refoudre k bon 
efcient k feruir ce Dieu que nous leur annoncions, & 
que d'orefnauant nous ferions tous les iours vne Pro- 
ceffion pour implorer fon ayde, que c'eftoit ainfi que 
faifoient tous les Chreftiens; qu'ils fuffent conftans 
& perfeuerans, ne perdant pas courage s'ils n'eftoient 
incontinent exaucez; nous adiouftafmes a cela vn 
voeu de neuf MefTes en I'honneur du glorieux Efpoux 
de noftre Dame Protecteur des Hurons ; nous expo- 
fafmes aulli le S. Sacremet k I'occaGon de fa Fefte 
qui arriua en ce temps-la. 

[27] Or il auint iuftement que la neufuaine eftat 
accomplie, qui fut le treiziefme luin, nous ne peufmes 
paracheuer la Proceffion fans pluye, qui fuiuit fort 
abondante, & dura h. diuerfes reprifes I'efpace de plus 
d'vn mois auec vn grand amandement & accroiffement 
des fruicts de la terre, & d'autant que, comme i'ay 
dit, ces terres fablonneufes demanderoient quafi des 
pluyes de deux iours I'vn, vne autre fecherelTe eftant 
furuenue depuis la my-Iuillet iufques a la fin du mois, 
nous entreprifmes vne autre neufuaine en I'honneur 
de noftre B. Pere S. Ignace, par les prieres duquel 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6s6 41 

they desired, I urged them to address him who made 
everything, and who alone is the Author of all bless- 
ings, of whom we had so often spoken to them, and 
to whom we would teach them to pray. This Na- 
tion is very docile, and when influenced by temporal 
considerations it can be bent as one pleases. They 
all replied that they put no faith in their soothsay- 
ers, and that they were deceivers; that they wished 
no other God than him whom we taught to them, 
and that they would do what we told them. I then 
told them that they must hate their sins, and resolve 
in earnest to serve that God whom we announced to 
them ; that henceforth we would every day make a 
Procession to implore his help, that all Christians 
did this ; that they should be constant and persever- 
ing, not losing courage if they were not immediately 
heard. We added to this a vow of nine Masses in 
honor of the glorious Spouse of our Lady, the Pro- 
tector of the Hurons. We exposed also the Blessed 
Sacrament on the occasion of its Feast, which hap- 
pened at that time. 

[27] Now it happened that, exactly as the novena 
was completed, which was on the thirteenth of June, 
we could not finish the Procession on account of the 
rain, which followed very abundantly and lasted, 
with several intervals, the space of a month, with a 
great improvement and growth of the fruits of the 
earth ; and because, as I have said, these sandy soils 
need rain almost every other day, another drought 
having occurred from the middle of July until the 
last of the month, we undertook another novena in 
honor of our Blessed Father St. Ignatius, through 
whose prayers we had, from the day after this nove- 
na began and since, such an abundance of rain that 


nous eufmes des le lendemain de la neufuaine encom- 
menc6e, & du depuis, telle abondance de pluyes 
qu'elles firent parfaictement efpier les bleds, & les 
amenerent k maturity, de forte qu'il y a eu cefle an- 
nee autant de bled que de long temps. 

Or ces pluyes ont fait deux biens; I'vn en ce 
qu'elles ont accreu les fruicts de la terre, & I'autre en 
ce qu'elles ont 6touff6 toutes les mauuaifes opinions 
& volontez confeues contre Dieu, contre la Croix, & 
centre nous ; car tons les Sauuages de noftre cognoif- 
fance, & notamment de noflre village, font venus ex- 
preff^ment nous trouuer [28] pour nous dire qu'en 
effet Dieu eftoit bon, & que nous eflions auffi bons, 
& qu'^ I'auenir ils vouloient feruir Dieu, adiouftant 
mille poiiilles \ I'encontre de leurs ArendioHane , ou 
deuins. A Dieu foit pour iamais la gloire de tout; 
il permet la fecherefle des terres, pour arroufer les 
coeurs de fes benedictions. 

L'ann^e 1628. que les Anglois deCrent [defirent] la 
flotte de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France, dont 
la perte a eft6 la damnation de plufieurs Canadois, & 
le retardement de la conuerfion de quelques autres, 
c5me il efl k croire, il m'arriua en ce pays vne biftoire 
quafi pareille ^ la precedente, laquelle ^ raiso de la 
conformity ie penfe eflre bo de raconter icy. La fe- 
chereffe efloit extraordinaire par tout, mais finguliere- 
ment en noftre village, & aux enuirons. Cettes [cer- 
tes] ie m'eftonnois de voir quelquesfois I'air tout 
charge de nuees ailleurs, & ouyr bruire les tonnerres 
& au contraire en nos quartiers le Ciel y eftre tres 
pur, tres ferain, & tres ardent. II fembloit mefme 
que les nu^es fe diuifoient k I'abord de noftre contr6e ; 
Ce mefme fuppoft du diable, que i'ay nomm6 cy-de- 
uant Tehorenhaegnon, eftant pri6 de faire plouuoir, 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 43 

it caused the corn to form perfect ears, and ripened 
them ; so that there was this year as much corn as 
there has been for a long time. 

Now these rains have produced two good results : 
one in that they have increased the fruits of the 
earth ; the other that they stifled those false opinions 
and notions conceived against God, against the Cross, 
and against ourselves. For all the Savages that 
knew us, and especially those of our village, came 
expressly to see us, [28] to tell us that God was in 
truth good, and that we also were good ; and that in 
the future they would serve God, adding a thousand 
abusive words in reference to all their Arendiowane, 
or soothsayers. To God be forever the glory of the 
whole; he permits the drought of the soil, to bedew 
all hearts with, his blessings. 

In the year 1628, when the English defeated the 
fleet of the Company of New France,^ — whose loss 
was the damnation of many Canadians and the post- 
ponement of the conversion of many others, as may 
be believed, — there happened to me in this country 
an incident almost the same as the preceding, which, 
by reason of its likeness to it, seems to me worth re- 
lating here. The drought was very great every- 
where, but particularly so in our village and its 
neighborhood. I was indeed astonished, sometimes, 
to see the air heavily laden with clouds elsewhere, 
and to hear the thunders roaring; while in our neigh- 
borhood, on the contrary, the Sky was clear, very 
bright and very hot. It seemed even that the clouds 
separated as they approached our region. That 
same tool of the devil that I have mentioned before, 
Tehorcnltacgnon, having been entreated to make rain, 
replied that he could not [29] make it; and that the 


refpondit qu'il ne le pouuoit [29] pas faire, & que le 
tonnerre qu'ils feignent eftre vn oyfeau, auoir peur de 
la Croix qui efloit deuant la maifon des Francois, & 
que cefle couleur rouge dont elle efloit peinte, eftoit 
comme vn feu ardent & flamboyant qui diuifoit les 
nu6es en deux, quand elles venoient k paffer par 

Les Capitaines du village ayant entendu ces nou- 
uelles me firent appeller, & me dirent; Mon nepueu, 
voila ce que dit vn tel, que refponds-tu ^ cela? nous 
fommes perdus, car les bleds ne meuriront point. 
Si au moins nous mourrions par la main & les armes 
de nos ennemis, qui font prefts de venir fondre fur 
nous, encor k la bonne heure, nous ne languirions 
pas, mais fi ellans efchapez de leur fureur, nous tom- 
bons das la famine, c'efl aller de mal en pis, qu'en 
penfe-tu? tu ne voudrois pas eftre cause de noftre 
mort? & puis il t'importe autant qu'^ nous: nous fe- 
rions d'auis que tu abbatifTe celle Croix, & que tu la 
cachafTe pour vn temps ou dedans ta Cabane, ou 
bien dans le lac, afin que le tonnerre & les nu^es ne 
la voyent plus, & qu'ils n'en ayent plus de peur, & 
puis apres la moiflon tu la replanteras. A cela ie 
refpondis. Pour moy iamais ie n'abbattray, ny ne ca- 
cheray la Croix [30] oti efl mort celuy qui ell la caufe 
de tous nos biens. Pour vous fi vous la voulez ab- 
batre, auifez-y ie ne pourray pas vous en empefcher, 
mais prenez garde qu'en I'abbatant vous n'irritiez 
Dieu, & que vous n'accroiffiez voflre mifere. Croyez- 
vous ^ cet abufer; il ne f§ait ce qu'il dit, il y a plus 
d'vn an que cefle Croix a efle plantee voyez combien 
de fois il a pleu icy du depuis: c'efl vn ignorant de 
dire que le tonnerre craint; ce n'efl pas vn animal, 
mais vne exhalaifon feicbe & embrafee, qui eflant 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. i6j6 46 

thunder, which they pretend is a bird, was afraid of 
the Cross that was in front of the Frenchmen's house, 
and that the red color with which it was painted was 
like a fire burning and flaming, which divided the 
clouds in two when they passed above it.^ 

The Captains of the village, having heard these 
stories, sent for me and said, " My nephew, here is 
what so-and-so says; what dost thou answer to it? 
We are ruined, for the corn will not ripen. If at 
least we should die by the hands and arms of our 
enemies who are ready to burst upon us, well and 
good, — we should not at any rate pine away; but if, 
having escaped from their fury, we are exposed to 
famine, that would be to go from bad to worse. 
What dost thou think of it? Thou dost not wish to 
be the cause of our death? besides, it is of as much 
importance to thee as to us. We are of the opinion 
that thou shouldst take down that Cross, and hide it 
awhile in thy Cabin, or even in the lake, so that the 
thunder and the clouds may not see it, and no longer 
fear it ; and then after the harvest thou mayest set it 
up again." To this I answered, " As for me, I shall 
never take down nor hide the Cross [30] where 
died he who is the cause of all our blessings. For your- 
selves, if you wish to take it down, consider the mat- 
ter well; I shall not be able to hinder you, but take 
care that, in taking it down, you do not make God 
angry and increase your own misery. Do you be- 
lieve in this deceiver? He does not know what he 
says. This Cross has been set up for more than a 
year, and you know how many times there has been 
rain here since. Only an ignorant person would say 
that the thunder is afraid; it is not an animal, it is a 
dry and burning exhalation which, being shut in, 


enfermee court 9a & Ik pour fortir ; & puis que craint 
le tonnerre? cefte couleur rouge de la Croix? oftez 
done auffi vous mefmes toutes ces figures & peintures 
rouges qui font fur vos Cabanas. A cela ils ne fga- 
uoient que me repartir, ils s'entre-regardoient, & di- 
foient, il dit vray, il fe faut bien garder de toucher a 
cefte Croix; & cependant, adiouftoient-ils, Tehoren- 
haegnon dit cela. II me vint vne penfee, Puis, difie, 
que Tehorcnhaegnon dit que le tonnerre apprehende 
cefte couleur de la Croix, fi vous voulez nous la pein- 
drons d'vne autre couleur, de blanc ou de noir, ou en 
quelqu'autre fafon ; & C incontinent apres il vient k 
plouuoir, vous croirez que Tehorenhaegnd a [31] dit 
vray, llnon que c'eft vn impofteur. C'eft fort bien 
auife, dirent-ils, ainfi le faut-il faire. On peint done 
la Croix de blanc, mais vn, deux, trois & quatre iours 
fe pallent qu'il ne plouuoit non plus qu'auparauant ; 
& cependant tous ceux qui voyoient la Croix fe faf- 
choient contre ce Sorcier, qui auoit eft6 la caufe de la 
d^figurer de la forte : Sur cela i'allay trouuer les An- 
ciens; Et bien a-il pleu dauantage qu'auparauant? 
Eftes vous contens? Ouy, dirent-ils, nous voyos bien 
que Tehorenhaegnon n'eft qu'vn abufeur : mais dis 
nous toy, qu'eft-ce que nous ferons, & nous t'obey- 
rons. Alors noftre Seigneur m'infpira de les inftruire 
du myftere de la Croix, & de I'honneur que par tout 
on luy rendoit, & de leur dire que i'eftois d'auis 
qu'ils vinffent tous en corps, hommes & femmes ado- 
rer la Croix, pour reparer I'honneur d'icelle : & d'au- 
tant qu'il s'agifloit de faire croiftre les bleds, qu'ils 
apportaHent chacun vn plat de bled pour en faire 
oflFrande a noftre Seigneur, & que ce qu'ils donne- 
roient fuft puis apres diftribue aux pauures du vil- 
lage. L'heure eft donee au lendemain ; lis ne I'at- 

1636] LE JEUNES RELA TION, 1636 47 

seeks to get out this way and that. And then what 
does the thunder fear? This red color of the Cross? 
Take away then, yourselves, all those red figures and 
paintings that are on your Cabins." To this they 
did not know what to reply; they looked at each 
other and said, "It is true, we must not touch this 
Cross; and yet," added they, '' Tehorenhaegnon says 
so." A thought came to me. " Since," said I, 
" Tehorenhaegnon says that the thunder is afraid of 
this color of the Cross, if you like we will paint it 
another color, white, or black, or any other; and if, 
immediately after, it begins to rain, you will be sure 
Tehorenhaegnon has [31] told the truth; but if not, 
that he is an impostor." " Well said," they replied, 
" we will do that." The Cross was therefore painted 
white, but one, two, three, four days passed without 
any more rain than before ; and meanwhile all who 
saw the Cross became angry at the Sorcerer who had 
been the cause of disfiguring it thus. Thereupon I 
went to see the Old Men. " Well, has it rained any 
more than before ? Are you satisfied?" "Yes," said 
they, " we see clearly enough that Tehorenhaegnon is 
only a deceiver ; but now, do thou tell us what to do, 
and we will obey thee." Then our Lord inspired 
me to instruct them in the mystery of the Cross, and 
speak to them of the honor that was everywhere ren- 
dered to it ; and to tell them that it was my opinion 
that they should all come in a body, men and wom- 
en, to adore the Cross in order to restore its honor ; 
and , inasmuch as it was a matter of causing the crops 
to grow, they should each bring a dish of corn to 
make an offering to our Lord, and that what they 
gave should afterwards be distributed to the poor of 
the village. The hour is appointed for the morrow ; 


tendent pas, mais la preuiennent : nous entourons la 
Croix repeinte de fes premiers couleurs, [32] fur la- 
quelle i'auois mis vn Crucifix ; Nous faif ons quelque 
priere, puis i'adoray & baifay la Croix pour leur 
monflrer comme ils deuoient faire, ils me fuiuirent 
les vns apres les autres apoftrophants noftre Sei- 
gneur crucifie par des prieres que la Rhetorique na- 
turelle, & la neceffite du temps leur fuggeroit. Certes 
leur feruente fimplicite me donnoit de la deuotion ; 
bref ils firent ii bien que des la mefme ioumee Dieu 
leur donna de la pluye, & enfin vne tres-beureufe re- 
col te, auec vne tres-grande admiration de la Puiffance 

Pour conclulion de ces deux hifloires, ie diray que 
ces Peuples font grands admirateurs, & font eftat des 
perfonnes qui ont quelque chofe de releu6 par deffus 
le commun ; k cefle occafion ils les appellent, oki du 
mefme nom qu'ils donnent aux demos: Partant s'il y 
auoit icy quelqu'vn doii6 du don de miracles, ainfi 
qu'eftoient les premiers qui ont annonce I'Euangile 
au monde, il conuertiroit k mon aduis fans difficult^, 
tous ces Barbares : mais Dieu depart telles faueurs, 
quand, k qui, & comment il luy plaifl, & parauanture 
veut-il que nous attedions la recolte des ames auec 
patience & perfeuerance. AuCQ certes ne fe portent- 
ils [33] encore ^ leur deuoir que par \ti refpect tem- 
porel, fur lequel on pourroit bien leur faire ce re- 
proche de I'Euangile; Amen, amen dico vobis, qumritis 
me, non quia vidijlis figna, fed quia manducajlis ex pani- 
bus, & faturati ejlis. 

Nous auons eu cefle ann^e deux alarmes, dont en- 
fin, Dieu mercy, il ne nous ell refl6 que la peur; 5'a 
efl6 fur I'apprehenQon des ennemis. La premiere, 
qui auoit quelque apparence, fut I'Efl^ paff^, & dura 

1636] LE JF.UNE-S RELATION, i6s6 49 

they do not wait for it, they anticipate it. We sur- 
round the Cross, painted anew in its first colors, [32] 
upon which I had placed the body of our Lord cruci- 
fied ; we recite some prayers ; and then I adored and 
kissed the Cross, to show them how they ought to do 
it. They imitated me one after the other, apostro- 
phizing our crucified Savior in prayers which natural 
Rhetoric and the exigency of the time suggested to 
them. In truth, their fervent simplicity inspired me 
with devotion ; briefly, they did so well that on the 
same day God gave them rain, and in the end a 
plentiful harvest, as well as a profound admiration 
for the divine Power. ' 

In concluding these two accounts, I shall say that 
these Peoples admire and esteem highly those persons 
who have anything that elevates them above the 
crowd. Such persons they call oki, the same name 
as they give to demons; consequently, if there were 
any one here endowed with the gift of miracles, as 
were those who first announced the Gospel to the 
world, he would, in my opinion, convert all these 
Barbarians without difficulty. But God dispenses 
such favors when, how, and to whom he pleases; 
and perhaps he wishes us to wait for the harvest of 
souls with patience and perseverance. Besides, cer- 
tainly, they are inclined [33] as yet to their duty 
only by temporal considerations, so that we may well 
apply to them the reproach of the Gospel: Amen, 
amen dico vohis, quceritis me, no7i quia vidistis signa, sed 
quia manducastis ex panibus, et saturati estis. 

We have had this year two alarms, which resulted, 
thank God, in nothing worse than the fear aroused 
by the apprehension of enemies. The first, for 
which there were some grounds, occurred last Sum- 


tout le mois de luin ; c'efi; vn des temps des plus 
propres k femblables efpouuantes, d'autant que pour 
lors le Pays eft defnu^ des hommes, qui vont en 
traitte qui d'vn cofte, qui d'vn autre. L'autre a eft6 
cet Hyuer, & s'eft trouuee fauffe; en I'vne & en 
l'autre on la nous donnoit bien verte affez fouuent, 
tant de iour que de nuict ; les femmes & les enfans 
commen9oient h. plier bagage fur le rapport des cri- 
eurs ; ce font icy nos efpions. La fuite eft aucune- 
ment tolerable en^ Efte, car on fe peut echaper en 
quelque Ifle, ou cacher dans I'obfurite de quelque 
epaiffe foreft; mais en Hyuer quand les glaces fer- 
uent de pont pour aller fureter les Ides, & que la 
cheute des fueilles a ^claircy les forefts, vous ne f9au- 
riez [34] oil vous retirer, puis on defcouure inconti- 
nent les vestiges fur la neige ; ioinct qu'il fait bien 
froid en Hyuer pour coucher long temps k I'enfeigne 
de la Lune. II y a quelques villages affez bien forti- 
fiez, oil on pourroit demeurer, & attendre le (lege & 
ralfaut, ceux qui peuuent s'y retirent, les autres ga- 
gnent au pied, ce qui eft le plus ordinaire ; car le 
petit nombre d'hommes, le manquement d'armes, le 
grand nombre d'ennemis, leur font redouter la foi- 
blelf e de leurs forts, il n'y a que les vieilles gens qui 
pour ne pouuoir aller attendent de pied quoy la mort 
dans leurs Cabanes. Voila ou nous en fommes d'or- 
dinaire. Cet Hyuer nous fufmes fur le poinct de 
fuyr, mais ou cacher nos petites commoditez ? car les 
Hurons en font auflTi frians que les Iroquois. D'ail- 
leurs neantmoins ces efpouuantes n'ont pas efte inu- 
tiles ; car outre les prieres & les vceux que nous auons 
faits pour deftourner les fleaux; outre le foin que 
chacun apportoit pour fe difpofer a la mort, ou a I'ef- 
clauage, & outre que de la nous prenions occafion 

1636] LE JEUNES RELATION, 1636 51 

mer and lasted the whole month of June. It is one 
of the most fitting times for such fear, inasmuch as 
then the Country is stripped of the men, who have 
gone trading, some one way, some another. The 
other was this Winter, and turned out to be false ; in 
both cases the alarm was quite often given very un- 
expectedly, sometimes by day, sometimes by night ; 
the women and children began packing up their bag- 
gage on the report of the criers, who are our spies 
here. Flight is to some extent tolerable in Summer, 
for one can escape to an Island or hide in the obscu- 
rity of some dense forest; but in Winter, when ice 
serves as a bridge to enable the enemy to search the 
Islands, and when the fall of the leaves has laid bare 
the forest recesses, you do not know [34] where to 
hide ; besides, the tracks on the snow are immedi- 
ately discovered ; and it is, moreover, extremely cold 
in Winter to sleep long at the sign of the Moon. 
There are some villages tolerably well fortified, 
where one might remain and await siege and assault ; 
those who can, withdraw there; the others take to 
flight, which is most commonly done ; for the small 
number of men, the lack of arms, the multitude of 
enemies, cause them to dread the weakness of their 
forts. Only a few old people, who are not able to go 
away, quietly await death in their Cabins. That is 
our usual condition. This Winter, we were on the 
point of fleeing ; but where could we conceal our few 
belongings? for the Hurons are as fond of them as^ 
are the Iroquois. In other ways, however, these fears 
have not been useless, for besides the prayers and 
vows we made to turn aside the scourge, the pains 
each one took to prepare himself for death or slav- 
ery, and the opportunity we had to impress upon the 


d'inftruire les Sauuages du fecours qu'ils doiuent 
attendre de Dieu ; nous-nous fommes rendus ay- 
mables, recommandables, & vtiles 'k tout le [35] Pays, 
tant en leur donnant des fers de fleches, comma en 
nous difpofant de les aller fecourir dans leurs forts 
felon noftre pouuoir. En effect nous auions quatre 
de nos Frangois munis de bonnes arquebufes, qui 
eftoient tons prefts de courir au premier village ou 
fe fust donne I'affaut, & moy i'eftois refolu de les 
aller accompagner pour les affifter fpirituellement, & 
pour prendre les autres occaflons qui fe fuffent pre- 
fentees d'auancer la gloire de Dieu. De 1^ ie vous 
iaiffe k penfer fi nous auons befoin du fecours d'en- 
haut, & que ceux qui viuent en repos & en affeurance, 
le nous obtiennent par leurs prieres; c'efl ce que nous 
leur demandons humblement. 

Les Hurons nous font demeurez fort affectionnez 
de la promptitude que nous leur auons monftr^e k 
les affifter. Nous leur auons dit auffi que d'orefna- 
uant ils fiffent leurs forts quarrez, & tiraffent leurs 
pieux en ligne droicte, & qu'au moyen de quatre pe- 
tites tourelles aux quatre coings, quatre Fran9ois 
pourroient facilement auec leurs arquebufes ou mouf- 
quets conferuer & defendre tout vn village. lis ont 
fort goufl6 cet aduis, & ont defia commence "k le prac- 
tiquerk la Rochelle, oiiil[s] fouhaittent [36] pafflonn6- 
ment auoir des noftres. Dieu fe fert de tout pour 
dormer entree aux porteurs de I'Euangile. 

L'Efte eft icy vne faifon fort incommode pour in- 
flruire les Sauuages ; les traittes & les champs em- 
menent tout hommes, femmes & enfans, il ne de- 
meure quaff perfonne dans les villages ; voicy comme 
nous paffafmes le dernier. 

En premier lieu nous-nous recueillifmes tous par 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, t63b 53 

Savages the help they might expect from God, — we 
were able to win for ourselves the regard and esteem 
of the People, and to make ourselves useful to them, 
[35] as well by giving them iron arrow-heads as by 
arranging to assist them in their forts, according to 
our power. In fact, we had four of our Frenchmen 
furnished with good arquebuses, who were ready to 
hasten to the first village where an attack should be 
made; and I had resolved to accompany them, to as- 
sist them in spiritual matters, and to take advantage 
of any other occasions which might present them- 
selves to advance the glory of God. From this I 
leave you to imagine whether or not we need help 
from on high ; and may those who live in comfort 
and safety obtain it for us by their prayers, which 
we humbly ask from them. 

The Hurons have Remained very friendly to us, 
on account of the promptitude we showed in assist- 
ing them. We have told them also that henceforth 
they should make their forts square, and arrange 
their stakes in straight lines ; and that, by means of 
four little towers at the four corners, four French- 
men might easily with their arquebuses or muskets 
defend a whole village. They are greatly delighted 
with this advice, and have already begun to practice 
it at la Rochelle, where they eagerly desire [36] to 
have some of our Fathers. God employs all means 
to give an entrance to those who bear the Gospel. \^ 

Summer here is a very inconvenient season for in- | 
structing the Savages. Their trading expeditions 
and the farms take every one away, men, women, 
and children — almost no one remains in the vil- 
lages. I will tell you how we spent last Summer. 

In the first place, we all came together for the 


les exercices fpirituels h. la fagon de noftre Compa- 
gnie. Nous en auons d'autant plus befoin, que 
I'excellence de nos fonctions requiert plus d'vnion 
auec Dieu ; & que nous f ommes contraints de \'iure 
continuellement dans le tracas ; c'eft ce qui nous fait 
fouuent recognoiftre qu'il faut que ceux qui viennent 
icy y apportent vn bon fonds de vertu, s'ils veulet y 
en cueillir les fruicts. Apres nos exercices nous fif- 
mes vn memorial confus des mots que nous anions 
remarquez depuis noftre arriuee, & puis nous efbau- 
chafmes vn Dictionaire de la langue des Hurons, qui 
fera tres-profitable. On y verra les diuerfes fignifi- 
cations, on y recognoiftra ayf^ment la difference des 
mots par enfemble, qui ne confifle quelquesfois qu'en 
vne feule lettre, ou mefme [37] en \'n accent. Finale- 
ment nous-nous occupafmes a reformer, ou plutoft k 
ranger vne Grammaire. le crains qu'il ne nous faille 
faire fouuent de femblables reformes, car tous les 
iours nous allons defcourans de nouueaux fecrets en 
cefte fcience; ce qui nous empefche d'enuoyer rien ^ 
imprimer pour le prefent. Nous en fgauons, graces ^ 
Dieu, tantofl fufl&famment, tant pour entendre que 
pour eflre entendus, mais non encor pour tnettre au 
iour. C'eft h. la verity vne chofe bien laborieufe de 
vouloir comprendre de tous poincts vne langue eflran- 
gere, tres-abondante, & autant diflferente de nos 
langues Europeanes qu'eft le Ciel de la terre, & ce 
fans maiftre & fans liures. le n'en dis pas dauan- 
tage, parce que i'en fais vn Chapitre plus bas. Nous 
y trauaillons tous auec ferueur ; c'efl vne de nos plus 
ordinaires occupations, il n'y en a point qui ne iar- 
gonne defia, & ne fe faffe entendre, les Peres nou- 
uellement venus auffi bien que les anciens ; i'efpere 
en particulier que le P. Mercier y fera bientofl maiftre. 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 55 

Spiritual exercises, as is the custom of our Society. 
We had the more need of these exercises, as the 
high duties we are called upon to perform need more 
union with God, and because we are compelled to 
live in a continual bustle. For this reason we often 
acknowledge that those who come here should bring 
a good reserve fund of virtue, if they wish here to 
gather the fruits thereof. After our exercises we 
made a confused memorandum of the words we had 
learned since our arrival, and then we outlined a 
Dictionary of the Huron language which will be very 
profitable. In it will be seen the various meanings; 
one will easily recognize in it, when the words are 
grouped, their differences, which consist sometimes 
in only a single letter, or even [37] in an accent. 
Finally we busied ourselves in revising, or rather 
in arranging, a Grammar. I fear we shall often have 
to make similar revisions ; for every day we discover 
new secrets in this science, which for the present 
hinders us from sending anything to be printed. 
We know now, thank God, sufficient to understand 
and to be understood, but not yet to publish. It is 
indeed an exceedingly laborious task to endeavor to 
understand in all points a foreign tongue, very abun- 
dant, and as different from our European languages 
as Heaven is from earth, — and that without master 
or books. I say no more about it here, as I shall 
write a Chapter about it, further on. We all work 
at it diligently ; it is one of our most common occu- 
pations. There is not one of us who does not al- 
ready talk a jargon, and make himself understood, 
the newly-arrived Fathers as well as the others. I 
trust that Father Mercier, in particular, will soon be 
master of it. 


Le neufiefme d'Aoufl arriua de K6bec vn de nos 
hommes, deux mois & douze iours apres fon embar- 
quement d'icy, Dieu [38] fgait auec quel contente- 
ment nous I'^coutafmes fur I'eftat de tous les Fran- 
9ois de K6bec, & des trois Riuieres, que le bruit nous 
auoit d6peints comme tous morts de la contagion. 
Nous fufmes aufli tres-aifes d'entendre I'heureufe ar- 
riu6e des cinq vaiffeaux de Meffieurs de la Compa- 
gnie, commandez par Monfie[u]r le General du Pleffis 
Bochart, qu'on nous faifoit croire s'eftre perdus dans 
les glaces. Noflre ioye fut vn peu rabatue par la 
crainte qu'on auoit qu'il ne full arriu6 quelque acci- 
dent au Capitaine Bontan ; mais on nous a releuez de 
cefte apprehenfion. 

Le treiziefme du mois d'Aouft le P. Mercier arriua, 
& le P. Pijart le dix-f ept, le P. Mercier s'eftant tres-bien 
port6 depuis la France, fut faifi d'vne petite figure vn 
iour ou deux auant fon arriuee aux Hurons, mais d6s 
le lendemain qu'il fut arriue, il en fut quitte pour vne 
legere emotion, qui fut fuiuie d'vne parfaite fante. 
C'efl vne benediction du Ciel, ce femble, que ce nous 
efl affez d'eftre aux Hurons pour nous bien porter. Au 
refle tous les Peres ont efte fort doucement conduits, 
lis n'ont ny rame, ny porte, finon leurs petites hardes; 
mais plutoft ont eft6 honorez, & portez [39] eux- 
mefmes aux endroits fafcheux & difficiles : & partant 
qu'aucun n'apprehende les difl&cultez qu'il yak mon- 
ter icy, pour auoir leu noflre Relation de I'an pafTe ; 
les commencemens font touGours difficiles, & puis les 
caufes de nos peines efloient extraordinaires ; & enfin 
ie croy que mes pechez qui demandoient cela pour 
moy, redonderent encor fur les autres ; mais plaife k 
Dieu que nous ayons epuife le calice des amertumes 
iufques a la derniere goutte ; quoy que nul ne deuroit 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 57 

On the ninth of August, one of our men arrived 
from K^bec two months and twelve days after de- 
parting hence. God [38] knows how glad we were 
to hear of the state of all the French at Kebec and 
the three Rivers, who report had declared were all 
dead of the plague. We were also very glad to hear 
of the happy arrival of five ships of the Gentlemen 
of the Company, commanded by Monsieur the General 
du Plessis Bochart, which we had been informed were 
lost in the ice. Our joy was somewhat lessened by 
the fear they had that some accident had befallen 
Captain Bontan ; but we have been relieved of this 

On the thirteenth of the month of August, Father 
Mercier arrived, and Father Pijart on the seven- 
teenth. Father Mercier, who had had good health 
all the way from France, was seized with a slight 
fever a day or two before his arrival among the Hu- 
rons ; but the day after his arrival he was free from 
it, except for a slight disturbance, which was fol- 
lowed by perfect health. It is a blessing from Heav- 
en, it seems, that as soon as we are in the Huron 
country we should have good health. For the rest, 
all the Fathers have been well treated on the way. 
They have neither paddled, nor carried burdens, ex- 
cept their little supply of clothing: but, on the con- 
trary, have been honored and have been themselves 
carried [39] over troublesome and difficult places. 
Consequently let no one fear difficulties in coming 
up here, from having read my Relation of last year. 
Beginnings are always hard, and then the causes of 
our troubles were extraordinary; and, moreover, I 
believe that my sins, which required that I should 
suffer these things, fell also upon the others; but. 


perdre courage quand les trauaux feroient touQours 
^gaux, noflre Seigneur en a bien endure dauantage 
pour le falut des ames. Noftre petit bagage nous a 
eft6 auffi apporte tres-fidelement, & affez bien confer- 
u6; vous ne f9auriez croire le bien qu'ont fait les 
pois, le pain, & le fagamit6 que vous diflribuafles 
I'an paff^ ^ nos Hurons, & le bon vifage que vous 
leur monftrates. Ce bon traictement vous a gagn6, 
& nous auffi, leurs coeurs; nous n'allons en aucun 
lieu qu'on ne nous dife, que nos Freres de K6bec 
font tres courtois & tres liberaux: Toutes cbofes 
nous difpofent ces Peuples h. receuoir la femence de 
I'Euangile, car I'affectio qu'ils nous portent leur rend 
croyable ce que nous leur difons. 

[40] Sur I'Eclypfe de Lune du \-ingt-feptiefme 
d'Aouft, nos Barbares s'attendoient k vne grande de- 
faite des leurs parce qu'elle parut fur le Pays enne- 
my, qui eft h. leur egard au Su-eft ; car fi elle paroift en 
Orient c'eft k leur copte que la Lune eft malade, ou 
qu'elle a receu quelque defplaiCr ; iufques k nous inui- 
ter, ie ne f§ay fl c'eftoit en riant, de tirer contre le Ciel, 
pour la deliurer du danger, nous alleurans que c'eftoit 
leur couftume d'y d^cocher plufieurs fleches k cet 
eflFect. II eft vray qu'ils crient tons tant qu'ils peu- 
uent en ces occalions, & font des imprecations k leurs 
ennemis, difans, que telle & telle Nation perifle. 
I'eftois pour lors en vn autre village, ou demeuroit 
ce fameux Sorcier, dont i'ay defla parM, Tehorenhae- 
gnon: il fit feftin, ce dit-on, pour deftoumer les mal- 
heurs de cefte Eclypfe. 

Le vingtiefme Octobre mourut dans fon infidelity 
vn vieillard de noftre village, dont la fin eftonna plu- 
fieurs, & leur laiffa de bons defirs de fe conuertir ; il 
femble que noftre Seigneur luy auoit communique 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ttsb 69 

please God, we have drunk the cup of bitterness to 
its dregs. Yet no one should lose courage, even if 
our labors were always equally hard ; for truly our 
Lord has endured more for the salvation of souls. 
Our scanty baggage was also faithfully brought, and 
in fairly good condition. You would scarcely be- 
lieve the good done last year by the distribution you 
made to our Hurons of peas, bread, and sagamit^, 
and by the kindly attentions you showed them. 
That good treatment has won their hearts for you 
and for us also. We do not go anywhere without 
hearing that our Brothers at K^bec are very cour- 
teous and liberal. Everything is leading these Peo- 
ples to receive the seed of the Gospel, for the 
affection they have for us renders them disposed to 
believe what we tell them. 

[40] On the Eclipse of the Moon, of August twen- 
ty-seventh, our Barbarians expected a great defeat of 
their men, because it appeared over their enemies' 
Country, which is on their Southeast; for if it ap- 
pears in the East, it is on their account that the Moon 
is sick, or has experienced some displeasure; they 
even invited us, perhaps in jest, to shoot at the Sky, 
to deliver it from danger, assuring us that it was 
their custom to discharge several arrows for this pur- 
pose. Indeed, they all cry out as loudly as they can 
on such occasions, and make imprecations against 
their enemies, saying, " May such and such a Na- 
tion perish." I was at that time in another village, 
where was living the famous Sorcerer of whom I 
have already spoken, Tehorenhaegnon; he made a 
feast, I was told, to turn aside the unluckiness of this 

On the twentieth of October, an old man of our vil- 


depuis vn an pluCeurs bons mouuements, il affiftoit 
volontiers ^ toutes nos Affemblees, efcoutant nos in- 
ftructions; c'efloit le premier a faire le figne de la 
Croix: [41] mais apres il tafchoit d'accorder noftre 
creance auec leurs fuperftitions & refueries, & difoit 
qu'il vouloit aller auec fes Anceftres. Quelque fonge 
fembloit I'auoir difpofe au bie ; mais comma il aymoit 
k faire bonne chere, & k dire le mot, Dieu le chaftia. 
Eitant malade pour la derniere fois, il fit fon Atha- 
taion, ou feftin d'adieu, en vne grande Aflemblee, oil 
il f e traicta des mieux k leur fagon ; renouuellant ces 
carefles S. chaque fyncope qui luy furuenoit. Nous 
I'allafmes voir, & ce fut k nous inuiter d'autant, nous 
menagant que fi nous ne luy faiHons raifon de chanter 
^ noftre mode, il renuerferoit tout apres fa mort dans 
nolire Cabane, & mefme I'emporteroit. Vn iour il 
nous demada le Baptefme, mais comme il sebloit fe 
remettre, nous-nous defiafmes de fon humeur. Sur 
le foir y eftans retournez il dormoit. A peine eftions 
nous hors de fa Cabane qu'il expira, & Dieu ne per- 
mit pas que ce qu'il auoit mefprife pendant la vie, luy 
fuft accorde a la mort. Indicia Dei abyffus mnlta. 

Le vingtiefme de Septembre le pere de Louys de 
faincte Foy nous vint vifiter en noftre Cabane, & nous 
dire la volonte qu'il auoit luy & toute fa famille de fe 
faire baptifer, [42] pouffe k cela, difoit-il, entre autres 
motifs, parce que en leur defaite par les Iroquois Dieu 
luy auoit conferu6 extraordinairement la vie. 

Le quatriefme de Nouembre nous partifmes pour 
aller inftruire cefte maifon, & conQderer plus exacte- 
ment la difpofition qu'ils auoient a la Foy. En che- 
min nous baptifafmes deux malades, que nous croy- 
ons eftre maintenant dans le Ciel ; nous demeurafmes 
fept iours en noftre voyage, pendant lequel nous in- 

1636] LE JEUNETS RELATION, i6s6 61 

lage died in his unbelief; his end frightened some, 
and awakened in them good resolutions to become 
converted. It seems that our Lord had communi- 
cated to him, a year ago, several good impulses. He 
was willingly present at all our Assemblies, listening 
to our instructions ; he was the first to make the sign 
of the Cross ; [41] but afterwards he tried to blend 
our creed with their superstitions and nonsense, and 
said that he wished to go with his Ancestors. Some 
dream seemed to have inclined him to good ; but as 
he liked to live well, and to have his say, God pun- 
ished him. Being sick for the last time, he made 
his Athataion or farewell feast, in a large Assembly, 
where he partook of the best, after their fashion, re- 
newing his indulgences after each syncope which 
came upon him. We went to see him, and he again 
sought our good offices, — threatening that, if we did 
not satisfy him by singing in our way, he would over- 
turn everything in our Cabin after his death, and 
even carry it away. One day he asked us for Bap- 
tism ; but, as he seemed to be recovering, we dis- 
trusted his mood. When we returned in the even- 
ing, he was sleeping. Scarcely were we outside his 
Cabin, when he expired; and God did not permit 
that what he had scorned during life should be 
granted him at death. Judicia Dei abyssus multa. 

On the twentieth of September, the father of Louys 
de saincte Foy came to visit us in our Cabin, and told 
us of his desire that he and all his family should be 
baptized, — [42] urged, he said, among other motives, 
by the fact that, in their defeat by the Iroquois, God 
had extraordinarily preserved his life. 

On the fourth of November, we set out to instruct 
this household, and to consider more exactly their 


llruififmes toute cefte famille de tous les poincts im- 
portans de la Religion Chreflienne. Louys nous 
feruoit en cela de truchement, lequel poffede fort 
bien nos myfleres, & les explique auec affection. 
Tous approuuoient & gouftoient grandement les veri- 
tez Chreftiennes, & tant s'en faut qu'ils iugeaffent 
aucun des commandemens de Dieu difficiles, que 
mefmes ils les trouuoient faciles. La continence con- 
iugale, & I'indiffolubilit^ du mariage, leur fembloit 
deuoir plus empefcher le progrez de I'Euangile, & en 
effect ce nous fera entre autres vne pierre d'achop- 
pement. Cependant ils difoient qu'eu ^gard h. vne 
vie eternellement heureufe, ou eternellement malheu- 
reufe, rien [43] ne deuoit fembler difficile. Et puis, 
difoit le pere de Louys, fi vous difiez qu'il fallufl 
paffer les deux, les trois, & plufieurs iours fans man- 
ger, on y pourroit trouuer de la peine ; mais en tout 
le refle il n'y en a point. II difoit que les Frangois 
qui auoient efte icy, ne leur auoient iamais parle de 
Dieu, ains s'eftoient eux-mefmes adonnez comme eux 
h. courir & folaflrer auec les femmes. Au refle il di- 
foit au P. Pijart qui efloit auec moy, qu'il apprift 
promptement la langue, afin d'aller demeurer ^ leur 
village, & y eftre le Superieur d'vne maifon. 

En cefle viQte ie remarquay deux ou trois chofes. 
Le pere de Louys entendant qu'il falloit apprendre le 
Cgne de la Croix, le Pater, VAve, & le Symbole des 
Apoftres, dit que tout cela eftoit peu, & qu'il n'auroit 
gueres d'efprit s'il ne pouuoit I'apprendre; qu'eftant 
3.\\€ en diuerfes Nations on luy auoit commis quel- 
quesfois plus de vingt fortes d'affaires, & qu'au retour 
il les auoit toutes rapport6es tres-fidelement, & par- 
tant qu'il auroit bien-toft appris & retenu ce peu que 
nous luy impofions ; cependant ce bel efprit trauailla 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 63 

disposition towards the Faith. On the way we bap- 
tized two sick persons whom we believe to be now in 
Heaven. We remained away seven days, during 
which we instructed the whole family in all the im- 
portant points of the Christian Religion. Louys 
served us in this as interpreter, as he is well ac- 
quainted with our mysteries, and explains them with 
enthusiasm. They all approved and enjoyed greatly 
the Christian truths; and, far from judging any of 
the commandments of God difficult, they even found 
them easy. Conjugal continence, and the indissolu- 
bility of marriage, seemed to them the most serious 
obstacles in the progress of the Gospel ; and indeed 
this will be, among other things, a stumbling-block. 
However, they said that, in view of a life of eternal 
happiness or of eternal misery, nothing [43] ought 
to seem difficult. " And then," said Louys's father, 
' ' if you said that we must pass two , three , or more days 
without eating, we might find that a hardship ; but 
there is none in all the rest." He said that the 
French who had been here had never spoken to them 
of God, but had been as much addicted as they to 
run after and dally with the women. Moreover he 
urged Father Pijart, who was with me, to learn the 
language quickly, that he might settle in their vil- 
lage, and be there the Superior of a house. 

On this visit I noticed two or three things. Louys's 
father, hearing that it was necessary to learn the 
sign of the Cross, the Pater, the Ave, and the Apos- 
tles' Creed, said that all that was a small matter, and 
that he would have little intelligence if he could not 
learn it; that, having gone to various Nations, he 
had sometimes been entrusted with more than twenty 
different kinds of business, and that on his return he 


fort ^ apprendre le Cgne de la Croix. C'efl merueille 
combien les hommes font prompts [44] & eueillez 
aux affaires du monde, eftans hebetez en celles de 

I'eus du plaiQr h. oiiir Louys expliquant nos 
Myfteres a fes parens, il le faifoit auec grace, & mon- 
flroit qu'il les comprenoit & poffedoit tres-bien ; Ah 
que ie fouhaitterois parler en Huron auffi bien que 
luy, car il eft vray qu'en comparaifon ie ne fais que 
begayer, & cependant la fagon de dire donne toute 
vne autre face. Comme i'eus mis en auant I'embrafe- 
ment des cinq villes abominables, & la preferuation 
de Loth & de fa famille, pour monftrer comme Dieu 
chaftie feuerement des cefte vie les mefchans & les 
vilains, & comme il fauue les bons, Louys en tira 
cefte confequence pour fes parents, que s'ils feruoient 
fidelement Dieu, leur Cabane ne bruleroit pas, quand 
bien tout le village feroit embrafe. 

Parauanture trouuera-on ces chofes trop baffes 
pour eftre efcrites; mais quoy? Cimi erani paruulus, 
loqucbar vt paruulus, fapicbam vt paruulus ; cum auteni 
f actus ero vir, euacuabo qucB crant paruuli. Quand cefte 
Eglife fera creue, elle produira d'autres fruits, on 
efcrira peut-eftre vn iour les grandes aumofnes, les 
ieufnes, les mortifications, la patiece admirable, voire 
les martyres des Hurons [45] Chreftiens: Maintenant . 
qu'ils ne font encor qu'au berceau, on ne doit attendre 
que des begayemens d'enfans; & partant ie conti- 
nueray dans le recit de ces petites chofes, qui feront, 
Dieu aydant, la femence de plus grandes. 

Expofant aux parens de Louys le commandement 
dene point defrober, & difant qu'en France on faifoit 
mourir les larrons, fon pere demanda fi deuenant Capi- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 65 

had reported them all faithfully ; and consequently 
he could very soon learn and remember the little we 
asked. Yet this intelligent man had to work hard to 
learn the sign of the Cross. It is wonderful how 
prompt [44] and wide awake men are in worldly af- 
fairs, and how dull they are in Spiritual things. 

I took pleasure in hearing Louys explain our Mys- 
teries to his relatives; he did it with grace, and 
showed that he had understood them and made them 
his own. Ah! how I wish I could speak Huron as 
well as he does, for indeed in comparison with him 
I only stutter; and yet the way of saying a thing 
gives it an entirely different meaning. When I 
brought forward the burning of the five wicked cities, 
and the preservation of Lot and his family, to show 
how God chastises severely even in this life the 
wicked and vile, and how he saves the good, Louys 
drew the conclusion from it for his relatives that, if 
they served God faithfully, their Cabin would not be 
burned even if all the village were afire. 

Perhaps some one will think these things too tri- 
fling to be written; but why? Chin eram parviilus, 
loquebar ut parvulus, sapiebam ut parvulus; cum autetn 
facttis ero vtr, evacuabo quce erant parvuli. When this 
Church shall attain its growth, it will produce other 
fruits. Some day, perhaps, will be told the great 
alms, the fasts, the mortifications, the admirable pa- 
tience, even the martyrdoms of the Huron [45] Chris- 
tians. Now that they are yet in their cradle, we 
ought to expect only the stammerings of children ; 
and so I shall continue the recital of these little things 
which shall be, with God's aid, the seed of greater. 

In explaining to Louys's relatives the commandment 
not to steal, and mentioning that in France thieves 



taine il les f eroit auffi mourir ? Et Louys luy repartit, 
que le Pays feroit bien toft d6peupl6, car il faudroit 
tout tuer; vn Huron & vn larron eftant prefque la 
mefme chofe. Tandis que nous eftions icy nous 
fifmes obferuer le premier Vendredy & le premier 
Samedy qui ayt efte iamais obferue par les Hurons. 
D6s le leudy ils porterent ailleurs le refle de leur 
fagamit6, & de leur \aande, & le Vendredy & Samedy 
ayans e{l6 inuitez au feflin, ils difoient que fi on leur 
donnoit de la viande ils la garderoient pour le Di- 
manche ; & de fait nous auons veu vne f ois en noftre 
village le pere de Louys refufer en vn feflin le Ven- 
dredy, vn morceau de chair qu'on luy prefentoit, ne 
faifant pas neantmoins de fcrupule de mager du faga- 
mit6 ou on Tauoit cuit. Ce nouueau [46] profelyte 
n'en f9auoit pas dauantage. Nous les laifTafmes en 
bonne difpofition & bonne volonte, & ce fut tout; le 
fruict n'eft pas encor meur. 

Le quinziefme d'Octobre nous allafmes au village 
d'Henrio vifiter quelques malades, ou noftre Seigneur 
nous ayda par le moyen d'vne ieune fille de noftre 
village qui s'y trouua, & defabufa C ^ propos vne 
pauure femme malade, fur la crain[d]re qu'elle auoit 
que le Baptefme ne luy aduan^afl fes fours, qu'elle fe 
rendit enfin, & vne autre auec elle. 

Le premier de Nouembre voyant vne femme grofle 
aux abois de la mort, nous fifmes vn voeu h. fainct 
lofepb, au cas qu'elle guerift, & que I'enfant fuft 
baptif^, audi tofl elle commen9a k fe bien porter, & 
quelque temps apres accoucha d'vne fille, laquelle 
par le Baptefme a efl^ mife au rang des enfans de 


Le huictiefme de Decembre nous celebrafmes auec 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 67 

were put to death, his father asked him if, when he 
became Captain, he would also put them to death. 
Louys replied that in that case the Country would 
very soon be depopulated, as it would be necessary 
to kill every one, — a Huron and a thief being almost 
the same. While we were here, we made them keep 
the first Friday and the first Saturday that had ever 
been observed by the Hurons. From Thursday they 
laid aside the remainder of their sagamit6 and their 
meat; and on Friday and Saturday, having been in- 
vited to a feast, they said that if meat were given to 
them they would keep it until Sunday ; and, indeed, 
once in our village we saw Louys's father refuse, at a 
feast given on Friday, a piece of meat that was offered 
him, but not scrupling to eat some of the sagamit6 
with which it had been cooked. This new [46] pros- 
elyte knew no better. We left them kindly disposed 
and well-intentioned, and that was all ; the fruit is 
not yet ripe. 

On the fifteenth of October, we went to the village 
of Wenrio, to visit some sick people, in which our 
Lord helped us by means of a young girl of our vil- 
lage who was there, and who so opportunely dis- 
pelled the fear of a poor sick woman that Baptism 
would shorten her life, that she at last gave way, 
and another with her. 

On the first of November, seeing a woman with 
child at the point of death, we made a vow to saint 
Joseph that, in case she recovered, the child should 
be baptized. Immediately she began to improve, 
and some time afterward gave birth to a daughter, 
who by Baptism has been brought within the ranks 
of the children of God. 

On the eighth of December, we celebrated with all 


toute la folemnit6 poffible, la Fefle de I'immacul^e 
Conception de la Vierge, & voiiafmes de dire chacun 
vne Meffe tous les mois de I'ann^e en I'honneur de ce 
mefme fainct Myftere, auec les autres particularitez 
que voflre R. nous [47] auoit prefcrites. Nous croy- 
ons que la Bienheureufe Vierge a eu pour agreables 
nos petites deuotions, car des la mefme ioumee nous 
baptifafmes trois petites filles, dont I'vne nomm^e 
Marie de la Conception efl cede petite qui ell fi fer- 
uente "k apprendre, dont nous auons parl6 cy-defTus, 
& deuant la fin du mois nous en eufmes baptife \-ingt- 
huict ; & du depuis nous y voyons vn notable change- 
ment, fi bien que chaque mois nous en auons toufiours 
gagne bon nombre, en fuite de cefle offrande. 

Le iour de la Purification ayant affembl6 tous les 
enfans Chrefliens parez le mieux qu'il fe peut, auec 
leurs parens; nous fifmes en leur prefence la bene- 
diction des cierges, puis ayant expliqu6 aux grands 
come ^ tel iour noftre Dame auoit ofifert fon Fils au 
Temple au Pere Etemel, & qu'k fon imitation ils de- 
uoient aufll prefenter leurs enfans au feruice de Dieu, 
& qu'en ce faifant Dieu en prendroit vn foin plus par- 
ticulier, ils en furent tres-contens. C'eft pourquoy 
prenant vn Crucifix en main ie pronon9ay en leur 
langue cefle Oraifon. 

[48] Sus efcoutez vous qui auez fait la terre, & vous 
lo fakhrihote de Sondechichiai, dinde 

qui Pere vous appellez, & vous fon Fils 

efa d'Oiftan ichiatfi, dinde de hoen 

qui vous appellez, & vous Efprit Sainct qui vous appel- 

ichiatfi, dinde de EfKen d'oatatoecti ichiat- 

lez, fus efcoutez carcen'eflpaschofe de peu d'importance que 
fi; lo fakhrihote, onekind6 oeron d'ic«a- 

1636] LE/EUNE-S RELATION, J636 69 

possible solemnity the Festival of the immaculate 
Conception of the Virgin, and each of us vowed to 
say a Mass every month in the year in honor of this 
same holy Mystery, with the other details your Rev- 
erence [47] had laid down for our guidance. We be- 
lieve that the Blessed Virgin has accepted our humble 
devotions; for that very day we baptized three little 
girls, — one of whom, named Marie of the Conception, 
is that little girl so eager to learn, of whom we have 
spoken above, — and before the end of the month we 
had baptized twenty-eight; since then, we see a not- 
able change, so much so that every month we have 
gained a goodly number, in consequence of that 


On the day of the Purification, having assembled [ 
all the Christian children, adorned as best they could, 
along with their parents, we performed in their pres- 
ence the benediction of the tapers ; then we ex- / 
plained to the adults how on such a day our Lady 
had offered her Son in the Temple to the Eternal 
Father, and how, in imitation of her, they ought also 
to present their children to the service of God, and if 
they did so God would take a more particular care of : 
them ; they were very well pleased with these state- 
ments. Hence, taking a Crucifix in my hand, I pro- 
nounced in their language this Prayer: 

[48] Come listen you who have made the earth, and you 

lo sakhrihote de Sondechichiai, dinde 

who Father call yourself, and you his Son 

esa d'Oistan ichiatsi, dinde de hoen 

■who call yourself , and you Spirit Holy who call yourself ; 

ichiatsi, dinde de Esken d'oatatoecti ichiatsi ; 

come listen, for it is not a thing of small importance that 
lo sakhrihote onekind^ oeron d'icwa- 



nous faifons, 

Atichiah^, onne 
on les a baptifez. 
te les prefentons 
c8as echa 

c'eft ce que 


bites femmes, 

cXat^ otindekhien 

regardez ces aflemblez 

atifacagnren cha ondikhuc8at6 

defia ce font tes creatures tous ; parce que 

atifata«an d«eti ; aerhon 

Mais voicy que vne autrefois nous 

Caati onne 8dto efdtaan- 

eux tous, nous te les abandonnons tous, 

^«eti, d«eti ef^tonkhiens, 

penfent ce que voila affem- 

echa Xenderhay cha iJendikhu- 

elles penfent 

qu'il foit 
prenez courage 




de tous les enfans. 
e8a tichiaha. 
deuiennent point malades, 

derak6, aonhSentfannenhan, 

qui efl mal ; que fi 

d'otechienti, din de 

Sus done 
lo ichien 

qu'ils ne 

la contagion 









tout ce 


nous attaque 


derechef , defloume-la auffi ; que fi la famine 

nachien, ferre^a itondi ; din de onrendich 

[49] nous attaque defloume-la auffi ; que fi la g^er- 

efonachien, ferreb'a itondi; din de Xsken- 

re nous affault deftoume la auffi ; que fi 

raetac efonachien, ferreXa itondi ; din de 

le demon nous prouoque, c'efl a dire le mauuais demo, & 

oKi efoniatoata ondayee d'okiafti. chia 

les mefchans qui par poifon font mourir, deflourne les 

daononc^aiefla d'oki afaoio, ferreXa 

auffi. Finalement deflourne tout ce qui efl de mauuais. 

itondi. oc8etac8i ferreSa e8e d'otechienti. 

lefus noflre Seigneur de Dieu Fils, c'efl ce a quoy tu 

lefus onandaerari Dieu hoen ondayee 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 71 

we do ; look upon these assembled 

kerha, atisacagnren cha ondikhucwat6 

children, already these are thy creatures all ; because that 

Atichiahk, onne atisatawan dweti ; aerhon 

they have been baptized. But lo ! again we 

onatindecwaesti. Caati onne wdto esdtaan- 

to thee present them all, all we g^ve them up to thee, 

cwas echa dweti, dweti esdtonkhiens, 

this is what these think, these assem- 

ondayee echa wenderhay cha wendikhu- 

bled women, they think master 

cwate otindekhien, wenderhay awandio 

that he is of all the children. Come, then, now 

awaton ewa tichiaha. lo ichien nonhwa 

take courage, keep them ; defend them. That they 

etsaon hatsacaratai, atsatanonstat. Enon- 

may not become sick, that they may sin 

che watinonhwak6, enonch6 watirihwan- 

never, turn away all that 

derak^, aonhwentsannenhan, serrewa ewa 

which is evil ; and if the plague attack us 

d'otechienti, din de ongnratarri^ etseso- 

again, turn away that also ; and if famine 

nachien, serrewa itondi ; din de onrendich 

[49] attack us, turn away that also ; and if war 

esonachien, serrewa itondi; din de ousken- 

assail us, turn away that also ; and if 

raetac esonachien, serrewa itondi ; din de 

the demon provoke us, that is. the bad demon, and 

oki esoniatoata ondayee d'okiasti. chia 

the wicked ones who through poison cause death, turn them away 
daononcwaiessa d'oki asaoio, serrewa 

also. Finally, turn away all that which is evil, 

itondi. ocwetacwi serrewa ewe d'otechienti. 
Jesus our Lord of God the Son, for this 

Jesus onandaerari Dieu hoen ondayee 


exhorteras ton Pere, car il ne te refufe 

achiehetfaron de hiaiflan, onek^ tehia- 

point. Et vous auffi Marie de lefus la Mere qui 

nonflas. chia defa 8arie lefus ond«e de 
efles Vierge, cela auffi dis. Ainfi 

chiKhoncXan, ondayee itondi chihon. to 



Cefle Oraifon entre autres leur aggrea, d'autant 
que nous demandions ^ Dieu qu'il les preferuaft de 
la contagion, de la famine, &de la guerre ; ils n'y defire- 
rent de plus que ces deux prieres, qu'ils ne fiffent 
point naufrage, & ne fe bruflaffent point: cnonche 
HatiHareha, enonche Hatidtati ; cela y eltant ils la iu- 
gerent accomplie. Dieu foit inSniement lou6, & la 
B. Vierge, car nous pouuons dire que de ce iour-lk 
nous prifmes pofleffion de cefle petite ieuneffe, qui 
[50] a continue depuis k s'afTembler tous les Dimanches 
dans noftre Cabane pour prier Dieu. II efloit bien 
raifonnable que puis qu'ils auoient commenc6 ^ 
naiftre enfans de Dieu le iour de I'immacul^e Concep- 
tion de cefle faincte Vierge, ils commengallent auffi 
le iour de fa Purification "k practiquer le deuoir de 
Chreflien, pour le continuer le refle de leur vie ; c'efl 
ce que nous efperons par I'entremife de cefle Mere 
de mifericorde, qui nous fait aflez paroiflre que fans 
doute elle veut eftre la Mere de cefle nouuelle Eglife. 

Le vingt-vniefme de Mars vne femme qui auoit 
efl6 enuiron vingt-quatre heures en trauail d'enfant, 
accoucha heureufement, auffi toft qu'on luy eut ap- 
plique vne Relique de N. B. P. S. Ignace; fon fruict 
ne vefquit qu'autant qu'il fallut pour aller au Ciel 
par le Baptefme. 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 73 

thou wilt exhort thy Father, for he does not refuse thee 

achiehetsaron de hiaistan, onek^ tehia- 

anything. And you also Mary, of Jesus the Mother who 

nonstas. chia desa Wane Jesus ondwe de 

art Virgin, that also say. So 

chikhoncwan, ondayee itondi chihon. to 



This Prayer, among others, pleased them, inas- 
much as we asked God to preserve them from pesti- 
lence, famine, and war. They desired nothing more 
than these two prayers, that they might not be ship- 
wrecked, and might not suffer by fire : enonche wati- 
wareha, enonche watidtat^; these being added, they 
thought it complete. God and the Blessed Virgin 
be praised forever; for we can say that, from that 
day, we took possession of these little ones, who [50] 
have continued since then to gather every Sunday in 
our Cabin, to worship God. It was very fitting that, 
since they had become children of God on the day of 
the immaculate Conception of the holy Virgin, they 
should also begin on the day of her Purification to 
practice Christian duty, to continue it the rest of 
their lives. This we hope through the mediation 
of the Mother of mercy, who has shown us plainly 
that she will be the Mother of this rising Church. 

On the twenty-first of March, a woman, who had 
been about twenty-four hours in travail, brought 
forth a child happily, as soon as we had applied to 
her a Relic of Our Blessed Father St. Ignatius. Her 
child lived only long enough to enable us to send it 
to Heaven by Baptism. 

On the twenty-eighth of March, Franjois Margue- 
rie, who had gone to winter with the Savages of the 


Le vingt-huictiefme de Mars Francois Marguerie 
qui eftoit all6 hyuemer auec les Sauuages de I'lfle, 
nous en amena quatre ; Ce nous fut vne grande con- 
folation de receuoir des vilites Franfoifes en vne telle 
faifon, & d'entendre des nouuelles de Kebec, & des 
trois Riuieres. Nous fufmes auffi furpris d'eflonne- 
ment de voir qu'vn ieune [51] homme comme lay 
aag6 de vingt k vingt-deux ans, euft le courage de 
fuiure les Sauuages fur les glaces, dans les neiges, & 
au trauers des forefts quarante iours continus, & I'ef- 
pace de quelques trois cens lieues, portant, trainant 
& trauaillant autant & plus que pas vn de fa bande, 
car ces Barbares eftans arriuez au gifle luy faifoient 
faire leur chaudiere, tandis qu'ils fe chaufEoient & fe 
repofoient ; II nous fait au refle vne belle legon, car 
C pour contenter vn defir de voir, il a tant pris de 
peine, & deuor6 tant de difl&cultez venant en une fai- 
fon G fafcheufe, & par des chemins fi ^tranges, cer- 
tainement des perfonnes Religieufes pouff^es du 
fainct defir de gagner des ames &. Dieu, ne doiuent 
nullement redouter I'afpret^ des chemins, que la com- 
modite des Canots, la faifon plaifante de I'Efl^, & la 
compagnie des Sauuages affez fecourables, rendent 
non feulement beaucoup moindre, mais aulli en quel- 
que fagon agreable ; outre que Dieu a des confolations 
admirables pour ceux qui le craignent, mais beau- 
coup plus pour ceux qui I'ayment. 

L'occaQon de la venue des Sauuages de I'lfle en ce 
pays des Hurons, efloit la mort [52] de vingt-trois 
perfonnes que les Iroquois auoient maffacrez nonob- 
ftat la paix : Cette perfidie leur caufoit vn grand defir 
de fe venger. lis auoient amalI6 quelques ving^-trois 
colliers de Pourcelaine afin de foufleuer les Hurons 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 75 

Island,^ brought four of them to us. It was a great 
consolation to receive visits from Frenchmen at such 
a season and to hear news of Kebec and the three 
Rivers. We were also deeply astonished to see that 
a young [51] man like him, only twenty to twenty- 
two years old, had the courage to follow the Savages 
over ice and snow, and through forests, forty succes- 
sive days, and for the space of some three hundred 
leagues, — carrying, dragging, and working as much 
as, and more than any of his band, for these Barbari- 
ans, having arrived at their halting place, made him 
get ready their meal, while they warmed themselves 
and rested. Furthermore, he taught us a good les- 
son ; for if, to satisfy a wish to see, he took so much 
pains, and endured such hardships in a season so 
rude and over roads so strange, — surely Religious 
persons, urged on by a holy desire to win souls to 
God, ought in no way to dread the roughness of the 
roads which the convenience of Canoes, the pleasant- 
ness of the Summer season, and the company of 
generally helpful Savages, render not only much less 
annoying, but even to some extent agreeable. Be- 
sides, while God has admirable consolations for 
those who fear him, he has much greater ones for 
those who love him. 

The occasion of the coming of these Island Sav- 
ages to the country of the Hurons was the death [52] 
of twenty-three persons whom the Iroquois had mas- 
sacred, notwithstanding the peace. This perfidy had 
excited a strong desire for vengeance. They had 
collected some twenty-three collars of Porcelain, ta 
rouse the Hurons and the Algonquins to take up 
arms and lend them assistance, promising that our 
French would be of the party, as against the com- 


& les Algonquins k prendre les armes, & leur prefter 
main forte, fe promettant que nos Fran9ois feroient 
de la partie, comma contra vn commun ennemy ; Mais 
ny les Hurons ny las Algonquins n'y ont point voulu 
entendre, & ont refuf6 leurs prafens ; les Biffirinians 
n'y ont non plus voulu entendre k caufe des extor- 
tions qu'ils fouffrent dafdits Sauuages da I'lfle en 
defcandant "k la traitta ; Pour las Hurons, ils ont cou- 
uart leurs refus de I'apprehenfion d'\Tie arm^e dont 
on las managoit en bref. Mais en effet 9'a eft6 pour 
ce que la Nation das Ours qui fait la moiti6 des Hu- 
rons, s'eft piqu6e de ce que les Sauuages de I'lfle ne 
les inuitoiant point comma les autres, na leur faifants 
point part de leurs prefens, au contraire defendant 
qu'on ne laur en parlafl. 

Cepandant d'vn autre cofl6 nous apprehendons que 
ca ne foiant tous flratag^mas de Satan pour empefcher 
la conuerQon de ces Peuples, car ceux de I'lfle fe voy- 
ans [53] 6conduits s'an font retournez fort mefcontes 
tant des Hurons, que des Biffiriniens, & ont menac6 
qu'ils ne lairroient \sc. laiffoiant] paflar ny las vns, 
ny les autres pour aller aux Frangois. 

Le Borgna de I'lfle difoit aux Hurons en noflre 
prefenca, pour recommander le fuiet de fon Am- 
ballade, que fon corps efloit des baches, il vouloit 
dire, que la conferuation de fa perfonne, & de fa Na- 
tion, eltoit la conferuation des baches, das cbaudieres, 
& de touta la traitte das Franjois pour les Hurons ; 
mefmes on dit, foit vray, foit faux, qu'il s'eft vant^ 
qu'il eftoit maiftre des Frangois, & qu'il nous remene- 
roit 'k K^bac, & nous feroit rapalTer la mer k tous ; ie 
dis qu'on le dit, & qu'on luy attribue ces rodomon- 
tades, car nous ne les auons pas ouyes, au contraire 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 77 

mon enemy ; but neither the Hurons nor the Algon- 
quins have been willing to listen to them, and have 
refused their presents. The Bissiriniens likewise 
have refused to listen to them, on account of the ex- 
tortion practiced on them by the Island Savages in 
going down for trade. As to the Hurons, they have 
covered their refusal with the apprehension they 
have of an army with which they were lately threat- 
ened. But the real cause was in fact that the Nation 
of the Bear, which constitutes the half of the Hu- 
rons, was piqued because the Island Savages did not 
invite them as well as the others, — offering them no 
presents, and on the contrary forbidding that they 
should be told of the matter. 

Meanwhile, on the other hand, we are afraid that 
these are all stratagems of Satan to hinder the con- 
version of these Peoples; for the men of the Isle, 
seeing themselves [53] refused, have returned very 
much discontented at the Hurons as well as at the 
Bissiriniens, and have threatened that they would let 
neither of them pass down to the French. 

Le Borgne [the One-eyed] of the Isle said to the 
Hurons, in our presence, in order to recommend the 
subject of his Embassy, that his body was hatchets ; 
he meant that the preservation of his person and of 
his Nation was the preservation of the hatchets, the 
kettles, and all the trade of the French, for the Hu- 
rons. They even say, whether true or false, that he 
has boasted that he is master of the French, and 
that he would lead us back to K6bec and make us all 
recross the sea. I am telling what is said, and the 
boasts attributed to him, for we did not hear them ; on 
the contrary, they went away, so far as we are con- 


ils fe departirent d'auec nous auec toute forte de fatis- 
faction & de contentement. 

lis nous firent k la verity vn grand difcours comme 
d'amis, qui tendoit, ou k nous faire quitter tout k fait 
le Pays des Hurons, ou au moins la Nation des Ours, 
comme la plus mefchante de toutes, qui auoit maffa- 
cr6 Eftienne Brufl6, & le bon Pere Nicolas Recolet 
auec fon compagnon ; [54] & qui pour vn coup leur 
auoit autrefois allomm^ huict de leurs hommes ; Et 
pour moy en particulier, en me flattant & me loiiant, 
ils me dirent, que plutoft que de rifquer ma vie par- 
my vne Nation fi perfide, ils me confeilloient de 
defcendre k K6bec, au moins apres auoir paff^ icy 
encor vn an, pour f9auoir parfaictement la langue, 
que ie ferois vn grand Capitaine, & qu'il n'y auroit 
que moy qui parleroit dans les confeils ; C'eft ainfi 
que ces braues confeillers nous donnoient des aduis, 
auec pluGeurs & long difcours, pour monflrer ramiti6 
qu'ils auoient toufiours port6e aux Fran9ois par deffus 
toutes les Nations. Nous leur refpondifmes que nous 
n'eftios pas venus en ces Pays pour feruir de truche- 
ment, ny fous efperance de nous y enrichir, ou de 
deuenir vn iour grands Capitaines; mais que nous 
anions abandonn^ nos parens, nos moyens, & toutes 
nos pofleffions, & auions trauerf6 la mer afin de leur 
venir enf eigner la voye de falut, au peril de nos vies ; 
qu'au refte nous tafchions, & que nous tafcherions de 
£i bien nous coporter, que les autres Nations auroient 
plus de fuiet de nous aymer, que de nous mal-faire. 
Bref nous leur difmes qu'vn iour [55] quelqu'vn des 
noftres pourroit demeurer en leur Pays pour les in- 
flruire, & qu'il y en auroit defia n'eftoit leur vie 
errante; Ils tefmoignerent en eftre fort contens, & 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 79 

cemed, with every appearance of satisfaction and 

They had, in fact, a long and friendly talk with 
us, with the object in view of making us entirely 
leave the Country of the Hurons or at least the Na- 
tion of the Bear, as the most wicked of all the tribes, 
since it had murdered Estienne Brusl^ and good Fa- 
ther Nicolas, the Recolet, with his companion; [54] 
and had some time before, for a blow, slain eight of 
their men. To me in particular, in the way of flat- 
tery and praise, they said that, rather than risk my 
life among a Nation so perfidious, they would advise 
me to go down to K6bec, at least after having passed 
another year here to learn the language perfectly ; 
and that I would be a great Captain, and the only 
one who could speak in their councils. Thus these 
brave counsellors gave us advice, with many and 
long speeches, to show the friendship they had al- 
ways had for the French above all Nations. We re- 
plied that we had not come into this Country to act 
as interpreters, nor in the hope of getting riches, 
nor yet in the hope of becoming one day great Cap- 
tains ; but that we had left behind our parents, our 
means, and all our possessions, and had crossed the 
sea in order to come to teach them the way of salva- 
tion, at the peril of our lives; that, for the rest, we 
were trying and would try so to comport ourselves 
that other Nations would have more reason to love 
us than to do us harm. In short, we told them that 
one day [55] some of our Fathers might stay in their 
Country, to instruct them ; and that they would have 
had them before this, had it not been for their wan- 
dering life. They declared that they were well 


acquiefcerent k nos raifons : pour comble defquelles 
nous leur donnafmes vn Canot, auec quelques autres 
petits prefens, dont ils demeurerent tres-fatisfaits, di- 
fans qu'ils eftoient defia de retour en leur Pays, & 
firent mille remerciemens auec forces promelTes de 
bien traitter les noftres quand ils palleront fur leurs 
terres. Nous tafchons de nous concilier I'amitie de 
tons ces Peuples afin de les conquefter ^ Dieu. 

La Semaine Saincte Louys de faincte Foy nous vint 
viCter, & lit fes Pafques auec nous pour fe difpofer k 
aller ^ la guerre auec vn fien oncle contre les Iro- 
quois ; il n'efl pas encor de retour ; on nous veut faire 
accroire qu'il efl defcendu 'k K6bec; ie m'en rap- 

Le quatorziefme d'Auril le fils du Capitaine Aenons 
apres auoir perdu au ieu de pailles vne robe de Caftor, 
& vn collier de quatre cens grains de Pourcelaine, 
eut vne telle apprehenfion de fes parens, que n'ofant 
entrer dans la Cabane, il fe defefpera, & fe pendit k 
vn arbre. C'efloit vn efprit [56] fort melancholique ; 
des cet Hyuer il auoit efle defia fur le point de fe d6- 
faire foy-mefme, mais \-ne petite fille le prit fur le 
fait : comme on luy demandoit qui I'auoit port6 "k cefte 
mefchante refolution, le ne f5ay, dit-il, mais il me 
femble que i'ay quelqu'vn dedans moy qui me dit 
continuellement, pends toy, pends toy. Le ieu ne 
porte iamais k rien de bon ; en eff et les Sauuages 
mefmes remarquent que c'eft quafi I'vnique caufe des 
batteries & des meurtres. 

Le huictiefme de May, eftant all6 k la Rochelle, 
\Tie femme qui venoit d'accoucher, me prefenta fon 
petit enfant k baptif er ; comme il fe portoit bien, & 
que noftre couftume efl, finon en cas de neceffite de 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 81 

content, and acquiesced in our reasons; to confirm 
which, we gave them a Canoe with some other little 
presents, with which they were very well satisfied, — 
saying that they were already on their return to 
their own Country, and uttering a thousand thanks 
and many promises to treat our Fathers well when 
they should pass through their territory. We en- 
deavor to gain for ourselves the friendship of all 
these Peoples, in order to obtain them for God. 

During Holy Week, Louys de saincte Foy came to 
visit us, and spent Easter with us in order to prepare 
himself to go to war with his uncle against the Iro- 
quois. He has not yet returned ; they try to make 
us believe that he has gone down to Kdbec; but I 
have confidence in him. 

On the fourteenth of April, the son of Chief 
Aenons, after having lost at the game of straws^ a 
Beaver robe and a collar of four hundred Porcelain 
beads, had such a fear of meeting his relatives that, 
not daring to enter the Cabin, he became desperate, 
and hanged himself to a tree. He had a [56] very 
melancholy disposition. The first of the Winter he 
was on the point of putting an end to himself, but a 
little girl caught him in the act. When asked what 
had led him to this wicked resolution, " I do not 
know," said he, " but some one within me seems al- 
ways to be saying, ' Hang thyself, hang thyself.' " 
Gambling never leads to anything good; in fact, the 
Savages themselves reniark that it is almost the sole 
cause of assaults and murders. 

On the eighth of May, having gone to la Rochelle, 
a woman who had just given birth to a child pre- 
sented it to me for baptism. As it was well, and as 


ne baptifer que dans noflre Cabane auec les ceremo- 
nies de I'Eglife, pour plus grand refpect de ce Sacre- 
ment ; ie fus tout prefl de luy dire que ce feroit affez 
qu'elle nous I'apportafl k la premiere commodity: 
neanmoins ie me fenty infpir6 de paffer outre ; & fans 
doute ce fut \'Tie Prouidence toute particuliere, car 
peu de iours apres fes parens nous vinrent apporter 
la nouuelle de fa mort. 

Le huictiefme de luin, Ie Capitaine des Naiz per- 
cez, ou de la Nation du Caftor, [57] qui eft k trois 
iourn6es de nous, vint nous demander quelqu'vn de 
nos Fran9ois pour aller auec eux paffer I'Efte dans 
vn fort qu'ils ont fait, pour la crainte qu'ils ont des 
AHeatfiHacnrrhonon, c'eft k dire, des gens puants, qui 
ont rompu le traicte de paix, & ont tue deux des 
leurs, dont ils ont fait feftin. 

Le neufiefme aborda icy vn Sauuage mort fous les 
glaces. Tout le village y accourut, & rendit k fes 
parens les deuoirs accouftumez de fi bonne grace, que 
parmy les prefens mutuels I'intendance des ceremo- 
nies leur fut defer^e en cefte occafion, le mort s'eflant 
trouue n'eftre point des leurs. 

Le treiziefme du mefme mois nous eufmes nou- 
uelle quVne troupe de Hurons qui s'en alloient en 
guerre, & s'eftoient cabanez k la portee d'vn mouf- 
quet du dernier village, a vne iournee de nous, apres 
auoir paffe pres de deux nuicts k chanter & k manger, 
furent furpris d'vn li profond fommeil, que I'ennemy 
furuenant en fendit la tefte k douze fans refiftance, 
le refte fe fauua a la fuite. 

I'euffe pu adioufter icy beaucoup de chofes qui fe 
font paffees cefte ann6e, & dont nous auons eft6 tef- 
moins oculaires: mais [58] i'ay iuge plus k propos de 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 83 

our custom is, except in case of necessity, to baptize 
only in our Cabin with the ceremonies of the Church, 
in order to cause the Sacrament to be more highly 
respected, I was about to say that she might bring it 
at her first convenience, when I felt inspired to de- 
part from our custom ; and no doubt it was a special 
Providence, for, a few days after, its parents brought 
us news of its death. 

On the eighth of June, the Captain of the Naiz ] 
percez, or Nation of the Beaver,* [57] which is three 
days journey from us, came to request one of our 
Frenchmen to spend the Summer with them, in a 
fort they had made from fear of the Aweatsiwaenrrfto- 
non, or stinking tribe," who have broken the treaty 
of peace, and have killed two of their men, of whom 
they made a feast. --^I 

On the ninth, a Savage who lay dead under the ice 
was cast ashore here. The whole village hastened out 
and paid to his relations the accustomed devoirs, with 
so good a grace that the management of the cere- 
monies was given over to the villagers on this occa- 
sion, among mutual presents, although the dead man 
had been found to be not one of their people. 

On the thirteenth of the same month, we had news 
of a troop of Hurons who had gone to war, and who 
were encamped at the distance of a musket-shot from 
the last village, a day's journey from us; after hav- 
ing passed two nights in singing and eating, they 
were overtaken with so profound a sleep, that the 
enemy, coming suddenly upon them, cleft open the 
heads of a dozen without resistance, the rest escaping 
by flight. 

I might have added here many things that have 


les referuer k la feconde partie de cefte Relation; 
I'efpere que i'euiteray par ce moyen plus ayf^ment 
la confufion, & contenteray k mon aduis dauantage 
tous ceux qui font curieux de fgauoir les moeurs & les 
couftumes de ces Peuples. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 85 

taken place this year, and of which we have been 
eyewitnesses, but [58] I have thought it best to re- 
serve them for a second part of this Relation. I hope 
in this way more easily to avoid confusion, and to 
satisfy more fully those who are curious to know the 
manners and customs of these Tribes. 







NOUS auons appris que le falut de tant d'ames 
innocentes lauees, & blanchies dans le Sang 
du Fils de Dieu, touche bien fenfiblemet le 
coeur de pluCeurs, & y allume de nouueaux defirs de 
quitter I'ancienne France, pour fe tranf porter en la 
Nouuelle. Dieu foit beny k iamais qui nous fait pa- 
roiftre par Ik qu'il a enfin ouuert h. ces Peuples les 
entrailles de fon infinie mifericorde. le ne fuis pas 
pour refroidir cefte genereufe refolution; helas ce 
font ces [59] coeurs felon le coeur de Dieu que nous 
attendons ; mais ie deGre feulement leur donner vn 
mot d'aduis. 

II ell vray que fortis vt mors dilectio, I'amour de 
Dieu a la force de faire ce que fait la mort, c'eft i 
dire, de nous detacher entierement des creatures & 
de nous mefmes ; neantmoins ces deOrs que nous fen- 
tons de cooperer au falut des Infideles ne font pas 
toufiours des marques affeur^es de cet amour 6pur6; 
il pent y auoir quelquesfois vn peu d'amour propre, 
& de recherche de nous mefme, fi nous regardons 
feulement le bien & le contentement qu'il y a de 
mettre des ames dans le Ciel, fans confiderer meure- 
ment les peines, les trauaux, & les difficultez qui font 
infeparables de ces fonctions Euangeliques. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i63b 87 



WE have learned that the salvation of so many 
innocent souls, washed and made white in 
the Blood of the Son of God, is stirring 
very deeply the hearts of many, and is exciting new 
desires in them to leave old France that they may 
come to the New. God be forever blessed that he, 
as this shows us, has at last opened to these Tribes 
the bowels of his infinite pity. I wish not to chill 
the ardor of this generous resolution. Alas! it is 
those [59] hearts after God's own heart whom we are 
expecting; but I only wish to give one word of 

It is true that fortis ut mors dilectio, the love of God 
has power to do what death does, — that is to say, to 
detach us entirely from creatures and from our- 
selves; nevertheless, these desires that we feel of 
working for the safety of Infidels are not always sure 
signs of that pure love. There may be sometimes a 
little self-love and regard for ourselves, if we look 
only at the blessing and satisfaction of putting souls 
in Heaven without considering fully the pains, the 
labors and the difficulties which are inseparable from 
these Evangelical functions. 

On this account, in order that no one may be de- 


Doncques afin que perfonnne ne foit abuf6 en ce 
point, ojlendmn illi quanta hie oporteat pro nomine le/u 
pati. II eft vray que les deux derniers venus, les 
Peres Mercier & Pijart, n'ont pas eu tant de peine en 
leur voyage, mais en comparaifon de nous qui eftions 
montez I'ann^e precedente; ils n'ot point ram^, leurs 
gens n'ont point efte malades comme les noflres, il 
ne leur a point fallu porter de pef antes charges. Or 
nonobftant [60] cela pour facile que puille eftre la 
trauerf^e des Sauuages, il y a touQours ailez dequoy 
abbatre bien fort vn coeur qui ne feroit pas bien mor- 
tifi6 ; la facility des Sauuages n'accourcit pas le che- 
min, n'applanit pas les roches, n'^floigne pas les dan- 
gers. Soyes auec qui que vous voudrez il faut vous 
attfendre "k eflre trois & quatre femaines par les che- 
mins tout au moins, de n'auoir pour compagnie que 
des perfonnes que vous n'auez iamais veu, d'eflre 
dans vn Canot d'efcorce en vne pofture aHez incom- 
mode, fans auoir la liberte de vous tourner d'vn cofl6 
ou d'autre, en danger cinquante fois le iour de verfer, 
ou de brifer fur les roches. Pendant le iour le Soleil 
vous brufle, pendant la nuict vous courez rifque 
d'eftre la proye des Maringoins. Vous montez quel- 
quesfois cinq ou fix faults en vn iour, & n'auez le foir 
pour tout recofort qu'vn pen de bled battu entre deux 
pierres, & cuit auec de belle eau claire ; pour lit la 
terre, & bien fouuent des roches in^gales & raboteufes, 
d'ordinaire point d'autre abry que les elioiles, & tout 
cela dans vn Ulence perpetuel ; ^ vous vous bleffez \ 
quelque rencontre, li vous tombez malade, n'atten- 
dez de ces Barbares d'affiftance, [61] car ou la pren- 
droient-ils. Et G la maladie eft dangereufe, & que 
vous foyez ^loignez des villages, qui y font fort rares, 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 89 

ceived in regard to this, ostendam illi quanta hie opor- 
teat pro twtninc Jesu pati. True, the two who came 
last. Fathers Mercier and Pijart, had no such trouble 
in their journey as those of us who came here the 
year before. They did not paddle, their men were 
not sick, as ours were; they had not to bear the 
heavy loads. Yet notwithstanding [60] this, easy as 
may be a trip with the Savages, there is always 
enough to greatly cast down a heart not well under 
subjection. The readiness of the Savages does not 
shorten the road, does not smooth down the rocks, 
does not remove the dangers. Be with whom you 
like, you must expect to be, at least, three or four 
weeks on the way, to have as companions persons 
you have never seen before ; to be cramped in a bark 
Canoe in an uncomfortable position, not being free 
to turn yourself to one side or the other ; in danger 
fifty times a day of being upset or of being dashed 
upon the rocks. During the day, the Sun burns 
you; during the night, you run the risk of being a 
prey to Mosquitoes. You sometimes ascend five or 
six rapids in a day ; and, in the evening, the only re- 
freshment is a little corn crushed between two stones 
and cooked in fine clear water ; the only bed is the 
earth, sometimes only the rough, uneven rocks, and 
usually no roof but the stars ; and all this in perpet- 
ual silence. If you are accidentally hurt, if you fall 
sick, do not expect from these Barbarians any assist- 
ance, [61] for whence could they obtain it? And if 
the sickness is dangerous, and if you are remote from 
the villages, which are here very scattered, I would 
not like to guarantee that they would not abandon 
you, if you could not make shift to follow them. 
When you reach the Hurons, you will indeed find 


ie ne voudrois pas vous affeurer, que fi vous ne vous 
pouuez ayder vous mefme pour les fuiure, ils ne vous 

Quand vous arriuerez aux Hurons vous trouuerez \ 
la verity des coeurs plains de charity, nous vous rece- 
urons k bras ouuerts comme vn Ange de Paradis, 
nous aurons toutes les bonnes volontez du monde de 
vous faire du bien, mais nous fommes quafi dans I'im- 
poffible de le faire ; nous vous receurons dans vne fl 
chetiue Cabane que ie n'en trouue point quafi en 
France d'afTez miferables pour vous pouuoir dire, 
voila comment vous ferez log6. Tout haraffe & fati- 
gue que vous ferez, nous ne pouuons vous donner 
qu'vne pauure natte, & tout au plus quel que peau 
pour vous feruir de lict ; & de plus vous arriuerez en 
vne faifon ou de miferables petites beilioles, que 
nous appellons icy Tab'hac, & pulces en bon Fran9ois, 
vous empefcheront quafi les nuits entieres de fermer 
I'oeil ; car elles font en ces pays-cy incomparablement 
plus importunes qu'en France ; la pouffiere de la Ca- 
bane les nourrit, les Sauuages nous les apportet, [62] 
nous les allons querir chez eux, & ce petit martyre, 
fans parler des Maringoins, Moufquites, & autre fem- 
blable engeance dure d'ordinaire les trois & quatre 
mois de I'Elte. 

II faut faire eftat pour grad maiftre & grad Theolo- 
gian que vous ayez efle en France d'eftre icy petit 
Efcolier, & encor, 6 bon Dieu, de quels maiftres! des 
femmes, des petits enfans, de tous les Sauuages, & 
d'eflre expofe k leur rif^e. La langue Huronne fera 
voftre fainct Thomas, & voftre Ariftote, & tout habile 
homme que vous eftes, & bien difant parmy des per- 
fonnes doctes & capables, il vous faut refoudre d'eftre 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 91 

hearts full of charity ; we will receive you with open 
arms as an Angel of Paradise, we shall have all the 
inclination in the world to do you good ; but we are 
so situated that we can do very little. We shall re- 
ceive you in a Hut, so mean that I have scarcely 
found in France one wretched enough to compare it 
with ; that is how you will be lodged. Harassed and 
fatigued as you will be, we shall be able to give you 
nothing but a poor mat, or at most a skin, to serve 
you as a bed ; and, besides, you will arrive at a sea- 
son when miserable little insects that we call here 
Taouhac, and, in good French, pukes [fleas], will keep 
you awake almost all night, for in these countries 
they are incomparably more troublesome than in 
France; the dust of the Cabin nourishes them, the 
Savages bring them to us, [62] we get them in their 
houses; and this petty martyrdom, not to speak of 
Mosquitoes, Sandflies, and other like vermin, lasts 
usually not less than three or four months of the 

Instead of being a great master and great Theo-\ 
logian as in France, you must reckon on being here / 
a humble Scholar, and then, good God! with what ( 
masters! — women, little children, and all the Sav- 1 
ages, — and exposed to their laughter. The HuronJ^ 
language will be your saint Thomas and your Aris- 
totle ; and clever man as you are, and speaking glibly 
among learned and capable persons, you must make 
up your mind to be for a long time mute among the 
Barbarians. You will have accomplished much, if, 
at the end of a considerable time, you begin to stam- 
mer a little. 

And then how do you think you would pass the 
Winter with us ? After having heard all that must 


aflez long-temps muet parmy des Barbaras ; ce fera 
beaucoup pour vous, quand vous commencerez k be- 
gayer au bout de quelque temps. 

Et puis comment penferiez-vous paffer icy I'Hyuer? 
apres auoir ouy tout ce qu'on endure hyuernant auec 
les Sauuages Montagnets, ie puis dire que c'eft a peu 
pr6s la vie que nous menons icy parmy les Hurons ; 
ie le dis fans exaggeration, les cinq & fix mois de 
I'Hyuer fe paflent dans ces incommoditez prefque 
cont.inuelles, les froidures exceffiues, la fum^e, & 
I'importunit^ des Sauuages ; nous auons vne Cabane 
baftie [63] de fimples ^corces, mais fi bien iointes, 
que nous n'auons que faire de fortir dehors pour f9a- 
uoir quel temps il fait : la fum6e eft bien fouuent fi 
efpailTe, fi aigre & fi opiniaftre, que les cinq & fix 
iours entiers, fi vous n'eftes tout h. fait h. I'efpreuue, 
c'eft bien tout ce que vous pouuez faire que de co- 
gnoiftre quelque chof e dans voftre Breuiaire : Auec 
cela nous auons depuis le matin iufques au foir noftre 
foyer quafl toujours affieg^ de Sauuages; fur tout ils 
ne manquent gneres a I'heure du repas : que s'il ar- 
riue que vous ayez quelque chofe d'extraordinaire, fi 
peu que ce foit, il faut faire eftat que la plus part de 
ces Meffieurs font de la maifon ; fi vous ne leur en 
faites part, vous pafferez pour vn vilain. Pour la 
nourriture, elle n'eft pas fi miferable, bien que nous 
nous paffions d'ordinaire d'vn peu de bled, auec vn 
morceau de poiffon fee & fumd, outre quelques fruicts 
dont ie parleray icy bas. 

Au refte iufqiies k prefent nous n'auons eu que des 
rofes, d'orefnauant que nous auons des Chreftiens 
quafi en tous les villages ; il faut bien faire eftat d'y 
faire des courfcs en quelque faifon de I'annee que ce 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 93 

be endured in wintering among the Montagnets Sav- 
ages, I may say that that is almost the life we lead 
here among the Hurons. I say it without exaggera- 
tion, the five and six months of Winter are spent in 
almost continual discomforts, — excessive cold, smoke, 
and the annoyance of the Savages ; we have a Cabin 
built [63] of simple bark, but so well jointed that we 
have to send some one outside to learn what kind of 
weather it is; the smoke is very often so thick, so 
annoying, and so obstinate that, for five or six days 
at a time, if you are not entirely proof against it, it 
is all you can do to make out a few lines in your Bre- 
viary. Besides, from morning until evening our fire- 
place is almost always surrounded by Savages, — 
above all, they seldom fail to be there at mealtimes. 
If you happen to have anything more than usual, let 
it be ever so little, you must reckon on most of these 
Gentlemen as your guests ; if you do not share with 
them, you will be considered mean. As regards the 
food, it is not so bad, although we usually content 
ourselves with a little corn, or a morsel of dry smoked 
fish, or some fruits, of which I shall speak further on. 
For the rest, thus far we have had only roses; 
henceforth, as we have Christians in almost every 
village, we must count upon making rounds through 
them at all seasons of the year, and of remaining 
there, according to necessity, [64] for two or three 
whole weeks, amid annoyances that cannot be de- 
scribed. Add to all this, that our lives depend upon 
a single thread; and if, wherever we are in the 
world, we are to expect death every hour, and to be 
prepared for it, this is particularly the case here. 
For not to mention that your Cabin is only, as it 
were, chaff, and that it might be burned at any mo- 


foit, & d'y demeurer felon les occurrences [64] les 
quinze iours & les trois femaines entieres, dans des 
incommoditez qui ne fe peuuent dire. Adiouftez k 
tout cela que noftre vie ne tient quafi qu'k vti filet, 
& fi en quelque lieu du monde que nous foyons nous 
deuons attendre la mort ^ toute heure, & auoir tou- 
liours noftre ame entre nos mains, c'eft particuliere- 
ment en ce pays. Car outre que voftre Cabane n'eft 
que comma de paille, & que le feu y pent prendre k 
tout moment, nonobftant le foin que vous apportez 
pour deftourner ces accidens, la malice des Sauuages 
vous donne fujet de ce coft^-lk d'eftre dans des 
craintes quafi perpetuelles: vn mefcontant vous peut 
brufler, ou fendre la tefte h. I'efcart. Et puis vous 
eftes refponfable de la fterilit^ ou fecondit6 de la 
terre, fous peine de la vie; vous eftes la caufe des 
fechereiles, £L vous ne faites plouuoir, on ne parle 
pas moins que de fe d6faire de vous. le n'ay que 
faire de parler du danger qu'il v a du coft6 des enne- 
mis, c'eft aflez de dire que le treiziefme de ce mois 
de luin ils ont tu6 douze de nos Hurons aupr6s du 
village de Contarrea qui n'eft qu'k vne iourn^e de 
nous; que peu de temps auparauant a quatre lieues 
du noft;re, on defcouurit dans les champs quelques 
[65] Iroquois en ambufcade, qui n'efpioient que I'oc- 
cafion de faire vn coup aux defpens de la \'ie de quel- 
que paflant. Cefte Nation eft fort craintiue, ils ne 
fe tiennent pas fur leur garde, ils n'ont pas quafi le 
foin de preparer des armes & de fermer de pieux 
leurs villages; leurs recours ordinaire, principale- 
ment quand I'ennemy eft puiffant, eft k la fuite. 
Dans ces alarmes de tout le Pays ie vous laiHe ^ pen- 
fer li nous auons fuiet nous autres de nous tenir en 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 95 

ment, despite all your care to prevent accidents, the 
malice of the Savages gives especial cause for almost 
gerpetual fear; a malcontent may bum you down, 
or cleave your head open in some lonely spot. And 
then you are responsible for the sterility or fecundity 
of the earth, under penalty of your life; you are the 
cause of droughts; if you cannot make rain, they 
speak of nothing less than making away with you. 
I have only to mention, in addition, the danger there 
is from our enemies ; it is enough to say that, on the 
thirteenth of this month of June, they killed twelve 
of our Hurons near the village of Contarrea,* which 
is only a day's journey from us ; that a short time 
before, at four leagues from our village, some Iro- 
quois were discovered in the fields [65] in ambuscade, 
only waiting to strike a blow at the expense of the 
life of some passer-by. This Nation is very timid, — 
they take no precautions against surprise, they are 
not careful to prepare arms or to inclose their villages 
with palisades ; their usual recourse, especially when 
the enemy is powerful, is flight. Amid these alarms, 
which affect the whole Country, I leave you to im- 
agine if we have any grounds for a feeling of safety. 
After all, if we had here the exterior attractions 
of piety, as they exist in France, all this might pass. 
In France the great multitude and the good example 
of Christians, the solemnity of the Feasts, the majes- 
ty of the Churches so magnificently adorned, preach 
piety to you ; and in the Houses of our order the fer- 
vor of our brethren, their modesty, and all the noble 
virtues which shine forth in all their actions, are so 
many powerful voices which cry to you without ceas- 
ing, respice, et fac similiter. You have the consola- 
tion of celebrating every day the holy Mass; in a 


Or apres tout, fi nous eflions icy pour les attraits 
exterieurs de la piete, comme en France, encore fe- 
roit-ce. En France la grande multitude, & le bon 
exemple des Chreftiens, la celebrite des Fefles, la 
maiefte des Eglifes fi bien parees vous prefchent la 
piet^ ; & dans nos Maifons la ferueur des noftres, leur 
modeftie, & tant de belles vertus qui ^clatent en 
toutes leurs actions, font autant de voix puiffantes 
qui vous crient fans celle, refpicc, & fac fimiliier. 
Vous auez la confolation de celebrer tous les iours la 
faincte Meffe ; en vn mot vous eftes quafi hors des 
dangers de tomber, ou au moins les cheutes ne font 
que fort legeres, & vous auez incontinent les fecours 
en main. Icy nous n'auons rien, ce femble, qui [66] 
porte au bien ; Nous fommes parmy des Peuples qui 
s'eftonnent quand vous leur parlez de Dieu. qui n'ont 
fouuent que d'horribles blafphemes en la bouche. 
Souuent il vous faudra vous priuer du fainct Sacrifice 
de la Meffe, & quand vous aurez la commodity de la 
dire, vn petit coing de voftre Cabane vous feruira de 
Chapelle, que la fum6e, la neige, ou la pluye vous 
empefchent d'orner & embellir, quand mefme vous 
auriez dequoy. le laiffe "k part le pen de moyen qu'il 
y a de vous recolliger parmy des Barbares, qui ne 
vous quittent prefque point, qui ne f9auent ce que 
c'efl de parler bas. Sur tout ie n'oferois parler des 
dangers de fe perdre parmi leurs impuretez, kqui n'a 
le coeur plein de Dieu, pour reietter fortement ce poi- 
fon. En voila bien allez, le refte fe cognoifl en I'ex- 

Mais quoy, me dira quelqu'vn, n'y a-il que cela? 
Penfez-vous par vos raifons auoir iette de I'eau fur 
le feu qui me brule, & diminu6 tant foit peu le zele 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, r6s6 97 

word, you are almost beyond the danger of falling, — 
at least, the falls are insignificant, and you have help 
immediately at hand. Here we have nothing, it 
seems, which [66] incites towards good; we are 
among Peoples who are astonished when you speak 
to them of God, and who often have only horrible 
blasphemies in their mouths. Often you are com- 
pelled to deprive yourself of the holy Sacrifice of the 
Mass; and, when you have the opportunity to say 
it, a little corner of your Cabin will serve you for 
a Chapel, which the smoke, the snow, or the rain 
hinders you from ornamenting and embellishing, 
even if you had the means. I pass over the small 
chance of seclusion there is among Barbarians, who 
scarcely ever leave you, who hardly know what it is 
to speak in a low tone. Especially I would not dare 
to speak of the danger there is of ruining oneself 
among their impurities, in the case of any one whose 
heart is not sufiiciently full of God to firmly resist 
this poison. But enough of this; the rest can only 
be known by experience. 

" But is that all?" some one will exclaim. " Do 
you think by your arguments to throw water on the 
fire that consumes me, and lessen ever so little the 
zeal I have for the conversion of these Peoples? I 
declare that these things have served only to confirm 
me the more in my vocation ; that I feel myself more 
carried away than ever by my affection for New 
France, and that I bear a holy jealousy [67] towards 
those who are already enduring all these sufferings; 
all these labors seem to me nothing, in comparison 
with what I am willing to endure for God ; if I knew 
a place under Heaven where there was yet more to 
be suffered, I would go there." Ah! whoever you 


que i'ay pour la conuerlion de ces Peuples? le vous 
declare que cela n'a feruy qu'k me confirmer dauan- 
tage dans ma vocation, que ie me fens plus port6 que 
iamais d' affection pour la Nouuelle France, & que 
ie porte vne faincte enuie [67] "k ceux qui font defia 
prifes auec toutes ces fouffrances ; tous ces trauaux 
ne me femblent rien en comparaifon de ce que ie vou- 
drois endurer pour Dieu ; G ie f9auois vn lieu fous le 
Ciel ou on fouflfrift encor dauantage ie voudrois y 
aller. Ah qui que vous foyez k qui Dieu donne ces 
fentimens & ces lumieres, venez, venez, mon cher 
Frere, ce font des ouuriers tels que vous efles que 
nous demandons icy; c'eft ^ des ames femblables ^ 
la voftre, que Dieu a deftin6 la conquefle de tant 
d'autres que le Diable tient encor maintenant en fa 
puiffance; n'apprehendez aucunes difficultez, il n'y 
en aura point pour vous, puis que toute voflre confo- 
lation efl de vous voir crucifix auec le Fils de Dieu ; 
le filence vous fera doux, puis que vous auez appris k 
vous entretenir auec Dieu, & k conuerfer dans les 
Cieux auec les Saints, & les Anges: les viades fe- 
roient bien infipides C le fiel de noftre Seigneur ne 
vous les rendoit plus douces & plus fauoureufes que 
les mets les plus delicieux du monde. Quel contente- 
tnent d'aller par ces faults, & de gfrauir fur les roches, 
"k celuy qui a deuant les yeux c6t aymable Sauueur 
liaralI6 de tourmens, & montant le Caluaire charge 
de fa Croix; [68] I'incommodit^ du Canot eft bien 
aif6e \ fouffrir k qui le confiderera crucifix. Quelle 
confolation? car il faut que i'vfe de ces termes, autre- 
ment ie ne vous ferois pas plaifir ; quelle confolation 
done de fe voir mefme par les chemins abandonn6 
des Sauuages, languir de maladie, ou mourir de faim 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 99 

are to whom God gives these sentiments and this 
light, come, come, my dear Brother, it is workmen 
such as you that we ask for here ; it is to souls like 
yours that God has appointed the conquest of so many 
other souls whom the Devil holds yet in his power ; 
apprehend no difficulties, — there will be none for 
you, since it is your whole consolation to see yourself 
crucified with the Son of God ; silence will be sweet 
to you, since you have learned to commune with 
God, and to converse in the Heavens with Saints and 
Angels; the victuals would be very insipid if the 
gall endured by our Lord did not render them sweet- 
er and more savory to you than the most delicious 
viands of the world. What a satisfaction to pass 
these rapids, and to climb these rocks, to him who 
has before his eyes that loving Savior, harassed by 
his tormentors and ascending Calvary laden with 
his Cross; [68] the discomfort of the Canoe is very 
easy to bear, to him who considers the crucified one. 
What a consolation ! — for I must use such terms, as 
otherwise I could not give you pleasure — what a 
consolation, then, to see oneself even abandoned on 
the road by the Savages, languishing with sickness, 
or even dying with hunger in the woods, and of be- 
ing able to say to God, " My God, it is to do your 
holy will that I am reduced to the state in which you 
see me," — considering above all that God-man who 
expires upon the Cross and cries to his Father, Deus 
mens, Deus mens, ut quid dereliquisti me. If God among 
all these hardships preserve you in health, no doubt 
you will arrive pleasantly in the Huron country with 
these holy thoughts. Suaviter navigat queni gratia 
Dei portat. 

And now, as regards a place of abode, food, and 


dans les bois, & de pouuoir dire 'k Dieu; Mon Dieu 
c'efl pour faire voftre fainte volont6 que ie fuis re- 
duit au poinct ou vous me voyez ; fur tout confide- 
rant c6t homme-Dieu qui expire en la Croix, & crie 
k fon Pere, Deus meus, Dens mens, vt quid dereliquijli 
me. Que fi Dieu parmy toutes ces incommoditez 
vous conferue en fant6, fans doute vous arriuerez 
doucement au pays des Hurons dans ces faiuctes pen- 
f6es. Suaiiiter nauigat quern gratia Dei portat. 

Maintenant pour ce qui eft de I'habitation, du viure, 
& du coucher, oferay-ie dire "k vn coeur fi genereux, 
& qui fi mocque de tout ce que i'en ay touchy cy- 
deffus; qu'encore bien que nous n'ayons en cecy 
gfueres d'auantage par deffus les Sauuages, neant- 
moins ie ne ffay comment la diuine Bont6 adoucit 
tout ce qu'il y pourroit auoir de difficile, & tous tant 
que nous fommes nous trouuons tout cela quafi aufll 
peu Strange [69] que la vie de France. Le fommeil 
que nous prenons couchez fur nos nattes, nous femble 
auffi doux que dans vn bon lit ; les viandes du Pays 
ne nous d^gouftent point, quoy qu'il n'y ait gueres 
d'autre affaifonnement que celuy que Dieu y a mis, 
& nonobftant les froidures d'vn hyuer de fix mois 
paff6 k I'abry d'vne Cabane d'^corces perc^e k iour, 
nous fommes encor k en relTentir les effets, perfonne 
ne s'eft plaint de mal de tefte ou d'eftomac; nous ne 
f5auons ce que c'eft que fluxions, reumes, catarres; 
ce qui me fait dire que les delicats n'entendent rien 
en France k fe defendre contre le froid ; ces chambres 
fi bien tapiff^es, ces portes fi bien ioinctes, & ces 
feneftres ferm^es auec tant de foin, ne feruent qu'k 
en faire reflentir des effets plus cuifans; c'eft vn en- 
nemy auec lequel on gagne quafi plus k luy tendre 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 101 

beds, — shall I dare to say to a heart so generous, and 
that mocks at all that of which I have already spok- 
en, that truly, even though we have hardly more of 
those necessities than the Savages have, still, I know 
not how, the divine Goodness renders every difficult 
thing easy ; and all and every one of us find every- 
thing almost as comfortable [69] as life is in France. 
The sleep we get lying on our mats seems to us as 
sweet as if we were in a good bed ; the food of the 
Country does not disgust us, although there is scarce- 
ly any other seasoning than that which God has put 
into it; and, notwithstanding the cold of a winter 
six months long, passed in the shelter of a bark Cabin 
open to the daylight, we have still to experience its 
evil effects ; no one complains of his head or his stom- 
ach ; we do not know what diarrhoea, colds, or ca- 
tarrh are. This leads me to say that delicate persons 
do not know, in France, how to protect themselves 
from the cold; those rooms so well carpeted, those 
doors so well fitted, and those windows closed with 
so much care, serve only to make its effects more 
keenly felt ; it is an enemy from whom one wins al- 
most more by holding out one's hands to him than 
by waging a cruel war upon him. As to our food, I 
shall say this further, that God has shown his Provi- 
dence very clearly to our eyes; we have obtained in 
eight days our provision of corn for a whole year, 
without making a single step beyond our Cabin. 
They have brought us dried fish in such quantities 
that we are constrained to refuse some of it, and to 
say [70] that we have sufficient; you might say that 
God, seeing we are here only for his service, in order 
that all our work may be for him, wishes to act him- 
self as our provider. This same Goodness takes care 


les bras, qu'a luy faire vne fi cruelle guerre. Pour 
le viure, ie diray encor cecy, que Dieu nous a fait 
paroiflre k I'ceil fa Prouidence tres-particuliere, nous 
auons fait en huict iours noftre prouifion de bled pour 
toute I'ann^e, fans faire vn feul pas hors noftre Ca- 
bane; on nous apporte auffi du poiffon fee en telle 
quantit6, que nous fommes contraincts d'en refufer, 
& de dire [70] que nous en auons afTez ; vous diriez 
que Dieu voyant que nous ne fommes icy que pour 
fon feruice, afin que nous ne trauaillions que pour 
luy, nous vueille luy mefme feruir de pour[u]oyeur. 
Cefte mefme Bont6 ne laiffe pas de nous donner de 
temps en temps quelques rafraichiffemens de poifso 
frais. Nous fommes fur le bord d'vn grad Lac qui 
en porte d'auffi bons que i'aye gueres veu, ou mang6 
en France; il ell vray, comme i'ay defia dit, que 
nous n'en faifons point d'ordinaire ; & encore moins 
de la chair, qui fe void icy plus rarement. Les fruicts 
mefmes felon la faifon, pourueu que I'ann^e foit vn 
peu fauorable, ne nous maquent point, les fraifes, les 
framboifes & les meures y font en telle quantit6 qu'il 
n'efl pas croyable. Nous y cueillons force raifms, & 
affez bons, les citroiiilles nous durent quelquesfois les 
quatre & cinq mois, mais en telle abondance qu'elles 
fe donnet prefque pour rien; & fi bonnes qu'eflant 
cuites dans les cendres, elles fe mangent comme on 
fait les pommes en France : de forte qu'k vray dire, 
pour ce qui touche les viures nous nous pouuons fort 
aif6ment paffer de la France; le feul bled du Pays 
efl vne nourriture fuffifante quand on y eft vn peu 
liabitu6; [71] les Sauuages I'appreftent en plus de 
vingt fa^ons, & ne fe feruent cependant que de feu & 
d'eau ; il efl vray que la meilleure faulce eft celle 
qu'il porte auec foy. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 103 

to ^ve US from time to time a change of provisions 
in the shape of fresh fish. We live on the shore of a 
great Lake, which affords as good fish as I have ever 
seen or eaten in France; true, as I have said, we do 
not ordinarily procure them, and still less do we get 
meat, which is even more rarely seen here. Fruits 
even, according to the season, provided the year be 
somewhat favorable, are not lacking to us; strawber- 
ries, raspberries, and blackberries are to be found in 
almost incredible quantities. We gather plenty of 
grapes, which are fairly good ; the squashes last some- 
times four and five months, and are so abundant that 
they are to be had almost for nothing, and so good 
that, on being cooked in the ashes, they are eaten as 
apples are in France.' Consequently, to tell the 
truth, as regards provisions, the change from France 
is not very great ; the only grain of the Country is a 
sufficient nourishment, when one is somewhat accus- 
tomed to it. [71] The Savages prepare it in more 
than twenty ways and yet employ only fire and wa- 
ter ; it is true that the best sauce is that which it car- 
ries with it.'" 

As for the dangers of the soul, to speak frankly, 
there are none for him who brings to the Country of 
the Hurons the fear and love of God ; on the contra- 
ry, I find unparalleled advantages for acquiring per- 
fection. Is it not a great deal to have, in one's food, 
clothing, and sleep, no other attracdon than bare 
necessity? Is it not a glorious opportunity to unite 
oneself with God, when there is no creature whatso- 
ever that gives you reason to spend your affection 
upon it? when the exercises you practice constrain 
you without force to inward meditation ? Besides 
your spiritual exercises, you have no other employ- 


Pour les dangers de I'ame k parler nettement, il n'y 
en a point pour celuy qui apporte aux Pays des Hu- 
rons la crainte & I'amour de Dieu; au contraire i'y 
trouue des aduantages nompareils pour acquerir la 
perfection. N'efl-ce pas defia beaucoup de n'auoir 
dans le viure, le veflir & le coucher aucun attrait que 
la llmple neceCQt6? N'eft-ce pas vne belle occaflon 
de s'vnir ^ Dieu, quand il n'y a creature quelconque 
qui vous donne fuiet de vous y attacher d'affection? 
quand les exercices que vous practiquez vous obligent 
fans violence k la recollection interieure? Outre vos 
exercices fpirituels vous n'auez point d'autre employ 
que I'eftude de la langue, & la conuerfation auec les 
Sauuages. Ah! qu'il y a de plaifir pour vn cceur 
felon Dieu de fe faire le petit Efcolier d'vn Sauuage, 
& d'vn petit enfant pour les gagner par apres ^ Dieu, 
& les redre Difciples de noflre Seigneur ! Que Dieu 
fe communique volontiers, & liberalement k vne ame 
qui practique pour fon amour ces actes heroiques [72] 
d ' humility ; autant de mots qu'il apprend ce luy font 
autant de threfors qu'il amaffe, autant de defpoiiilles 
qu'il enleue fur I'ennemy commun du genre humain ; 
de forte qu'il auroit fuiet de dire cent fois le iour, 
LcBtabor fuper eloquia tua tanquam qui inuenit fpolia 
tnulta. Pour cefte confideration les vifites des Sau- 
uages, quoy que frequentes, ne luy peuuent eftre im- 
portunes; Dieu luy apprend cefle belle legon qu'il fit 
autrefois ^ Saincte Catherine de Sienne, de luy faire 
vn cabinet ou vn temple de fon coeur, ou il ne manque 
iamais de le trouuer toutes & quantesfois qu'il s'y re- 
tire: que s'il y rencontre des Sauuages, ils ne luy ap- 
portent aucun trouble dans fes prieres, ils ne feruent 
qu'^ les rendre plus feruentes; il prend de la occafion 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, t6j6 105 

ment than the study of the language, and conversa- 
tion with the Savages. Ah ! how much pleasure there 
is for a heart devoted to God to make itself the little 
Scholar of a Savage and of a little child, thereby to 
gain them for God, and to render them Disciples of 
our Lord ! How willinglj' and liberally God commu- 
nicates himself to a soul which practices from love to 
him these heroic acts [72] of humility ! The words he 
learns are so many treasures he amasses, so many 
spoils he carries off from the common enemy of the 
human race ; so that he has reason to say a hundred 
times a day, Latabor super eloqxiia tua tanqitam qui in- 
venit spolia niulta. Viewed in this light, the visits of 
the Savages, however frequent, cannot be annoying 
to him. God teaches him the beautiful lesson he 
taught formerly to Saint Catherine of Sienna, to 
make of his heart a room or temple for him, where 
he will never fail to find him, as often as he with- 
draws into it; that, if he encounters Savages there, 
they do not interfere with his prayers, they serve only 
to make them more fervent ; from this he takes occa- 
sion to present these poor wretches to this sovereign 
Goodness, and to entreat him warmly for their con- 

Certainly we have not here that exterior solemnity 
which awakens and sustains devotion. Only what is 
essential in our Religion is visible, the holy Sacra- 
ment of the Altar, to the marvels of which we must 
open the eyes of our Faith without being aided by 
any sensible mark of its grandeur, any more than the 
[73] Magi were in the stable. But it seems that God, 
supplying what we lack, — and as a recompense of 
grace that he has given us in transporting it, so to 
speak, beyond so many seas, and in finding a place 


de pre f enter ces pauures mif arables k cefte fouueraine 
Bont6, & la fupplier inftamment pour leur conuerfion. 
II eft certain que nous n'auons point icy cet appa- 
reil exterieur, qui r^ueille & entretient la deuotion. 
Nous n'y voyons proprement que le fubftantiel de 
noftre Religion, le fainct Sacrement de I'Autel, o^ 
il faut que noftre Foy ouure les yeux fur fes mer- 
ueilles, fans y eftre aidee d'aucune marque fenfible 
de fa grandeur, non plus que les [73] Mages iadis en 
I'eftable. Mais il femble que Dieu fuppleant ^ ce 
qui nous manque, & comme en recompenfe de la fa- 
ueur qu'il nous a faite de le tranf porter, pour ainli 
dire, au dega de tant de mers, & de luy auoir trouu6 
place dans ces pauures Cabanes, nous vueille combler 
des mefmes benedictions parmy ces Peuples infideles, 
dont il a accouftume de fauorifer quelques Catholiques 
perfecutez en Pays heretique. Ces bonnes gens ne 
voyent gueres ny d'Eglifes ny d'Autels; mais ce peu 
qu'ils en voyent leur fert au double de ce qu'il feroit 
en pleine liberty. Quelle confolation k voftre aduis 
de fe profterner par fois deuant vne Croix au milieu 
de cefte Barbaric? de porter les yeux & penetrer au 
milieu de nos petites fonctions domeftiques, iufques 
au departement que le Fils de Dieu a daignd prendre 
dans noftre petite habitatio? N'eft-ce pas eftre en 
Paradis iour & nuict, de n'eftre fepar6 de ce Bien- 
aym6 des Nations, que de quelque efcorce ou branche 
d'arbre? En ipfe Jlat post parietem nojlrum. Sub vtn- 
bra illius qucm dejider alteram, fedi. Voila pour le de- 
dans. Sortons-nous hors du logis, le Ciel nous eft 
ouuert, & ces grands baftiments, qui portent leur 
tefte dans les [74] nues, au milieu des bonnes villes 
ne nous en d6robent point la veue ; de fagon que nous 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 107 

for it in these poor Cabins, — wishes to crown us with 
the same blessings, in the midst of these infidel 
Peoples, with which he is accustomed to favor perse- 
cuted Catholics in the Countries of heretics. These 
good people scarcely ever see either Church or Altar ; 
but the little they see is worth double what they 
would see in full liberty. What consolation would 
there be, in your opinion, in prostrating ourselves at 
times before a Cross in the midst of this Barbarism ! 
to turn our eyes toward, and to enter, in the midst 
of our petty domestic duties, even into the room 
which the Son of God has been pleased to take in our 
little dwelling. Is it not to be in Paradise day and 
night, that we are not separated from this Well- 
beloved of the Nations except by some bark or the 
branch of a tree? En ipse stat post parietem nostrum. 
Sub umbra illius quern desideraveram, sedi. See what 
we have within. If we go outside our cabin, Heaven 
is open to us ; and those great buildings which lift 
their heads to the [74] clouds, in large cities, do not 
conceal it from our view ; so that we can say our pray- 
ers in full liberty before the noble Oratory that saint 
Fran9ois Xavier loved better than any other. If the 
question is of the fundamental virtues, I will glory 
not in myself, but in the share which has fallen to 
me ; or, if I must, acknowledge it humbly beside the 
Cross which our Lord in his grace gives us to bear 
after him. Certain it is that this Country, or our 
work here, is much more fitted to feed the soul with 
the fruits of Heaven than with the fruits of earth. I 
may be deceiving myself, but I imagine that here is 
a grand means of increasing the soul in Faith, in 
Hope, and in Charity. Should we scatter the seeds 
of the Faith without ourselves profiting by them^ 


pouuons faire nos prieres en toute liberie deuant 
ce bel Oratoire, que fainct Fran9ois Xauier aymoit 
mieux qu'aucun autre. Que s'il eft queftion des ver- 
tus au fonds, ie me glorifieray, non pas en moy, mais 
au partage qui m'eft efcheu, ou s'il faut le reco- 
gnoiftre humblement au cofte de la Croix, que noftre 
Seigneur de fa grace nous donne k porter apres foy ; 
il eft certain que ce Pays, ou 1' employ que nous y 
auons, eft beaucoup plus propre h. engraiffer vne ame 
des fruicts du Ciel, que de ceux de la terre. Ie ne 
{fay £i ie me trompe, fi eft-ce que ie me reprefente, 
qu'il y a beau moye d'y croiftre en la Foy, en I'Efpe- 
rance, & en la Charity. Y ietterions-nous la femence 
de la Foy fans en profiter pour nous? Seroit-il 
poffible que nous miffions noftre confiance hors de 
Dieu en vne Region, ovi du coft6 des hommes toutes 
chofes nous manquent? Pourrions-nous fouhaitter 
vne plus belle occafion d'exercer la Charit6, que dans 
les afpretez & mef-aifes d'vn monde nouueau, que 
pas vn art ny induftrie humaine n'a encore pourueu 
d'aucune commodity? & d'y viure pour ramener k 
Dieu des hommes fi [75] peu hommes, qu'il faut s'at- 
tendre ioumellemet de mourir de leur main, fi la 
fantaifie leur en prend, fi vn fonge les y porte, fi nous 
ne leur fermons & ne leur ouurons le Ciel k difcre- 
tion, leur donnant la pluye & le beau temps k com- 
mandement. Ne nous font-ils pas refponfables de 
ces difpofitions de I'air? & fi Dieu ne nous infpire, ou 
que nous ne voulions pas cooperer k la foy des mi- 
racles ; ne f ommes nous pas continuellement en dan- 
ger, comme ils nous en ont menac6, de les voir courir 
fus ^ ceux qui n'auront point le tort? Certes fi celuy 
qui eft la Verit6 mefme ne I'auoit aduanc6, qu'il n'y 

1636] LE J EUNE-S RELATION, 1636 109 

Could we put our confidence anywhere but in God in 
a Region where, as far as man is concerned, every- 
thing is lacking to us? Could we wish a nobler op- 
portunity to exercise Charity than amid the rough- 
ness and discomfort of a new world, where no human 
art or industry has yet provided any conveniences? 
and to live here that we may bring back to God raen 
who are so [75] unlike men that we must live in daily 
expectation of dying by their hand, should the fancy 
take them, should a dream suggest it to them, or 
should we fail to open or close the Heavens to them 
"Sf^discretion, giving them rain or fine weather at 
"command. Do they not make us responsible for the 
state of the weather? And if God does not inspire 
us, or if we cannot work miracles by faith, are we 
"^not continually in danger, as they have threatened 
us, of seeing them fall upon those who have done no 
wrong? Indeed, if he who is the Truth itself had 
not declared that there is no greater love than to lay 
down one's life, verily and once for all, for one's 
friends. I should conceive it a thing equally noble, or 
even more so, to do what the Apostle said to the 
Corinthians, Quotidie morior per vestram gloriam, fra- 
tres, qiiani habeo in Cliristo Jesu Domino nostra, than to 
drag out a life full of misery, amid the frequent and 
ordinary dangers of an unforeseen death, which those 
whom you hope to save will procure for you. I call 
to mind occasionally what Saint Frangois Xavier once 
wrote to Father Simon, and wish that it may please 
God to so act that at least the same thing may be said 
or written one [76] day even of us, although we may 
not be worthy of it. Here are the words : Optimi k 
Moluco pcrferuntur nuntii, quippe in maxitnis cerumnis 
perpetuisque vita discriminibiis , Joannes Beira eiiisque socii 


a pas plus grande charity que de mourir par effect 
vne fois pour fes amis. le con9eurois quelque chofe 
d'egal ou de plus releu6, k faire ce que difoit I'A- 
poftre aux Corinthiens. Quotidie morior per vejlram 
gloriam, fratres, quant habeo in Chrijlo le/u Domino 
nojlro. A traifner vne vie ailez penible dans des 
dangers allez frequens & ordinaires d'vne mort inopi- 
n6e, que ceux-1^ vous procureront, que vous preten- 
diez fauuer. le me remets par fois en memoire ce 
qu'efcriuoit iadis Sainct Fran9ois Xauier au P. Simon, 
& fouhaitte qu'il plaife k Dieu de faire en forte que 
pour le moins on puiffe dire ou efcrire vn [76] iour le 
mefme de nous, quoy que nous n'en foyons pas 
dignes. Voicy fes termes. Optiini e Mohico perferun- 
tur nu7itij\ quippe in maximis cerumnis perpetuifque vita 
di/criminibus, loannes Beira eiil/que focij verfantur, 
magno cum Chrijliance Religionis increinento. 

Vne chofe, ce femble, auroit k donner icy de I'ap- 
prehenlion k vn Enfant de la Compagnie, de fe voir 
au milieu d'vn Peuple brutal & fenfuel, de qui I'ex- 
emple pourroit ternir le luftre de la vertu la plus & 
la moins delicate d'entre toutes, qui n'en prendroit 
vn foin particulier, c'efl la Chaflet^. 

Oferay-ie dire pour effuyer cefte difficult^, que s'il 
y a lieu au monde ou cefte vertu fi precieufe foit en 
affeurance, pour vn homme d'entre nous qui veut 
eftre fur fes gardes, c'eft icy. Nifi Dominus cujlodie- 
rit ciuitate, frujlrh vigilat qjii cujlodit earn. Sciui quo- 
niain aliter non pojfem effe continens, nifi Deus det. Et 
hoc ipftim erat /apicntia, fcire cuius ejfet hoc donum. On 
dit que les \actoires que cefte Fille du Ciel emporte 
fur fon ennemy, f e gagnent en fuyant ; mais ie croy 
que c'eft Dieu fans plus, qui fait fuyr ce mefme enne- 

1636] LE JEUNBS RELA TION, 1636 111 

versantur, niagno cum Christiance Religionis incrcmento. 

There seems to be one thing here which might 
give apprehension to a Son of the Society, to see him- 
self in the midst of a brutal and sensual People, 
whose example might tarnish the luster of the most 
and the least delicate of all the virtues, unless espe- 
cial care be taken — I mean Chastity. 

In order to obviate this difficulty, I make bold to 
say that if there is any place in the world where this 
so precious virtue is safe, for a man among us who ; 
wishes to be on his guard, it is here. Nisi Dominus \ 
custodierit civitateni, frustrh vigilat qui custodit earn. ' 
Scivi quoniam aliter non possein esse continens, nisi Deus 
det. Et hoc ipsum erat sapientia, scire cujus esset hoc \ 
donum. It is said that the victories which this I 
Daughter of Heaven gains over her enemies, are 1 
gained by flight ; but I believe it is God and no one ' 
else who puts to flight this very enemy in the most 
severe encounters, before those who, fearing nothing 
so much as his approaches, go with bowed heads, and 
\y^^ hearts full of confidence in his Goodness, where 
his glory calls them. And where should we seek 
this glory? I should say, where find it more fully 
purified and disentangled from our own interests, I 
than in a place where there is nothing more to be 
hoped for than the reward of having left all for the 
love of him of whom St. Paul said, Scio cuicredidi. You 
remember that plant, named "the fear of God," with 
which it is said our Fathers at the beginning of our 
Society charmed away the spirit of impurity ; it does 
not grow in the land of the Hurons, but it falls there 
abundantly from Heaven, if one has but a little care 
to cultivate that which he brings here. Barbarism, 
ignorance, poverty, and misery, which render the life 



my aux plus grandes occafions, deuant ceux qui ne 
craignans rien tant que fes approches, vont la telle 
baiffee, & le \J7^ coeur plein de confiance en fa Eoli- 
th, ou fa gloire les appelle. Et ou pourrions nous 
chercher cefte gloire? ie diray mieux, oil la trouuer 
plus epuree & defgagee de nos propres interefls; 
qu'en vn lieu auquel il n'y a rien k efperer que la 
recompenfe de les auoir tous quitt6s pour I'amour de 
celuy, de qui S. Paul difoit. Scio cui crcdidi. Vous 
fouuient-il de cefte herbe, nommee la crainte de 
Dieu, dont on difoit au commencement de noftre 
Compagnie, que nos Peres charmoient I'efprit d'im- 
purete ; elle ne croift point dans la terra des Huros, 
mais il y en tombe du Ciel 'k foifon ; fi peu qu'on foit 
foigneux d'y cultiuer celle qu'on y apporte. La bar- 
baric, I'ignorance, la pauurete & la mifere, qui rend 
la vie de ces Sauuages plus deplorable que la mort, 
nous eft vne legon continuelle, de regreter la cheute 
d'Adam, & de nous foufmettre entierement "k celuy 
qui chaftie encore fa defobeyffance en fes enfans, 
d'vne fa§on fi remarquable, apres tant de fiecles. 
Saincte Therefe difoit autrefois, qu'elle ne fe trou- 
uoit iamais mieux en fes meditations, que dans les 
myfteres ou elle trouuoit noftre Seigneur k I'efcart, 
& fans compagnie, come fi elle euft efte au iardin des 
Oliues. Et [78] elle appelloit cela vne de fes fimpli- 
citez. On comptera cecy fi Ton veut parmy mes fot- 
tifes ; mais il me femble que nous auons icy d'autant 
plus de loifir pour careffer, par maniere de dire, & 
entretenir noftre Seigneur k coeur ouuert, au milieu 
de ces terres inhabitees, que moins il y a de per- 
fonnes qui s'en mettent en peine. Et moyennant 
cefte faueur, nous pouuons dire hardimet, Non timebo 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 113 

of these Savages more deplorable than death, are a 
continual reminder to us to mourn Adam's fall, and 
to submit ourselves entirely to him who still chas- 
tises disobedience in his children, in so remarkable 
a way, after so many centuries. Saint Theresa said 
once that she never found her meditations more prof- 
itable than in the mysteries in which she found our 
Lord apart and alone, as if she had been in the gar- 
den of Olives; and [78] she called this a part of her 
simplicity. You may reckon this among my follies, 
if you like ; but it seems to me that we have here so 
much the more leisure to caress, so to speak, and to 
entertain our Lord with open heart, in the midst of 
these uninhabited lands, because there are so few 
people who trouble themselves about him. And, on 
account of this favor, we can boldly say, Non timebo 
mala, quoniani tu tnecum es. In short, I imagine that 
all the Guardian Angels of these neglected and aban- 
doned Nations are continually endeavoring and labor- 
ing to save us from these dangers. They know well 
that if there were anything in the world that ought 
to give us wings, to fly back whence we came both 
by obedience and by our own inclination, it would 
be this misfortune, if we were not shielded from it 
by the protection of Heaven. This is what excites 
them to procure for us the means to guard against 
it, that they may not lose the brightest hope they 
have ever had, by the gfrace of God, of the conver- 
sion of these Peoples. 

I finish this discourse and this Chapter with this 
sentence: If, at the sight of the difficulties and 
Crosses that are here prepared for us, some one feels 
himself so fortified from above that he [79] can say 
it is too little, or like St. Frangois Xavier, Ampliiis, 


mala, quoniam tu niecum es. Bref ie me reprefente 
que tous les Anges Gardiens de ces Nations incultes 
& delaiff^es, font continuellement en peine & en 
action, pour nous fauuer de ces dangers. lis fgauent 
bien que s'il y auoit chofe au monde qui nous deufl 
donner des aifles, pour retourner d'ou nous fommes 
venus, & par obeyllance, & par inclination propre, 
ce feroit ce malheur, Q nous n'en eftions k couuert fous 
la protection du Ciel. C'efl ce qui les r^ueille k nous 
en procurer les moyens, pour ne perdre la plus belle 
efperance qu'ils ayent iamais eue par la grace de 
Dieu, de la conuerlion de ces Peuples. 

Ie finis ce difcours & ce Chapitre auec ce mot. Si 
dans la veue des peines & des Croix qui nous font 
icy prepar^es, quelqu'vn fe fent 11 fortifi6 d'en-haut, 
que de [79] pouuoir dire que c'efl trop peu, ou cotnme 
S. Francois Xauier, Amplius, amplius; i'efpere que 
noflre Seigneur tirera aufli de fa bouche au milieu 
des confolations qu'il luy donnera, cefle autre con- 
fefHon, que ce fera trop pour luy, qu'il n'en pourra 
plus. Satis eji, Domine, fatis ejl. 

1636] LE JEUNES RELATION, 1636 116 

ampliUs, I hope that our Lord will also draw from his 
lips this other confession, in the midst of the consola- 
tions he will give him, that it will be too much for 
him, that he cannot endure more. Satis est, Domine, 
satis est. 



CE n'efl que pour en donner quelque petit auant- 
goufl, & en marquer quelques particularitez, 
attendant vne Grammaire, & vn Dictionnai- 
re entier. 

lis ont vne lettre dont nous n'auons point la 
pareille, nous rexprimons par Khi, I'vfage en eft 
commun aux Montagnds & Algonquins. lis ne co- 
gnoilTent point de B. F. L. M. P. X. Z. & iamais I. 
E. V. ne leur font confones. La plus part de leurs 
mots font compofez de voyelles. Toutes les lettres 
labiales leur manquent; c'eft volontiers la caufe qu'ils 
ont tons les 16vres ouuertes de fl mauuaife grace, & 
qu'k peine les entend-t'on [80] quand ils Cflent, ou 
qu'ils parlent bas. Comme ils n'ont prefque ny ver- 
tu, ny Religion, ny fcience aucune, ou police, aufli 
n'ont-ils aucuns mots fimples propres k lignifier tout 
ce qui en eft. Delk eft que nous demeuros courts k 
leur expliquer plufieurs belles chofes tiroes de ces 
cognoiffances. Les mots compofez leur font plus en 
vfage, & ont la mefme force que I'adiectif & fubftan- 
tif ioints enfemble parmy nous. Andatara/tf, pain 
frais Achitetfi, vn pied long. La variety de ces noms 
compofez eft tres-grande, & c'eft la clef du fecret de 
leur Langue. Ils ont diuerfit^ de genres comme 
nous, de nombre comme les Grecs. De plus vne cer- 
taine declinaifon relatiue qui enueloppe toufiours 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION. r6s6 117 



THIS is only to give some little foretaste of the 
language, and notice some of its peculiarities, 
in anticipation of a Grammar and a complete 

They have a letter to which we have nothing to 
correspond — we express it by Khi; the use of it is 
common to the Montagn^s and to the Algonquins. 
They are not acquainted with B. F. L. M. P. X. Z; 
and I. E. V. are never consonants to them. The 
greater part of their words are composed of vowels. 
They lack all the labial letters. This is probably 
the reason why they all open their lips so awkward- 
ly, and why we can scarcely understand them [80] 
when they whistle or when they speak low. As they 
have hardly any virtue or Religion, or any learning 
or government, they have consequently no simple 
words suitable to express what is connected with 
these. Hence it is that we are at a loss in explain- 
ing to them many important matters, depending 
upon a knowledge of these things. Compound words 
are most in use with them, and have the same force 
as the adjective and substantive joined together, 
among us. Andataras^, fresh bread; Ackitetsi, a foot 
long. The variety of these compound nouns is very 
great, and that is the key to the secret of their Lan- 
guage. They have, like us, a diversity of genders; 
and, like the Greeks, of number; besides a certain 


auec foy le pronom poffeflif, mens, tuus, fuus, par ex- 
ample, latacan, mon frere, aiatacan, mes freres, fata- 
can, ton frere, tfdtacan, tes freres, otacan, fon frere, 
atotacan, fas freres. 

Pour les cas ils les ont tous, on les fuppl6ent par 
des particules fort propres. 

La merueille efl que tous leurs noms vniuerfelle- 
ment fe coniuguent ; par exemple, AJfi, il efl frais, 
affi chen, il efloit frais, goon, vieux, agaon, il eft 
vieux, agaonc, il eftoit \-ieux, agaonha, il va deuenir 
vieux; & ainfi [8i] du refte. De mefme en eft-il de 
ce mot iatacan, qui fignifie, mon frere, oniatacan, nous 
fommes freres, oniatacan ehen, nous eftions freres; 
cela eft riche. Voicy qui ne I'eft gueres. Vn nom 
relatif parmy evix enueloppe toufiours la lignification 
d'vne des trois perfonnes du pronom pofleilif, fi bien 
qu'ils ne peuuentdire fimplement, Pere, Fils, Maiftre, 
Valet, mais font contraincts de dire I'vn des trois, mon 
pere, ton pere, fon pere. Quoy que i'aye traduit cy- 
deuant en vne Oraifon vn de leurs noms par celuy de 
Pere, pour plus grande facilit6. Suiuant cela nous- 
nous trouuons empefchez de leur faire dire propre- 
ment en leur Langue, Au nom du Pere, &■ du Fils, & 
du fainct E/prit. lugeriez-vous Apropos, en attendat 
mieux, de fubftituer au lieu, Au nom de nojlre Pere, 
&• de fon Fils, & de leur fainct Efprit. Certes il femble 
que les trois Perfonnes de la tres-faincte Trinite fe- 
roient fuffifamment exprim^es en cefte fagon, la troi- 
fiefme eftant en eflFect 1' Efprit fainct de la premiere 
& de la feconde; la feconde, le Fils de la premiere; 
& la premiere, noftre Pere, aux termes de I'Apoftre, 
qui luy affecte ces propres mots aux Ephef. 3. Ad- 
iouftez que noftre Seigneur a donn6 exemple de cefte 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 119 

relative declension which always includes in itself 
the possessive pronoun, 7neus, tuus, suus, — for ex- 
ample, latacan, my brother, aiatacan, my brothers; 
satacan, thy brother; tsdtacan, thy brothers; otacan, 
his brother, atotacan, his brothers. 

As to cases, they have them all, or supply them 
by very appropriate particles. 

The astonishing thing is that all their words are 
universally conjugated, for example, Ass^, it is fresh, 
ass^ chen, it was fresh ; gaon, old, agaon, he is old, 
agaonc, he was old, agaonha, he is growing old; and 
so [81] with the rest. It is the same with that word 
iatacan, which means, my brother; oniatacan, we are 
brothers, oniatacan ehen, we were brothers; that is 
copious. Here is one which is not so. A relative 
noun with them includes always the meaning of one 
of the three persons of the possessive pronoun, so 
that they can not say simply. Father, Son, Master, 
Valet, but are obliged to say one of the three, my 
father, thy father, his father. However, I have 
translated above in a Prayer one of their nouns by 
the word Father, for greater clearness. On this ac- 
count, we find ourselves hindered from getting them 
to say properly in their Language, In the name of the 
Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. Would 
you judge it fitting, while waiting a better expression, 
to substitute instead. In the name of our Father, and 
of his Son, and of their holy Ghost? Certainly it seems 
that the three Persons of the most holy Trinity would 
be sufficiently expressed in this way, the third being 
in truth the holy Spirit of the first and of the sec- 
ond ; the second being Son of the first ; and the first, 
oi^r Father, in the terms of the Apostle, who applies 
to him those fitting words in Ephesians 3. It may 


fa9on [82] de parler, non feulement en I'Oraifon Do- 
minicale, ainfi que nous la nommons pour fon re- 
fpect; mais auffi commandant ^ la Magdelaine, en 
fainct lean 20. de porter de fa part ces beaux mots Jl 
fes Freres ou Difciples. le monte a tnon Pere & au 
vojlre. Oferions-nous en vfer ainC, iufqu'k ce que 
la langue Huronne foit enrichie, ou I'efprit des Hu- 
rons ouuert a d'autres langues? nous ne ferons rien 
fans confeil. 

Or a propos de ce nom de Pcre, ie ne veux pas ou- 
blier la difficult^ qui s'eft auCQ rencontree ^ faire dire, 
Nojlre Pere qui cs aux Cieux, a ceux qui n'en auoient 
point fur terre ; leur parler des morts qu'ils ont ayme, 
c'eft les iniurer. Peu s'en fallut qu'vne femme k 
qui fa mere elloit morte depuis peu, ne perdift tout 
k fait I'enuie de fe faire baptifer, fur ce qu'on luy 
auoit aduance par mef garde, Pere & Mere honor eras. 

Quant aux verbes ce qui eft de plus remarquable 
en leur langue eft; i. Qu'ils en ont d'autres pour 
fignifier des chofes anim^es, & d'autres pour celles 
qui font fans \-ies. 2. Qu'ils varient leurs temps en 
autant de fagons que les Grecs; leurs nombres auffi, 
outre que la premiere perfonne tant du diiel que du 
plurier, eft encor double, car [83] pour dire, par ex- 
emple, nous partons toy & moy, il faut dire, kiarafcHa, 
& pour dire nous partons luy & moy, aiarafci^a. De 
mefme au plurier, nous partons nous autres, plufieurs, 
aiiarafciia, nous partons auec vous, ci^ara/cHa. 

Outre tout cela il fe remarque double coniugaifon, 
& ie croy que cecy eft commun aux langues Ameri- 
caines: I'vne eft fimple & abfolue femblable k nos 
coniugaifons Latine & Frangoife; Par exemple, ce 
verbe ahiaton, qui fignifie efcrire, fe coniuge abfolu- 

1636] LE lEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 121 

be added that our Lord has given example of this 
way [82] of speaking, not only in the Lord's Prayer, 
as we call it from respect to him, but by way of com- 
mandment to Mary Magdalaine in saint John 20. 
to bear from him these beautiful words to his Breth- 
ren or Disciples, / ascend to my Father and to yours. 
Would we venture to employ it thus until the Huron 
language shall be enriched, or the mind of the Hu- 
rons opened to other languages? We will do noth- 
ing without advice. 

Now in connection ^ri'Ca. this name Father I must 
not forget the difficulty there is in teaching to say 
Our Father who art in Heaven, to those who have none 
on earth ; to speak to them of the dead whom they 
have loved, is to insult them. A woman, whose 
mother had died a short time before, almost lost her 
desire to be baptized because the command. Thou 
shalt honor thy Father and thy Mother, had been inad- 
vertently quoted to her. 

As for the verbs, what is most remarkable in their 
language is: i. That they have some to signify 
animate things, and others to signify things without 
life. 2. That they vary their tenses in as many 
ways as did the Greeks; their numbers also, — be- 
sides that the first person, of both the dual number 
and the plural, is, moreover, double; thus [83] to 
say " we set out, thou and L" we must say kiarascwa, 
and to say " we set out, he and I," aiarascwa. Like- 
wise in the plural, "we, several of us, set out," awa- 
rascwa; " we, together, set out," cwarascwa. 

Besides all this, there is to be noticed a double 
conjugation, and I believe that this is common to the 
American languages. The one is simple and absolute, 
like our Latin and French conjugations. For ex- 
ample, the verb ahiaton, meaning " to write," is con- 


ment de cefte fajon; iehiaton, i'efcris, chiehiatonc, tu 
efcris, ihahiatonc, il efcrit, aHakiatonc, nous efcriuons, 
fciiahiatonc, vous efcriuez, attihiatonc, ils efcriuent. 

L'autre fagon de coniuguer fe peut nommer reci- 
proque, d'autant que Taction fignifi^e par le verbe fe 
termine toufiours k quelque perfonne, ou ^ quelque 
chofe ; de forte que au lieu que nous dif ons en trois 
mots ie m'ayme, les Hurons difent feulement iate- 
nonha^, ie t'ayme, onnonhUi, ie vous ayme tons deux, 
inonM^, ie vous ayme vous plufieurs, Hanonh^i^, & 
ainfi du refle. 

Ce que ie trouue de plus rare, eft qu'il y a vne 
coniugaifon feminine, au moins en la troifiefme per- 
fonne, tant du fingulier que [84] du plurier; car nous 
n'en auons pas decouuert dauantage, ou bien peu. 
En voicy vn exemple; ihaton, il dit iHaton, elle dit, 
ihonton, ils difent, ionton, elles difent. La principale 
diftinction de cefte coniugaifon feminine d'auec la 
mafculine eft le manquement de la lettre H. dont la 
mafculine abonde, peut-eftre pour donner "k entendre 
aux femmes qu'il ne doit y auoir rien d'afpre ny de 
feuere en leurs paroles, & en leurs moeurs, mais que 
la grace & la ley de clemence doiuent eftre pofees 
fur leurs langues, fuiuant ce traict du Sage, lex cle- 
mcntice in lingua eiiis. C'eft affez de ce fuiet pour 
ceft;e heure, fi ce n'eft que quelqu'vn foit bien ayfe 
d'apprendre auffi quelque chofe de leur ftile. Ils 
vfent de comparaifons, de mots du temps, & de pro- 
uerbes affez fouuent. En voicy vn des plus remar- 
quables. Tichiout etodtendi; voila, difent-ils, I'eftoile 
cheute, quand ils voyent quelqu'vn qui eft gras & en 
bon poinct; c'eft qu'ils tiennent qu'vn certain iour 
vne eftoile tomba du Ciel en forme d'vne Oye graffe. 
A mantes Jibi /omnia fingunt. 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 123 

jugated absolutely in this way: iehiaton, I write; 
chiekiatonc, thou writest, ihahiatonc, he writes, awahi- 
atonc, we write, scwahiatonc, you write, attihiatonc, 
they write. 

The other method of conjugation may be called 
the reciprocal, inasmuch as the action signified by the 
verb terminates always on some person or thing; so' 
that, instead of saying, as we do, in three words, " I 
love myself," the Hurons say only iatenonhw^; " I 
love thee," onnonhw^; " I love you both," inonhwi; 
"I love you" (several), wanonhzv^, and so for the 

What I find most extraordinary is that there is a 
feminine conjugation, at least in the third person both 
of the singular and [84] of the plural ; for we have 
not discovered more of it, or very little. Here is an 
example of it: ihaton, he says; iwaton, she says; 
ihonton, they say [masculine] ; ionton, they say [femi- 
nine]. The principal distinction of this feminine 
conjugation from the masculine is the lack of the 
letter H, in which the masculine abounds, — perhaps 
to g^ve the women to understand that there ought to 
be nothing rough or coarse in their words or in their 
manners, but that the grace and law of gentleness 
ought to be upon their tongues, following that rule 
of the Sage, lex clementicB in littgiia ejus. This is 
enough of this subject for the present, unless it be 
that some one may wish to hear something about 
their style. They use comparisons, time- words, and 
proverbs very often. Here is one of the most remark- 
able, Tichiout etodtendi, "Behold," they say, "the 
fallen star," when they see some one who is fat and 
corpulent ; for they hold that once upon a time a star 
fell from Heaven in the form of a fat Goose. Aman- 
tes sibi somnia fingunt. 


[85] Seconde Partie. 

De la creance, des moeurs & des couftumes des 



ON s'eftonnera de voir tant d'aueuglement pour 
les chofes du Ciel, en vn Peuple qui ne 
manque point de raifon & de lumiere, pour 
celles de la terre. C'eft ce que leurs vices & leurs 
brutalitez leur ont meritd enuers Dieu. II y a quel- 
que apparence qu'ils ont eu autrefois quelque co- 
gnoiffance du vray Dieu pardeflus la nature, comme il 
fe peut remarquer en quelques circonftances de leurs 
fables ; & quand ils n'en auroient point eu que celle 
que la Nature leur pouuoit fournir, encore euffent-ils 
deu eftre plus raifonnables en ce fuiet, s'il ne leur fufl 
[86] arriu6 felon le dire de I'Apoflre. Cum cogno- 
uijfent Deum, non Jicut Deurn glorificaiierunt , aut gratias 
egerunt, fed euanuerunt in cogitafiotiibiis futs, & obfcura- 
tuni ejl infipiens cor eoriiin. Pour n'auoir pas voulu 
recognoiftre Dieu en leurs moeurs & actions, ils en 
ont perdu la penfee, & font deuenus pires que beftes 
pour fon regard, & pour Teftime qu'ils en ont. 

Or pour commencer par ce qui eft comme le fonde- 
ment de leur croyance, la plus part fe vantent de 

1636] LE JEUNES RELA TION, 1636 125 

[85] Part Second. 

On the belief, manners, and customs of the 



ONE is astonished to see so much blindness in 
regard to the things of Heaven, in a People 
who do not lack judgment and knowledge in 
reference to those of earth. This is what their vices 
and brutality have merited from God. There are 
some indications that they had formerly some more 
than natural knowledge of the true God, as may be 
remarked in some particulars of their fables; and 
even if they had had only that which Nature can fur- 
nish to them, still they ought to have been more rea- 
sonable on this subject, if it had not [86] happened 
iD-them according to the word of the Apostle, Citm 
cognovissent Deum, non sicut Deunt glorificaverunt , aut 
gratias egerunt, sed evanuerunt in cogitationibus suis, et 
obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum. F or not having 
been willing to acknowledge God in their habits and 
actions, they have lost the thought of him and have 
become worse than beasts in his sight, and as regards 
the respect they have for him. 

Now, to begin with the foundation of their belief, — 


titer leur origine du Ciel, ce qu'ils fondent fur cefte 
fable, qui paffe parmy eux pour vne verity. 

lis recognoiffent pour chef de leur Nation vne cer- 
taine femme qu'ils appellent Ataentfic, qui leur eft, 
difent-ils, tombee du Ciel ; car ils fuppofent que les 
Cieux eftoiet long-temps auparauant cefte merueille, 
& ne f9auroient vous dire, ny quand, ny comment 
ces grands corps ont eft6 tirez des abyfmes du neant; 
ils fuppofent mefme que fur les voutes des Cieux il 
y auoit, & y a encor maintenant, vne terre femblable 
k celle-cy, des bois, des lacs, des riuieres & des 
champs, comme nous auons icy bas, & des Peuples 
qui habitent ces terres. lis ne s'accordent pas en la 
fa96 qu'arriua cefte cheute [87] fi heureufe. Les vns 
difent qu'vn iour qu'elle trauailloit dans fon champ 
elle appergeut vn Ours, fon chien fe mit k le pour- 
fuiure, & elle mefme apres: I'Ours fe voyant prelI6 
de pr6s, & ne cherchant qu'k efquiuer les dents du 
chien, toba par mefgarde dans vn trou; le chien le 
fuiuit, Aataentfic, s'eftant approch^e de ce precipice, 
voyant que ny I'Ours ny le chien ne paroifToient plus, 
touch6e de defefpoir, s'y ietta auffi ; neantmoins fa 
cheute fe trouua plus fauorable qu'elle n'euft penf6; 
car elle tomba icy bas dans les eaux fans fe bleffer, 
quoy qu'elle fuft enceinte, apres quoy les eaux s'eftant 
affech6es pen ^ peu, la terre parut, & fe rendit ha- 

Les autres attribuent cefte cheute k vne autre 
caufe, qui femble auoir quelque rapport au fait d'A- 
dam, mais le menfonge y a preualu. lis difent que 
le mary A' Aataentfic eftant fort malade fongea qu'il 
falloit couper vn certain arbre dont viueient ceux qui 
demeuroient dans le Ciel, & qu'il n'auroit pas fi toft 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 127 

the greater part boast of deriving their origin from 
Heaven, which they found on the following fable, 
which passes among them for a truth. 

They recognize as head of their Nation a certain 
woman whom they call Ataentsic, who fell among \i/l(/f)/j 
them, they say, from Heaven. " For they think '' 
the Heavens existed a long time before this wonder; 
but they cannot tell you when or how its great bodies 
were drawn from the abysses of nothing. They sup- 
pose, even, that above the arches of the Sky there 
was and still is a land like ours, with woods, lakes, 
rivers and fields, and Peoples who inhabit them. 
They do not agree as to the manner in which this so 
fortunate descent occurred. [87] Some say that one 
day, as she was working in her field, she perceived a 
Bear; her dog began to pursue it _and she herself 
afterwards. The Bear, seeing himself closely pressed, 
and seeking only to escape the teeth of the dog, fell 
by accident into a hole ; the dog followed him. 
Aataentsic, having approached this precipice, finding 
that neither the Bear nor the dog were any longer to 
be seen, moved by despair, threw herself into it also. 
Nevertheless, her fall happened to be more favorable 
than she had supposed ; for she fell down into the 
waters without being hurt, although she was with 
child, — after which, the waters having dried up little 
by little, the earth appeared and became habitable. 

Others attribute this fall to another cause, which 
seems to have some relation to the case of Adam, but 
falsehood makes up the greater part of it. They say 
that the husband of Aataentsic, being very sick, 
dreamed that it was necessary to cut down a certain 
tree from which those who abode in Heaven obtained 
their food ; and that, as soon as he ate of the fruit, 



mang6 de fon fruict qu'il feroit incontinent guery. 
Aataentfic cognoiffant la volonte de fon mary, prend 
fa hache, & s'en va auec la refolutio de n'en faire k 
deux fois, mais elle n'eut pas plutoft afren6 le premier 
[88] coup, que I'arbre fondit en mefme temps prefque 
fous fes pieds, & tomba icy bas, dequoy elle demeura 
li eflonn^e, qu'apres en auoir port6 la nouuelle a fon 
mary, elle retouma & fe ietta apres. Or comme elle 
toboit, la Tortue leuant par hazard la tefte hors de 
I'eau rapper9eut, & ne f^achant k quoy fe refoudre, 
ertonnee qu'elle eiloit de cefte merueille, elle appelle 
les autres animaxix aquatiques pour prendre leurs 
aduis ; les voila incontinent affemblez, elle leur 
raonflre ce qu'elle voyoit, leur demande ce qu'ils 
iugent k propos de faire; la plufpart s'en rapportent 
au Caftor, lequel par bienfeance remet le tout au 
iugemet de la Tortue, qui fut done enfin d'aduis 
qu'ils milTent tons promptement la main k I'oeuure, 
qu'ils fe plongeaffent au fond de I'eau, & en appor- 
taffent de la terre, & la miffent fur fon dos. Auffi-toft 
dit, auffi-toft fait, & la femme tomba fort doucement 
fur cefte Ifle. Quelque temps apres, comme elle 
eftoit tomb6e enceinte, elle fe deliura d'xme fille, la- 
quelle ne demeura gueres fans eftre groffe, fi vous 
leur demandez comment, vous les mettez bien en 
peine; tant y-a, vous difent ils, qu'elle fe trouua 
groffe; quelques-vns en reiettent la caufe fur quel- 
ques eftragers [89] qui aborderent a cefle Ifle. le 
vous prie accordez cecy auec ce qu'ils difent, qu'a- 
uant c^ Aataentfic fuft tombee du Ciel, il n'y auoit 
point d'homes fur la terre. Quoy que s'en foit elle 
enfanta deux gar9ons, Tailifcaron & liiskeha, lefquels 
eftant deuenus grands eurent quelque pique par en- 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 129 

he would be immediately healed. Aataentsic, know- 
ing the desire of her husband, takes his axe and goes 
away with the resolution not to make two trips of it; 
but she had no sooner dealt the first [88] blow than 
the tree at once split, almost under her feet, and fell 
to this earth ; whereupon she was so astonished that, 
after having carried the news to her husband, she re- 
turned and threw herself after it. Now, as she fell, 
the Turtle, happening to raise her head above water, 
perceived her; and, not knowing what to decide upon, 
astonished as she was at this wonder, she called to- 
gether the other aquatic animals to get their opinion. 
They immediately assembled ; she points out to them 
what she saw, and asks them what they think it fit- 
ting to do. The greater part refer the matter to the 
Beaver, who, through courtesy, hands over the whole 
to the judgment of the Turtle, whose final opinion was 
that they should all promptly set to work, dive to 
the bottom of the water, bring up soil to her, and put 
it on her back. No sooner said than done, and the 
woman fell very gently on this Island. Some time 
after, as she was with child when she fell, she was 
delivered of a daughter, who almost immediately be- 
came pregnant. If you ask them how, you puzzle 
them very much. At all events, they tell you, ^Ee~ 
was^pregnant. Some throw the blame upon some 
strangers, [89] who landed on this Island. I pray 
you make this agree with what they say, that, be- 
fore Aataentsic fell from the Sky, there were no men 
on earth. However that may be. she brought forth 
two boys, Tawiscaron and louskeha, who, when they 
grew up, had some quarrel with each other; judge if 
this does not relate in some way to the murder of 
Abel. They came to blows, but with very different 


femble ; iugez fi cela ne reffent point quelque chofe 
du maffacre d'Abel. lis en vindrent aux mains ; mais 
auec des armes bien differentes ; liJskeha auoit le bois 
d'vn Cerf, Taiii/caron fe contenta de quelques fruits 
de rofier fauuage, fe perfuadant qu'il n'en auroit pas 
fi toll: frapp6 fon frere, qu'il tomberoit mort k fes 
pieds; mais il en arriua tout autrement qu'il ne 
s'eftoit promis, & IHskeha au contraire luy porta vn fi 
rude coup dans les fiancs, que le fang en fortit en 
abodance. Ce pauure miferable fe mifl aulTi-toft en 
fuite, & de fon fang, dont ces terres furent arroufees, 
nafquirent certaines pierres femblables k celles dont 
nous nous f anions en France pour battre le fufil, que 
les Sauuages appellent encor auiourd'huy Tailifcara, 
du nom de cet infortune, fon frere le pourfuiuit & 
I'acheua : voila ce que la plufpart croyent de I'origine 
de ces Nations. 

[90] II y en a qui ne montent pas fi haut, & ne font 
pas ambitieux iufques "k ce poinct, que de croire qu'ils 
ayent tir^ leur origine du Ciel. lis difent qu'au com- 
mencement du monde la terre eftoit toute couuerte 
d'eau, "k la referue d'vne petite Ifle qui portoit toute 
I'efperance du genre humain, fgauoir eft vn feul 
homme, qui n'auoit pour toute compagnie qu'vn Re- 
nard & vn petit animal femblable a vne Foiiine, qu'ils 
appellent T/8hendaia. L'homme ne fgachant que 
faire fe voyant retranch^ dans vne fi petite etendue 
de pays inuita le Renard k fe plonger dans I'eau pour 
voir s'il y auoit fonds, mais il ne fe fut fi toft moUill^ 
les pattes qu'il fe retira, craignant que cefte experi- 
ece ne luy couftaft la vie. Dequoy l'homme s'eftant 
indigne, Teffandio tu n'as point d'efprit, luy dit-il, & 
le ietta dans I'eau d'vn coup de pied, ou il beut vn 


1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 131 

weapons. louskcha had the horns of a Stag ; Tawis- 
caron, who contented himself with some fruits of the 
wild rosebush, was persuaded that, as soon as he had 
struck his brother, he would fall dead at his feet. 
But it happened quite differently from what he had 
expected; and louskelia, on the contrary, struck him 
so rude a blow in the side, that the blood came forth 
abundantly. This poor wretch immediately fled; 
and from his blood, with which the land was 
sprinkled, certain stones sprang up, like those we 
employ in France to fire a gun, — which the Savages 
call even to-day Tawiscara, from the name of this un- 
fortunate. His brother pursued him, and finished 
him. This is what the greater part believe concern- 
ing the origin of these Nations. 

[90] There are some who do not soar so high, and 
are not so ambitious as to believe that they derive '^ 
t heir origin from Heaven. They say that, in the be- 1 
ginning of the world, the land was quite covered ' 
vrith water, with the exception of a little Island on 
which was the sole hope of the human race, — to wit, 
a single man, whose sole companions were a Fox and 
a little animal like a Marten, which they call Tsou- 
hendaia. The man, not knowing what to do, seeing 
himself cut off in so narrow a range of coimtry, asked 
the Fox to plunge into the water, to see if there were 
any bottom to it ; but he had no sooner wet his paws 
than he drew back, fearing that this experience would 
cost him his life. Whereupon the man became in- 
dignant; " Tessandion, thou hast no sense," he said to 
him, and kicked him into the water, where he drank^l 
a little more than his fill. However he did not de- 
sist from his design, and so encouraged the little ani- 
mal that was now his sole companion, that it finally 



pen plus que fon faoul. Cependant il ne defifla point 
de fon deffein, & encouragea fi bien ce petit animal 
qui luy refloit de compagnie, qu'il fe refolut en fin 
de fe plonger, & comme il ne s'imaginoit pas qu'il y 
euft li peu de fond, il le fit C rudement, qu'il fe heur- 
ta bien fort centre la terre, & en rapporta le muzeau 
tout couuert de vafe; I'homme bien refiouy [91] de 
cefte heureufe defcouuerte, I'exhorte de continuer, 
& d'apporter de la terre pour croiftre cefte Iflette ; ce 
qu'il fit auec tant d'affiduit^, qu'il luy fit perdre fon 
nom, & la changea en ces vaftes campagnes que nous 
voyons. Si vous les preflez encor icy, & leur deman- 
dez ce qu'ils penfent de cet homme, qui luy a donn6 
la vie? qui I'a mis fur cefte petite Ifle? comment il a 
peu eftre le pere de toutes ces Nations, puis qu'il 
eftoit feul, & n'auoit point de compagne; vous ne 
gagnerez rien de leur faire toutes ces queftions, au 
moins n'aurez vous que cefte folution, qui ne feroit 
pas mauuaife, fi leur Religion eftoit bonne ; Nous ne 
/(auons, on le dit ainfi, nos Peres ne nous en ont pas enfei- 
gn^ dauantage. Que diriez vous 'k cela ? tout ce que 
nous faifons c'eft de leur tefmoigner que nous leur 
portons compaffion de les voir dans vne fi groffiere 
ignorance ; nous prenons de Ik fuiet, quand nous les 
en iugeons capables, de leur expliquer quelques vns 
de nos Myfteres, & de leur monftrer combien ils font 
conformes k la raifon ; ils les entendent fort volon- 
tiers, & en demeurent grandement fatisfaits. 

Mais pour retourner k Aataentfic & li^skeha, ils tien- 
nent que lUskeha eft le Soleil, & [92] Aataentfic la 
Lune, & toutesfois que leur Cabane eft fitu6e au bout 
de la terre, c'eft k dire vers noftre mer Oceane: car 
au deli c'eft vn pays perdu pour eux, & auant qu'ils 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, i6j6 133 

resolved to plunge in ; and as it did not imagine that 
the water was so shallow, it did this so violently as 
to dash itself against the bottom, and came back with 
its snout all covered with slime. The man, very 
glad [91] at this happy discovery, exhorts it to con- 
tinue, and to bring up soil to increase the size of the 
Islet; which^it did with so much assiduity, that the 
Islet lost its id entity, and was changed into these 
vast fields that we see. If you again press them 
here, and ask them what they think of this man, — 
who gave him life, who put him upon this little Is- 
land, how he could become the father of all these Na- 
tions, since he was alone and had no companion ; you 
will gain nothing by asking all these questions, ex- 
cept that you will get this solution, which would not 
be bad, if their Religion were good. We do not know; 
we were told so; our Fathers never taught us any more 
about it. What would you say to that? All that we 
do is to bear witness to them that we feel compassion 
for their so gross ignorance; we take thence occa- 
sion, when we judge them capable of appreciating 
it, for explaining some of our Mysteries, and of 
showing them how fully they conform to reason. 
They listen very willingly, and are well satisfied 

But to return to Aataentsic and louskelia; they hold 
that louskeha is the Sun '* and [92] Aataentsic the 
Moon, and yet that their Home is situated at the ends 
of the earth, namely, toward our Ocean sea ; for be- 
yond that it is a lost country to them, and before 
they had any commerce with the French they had 
never dreamed that there was under Heaven a differ- 
ent land from their own, — and, now that they are 
disabused of this idea, many still believe that their 


euffent eu quelque commerce auec nos Frangois, ils 
ne s'imag^noient pas qu'il y euft fous le Ciel vne 
autre terra que la leur, & maintenant qu'ils font def- 
abufez de ce cofl6-l^, encor croyent-ils, au moins plu- 
fieurs, que leur terre & la noflre font deux pieces 
tout k fait detachees, & parties des mains de diners 
ouuriers. lis difent done que quatre ieunes hommes 
entreprirent autresfois ce voyage pour s'informer 
eux-mefmes de la verity, qu'ils trouuerent li^skeha 
tout feul dans fa Cabane qui les regeut fort humaine- 
ment. Apres quelques complimes de part & d'autre 
^ la mode du Pays, il leur donna aduis de fe cacher 
en quelque coing, autrement qu'il ne refpondoit pas 
de leur vie, q\x' Aataentjic eftoit pour leur iotier vn 
manuals tour, s'ils ne fe tenoient fur leur garde. 
Cefte Megere arriue fur le foir, & comme elle prend 
telle figure que bon luy femble, s'apperceuant qu'il 
y auoit de nouueaux hoftes en la maifon, elle prift 
la forme d'vne belle ieune fille bien parde, auec vn 
beau collier, & des bracellets de [93] Pourcelaine, & 
demanda h. fon fils ou efloient fes hoftes; il refpond 
qu'il ne ffauoit ce qu'elle vouloit dire, 1^ deffus elle 
fort de la Cabane, liSskeha fe feruit de I'occafion pour 
auertir fes holies, & leur fauua la vie. Or encor que 
leur Cabane foit fi fort efloign^e, ils fe trouuent ne- 
antmoins I'vn & 1 'autre aux fellins, & aux danfes qui 
fe font par les villages, Aataentfic y efl fouuent bien 
bourr^e, IHskeha en reiette la faute fur vn certain olki 
cornu appell6 Tehdrreffandeen, mais il fe trouue au 
bout du conte que c'efl luy mefme qui fe defguife, & 
outrage ainfi fa mere. 

Au refle ils s'eftiment grandement obligez h. ce per- 
fonnage ; car premierement, au dire de quelques- vns 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 135 

country and ours are two pieces quite separate, and 
made by the hands of different workmen. They 
say, therefore, that four young men once undertook 
a journey to find out the truth about it; that they 
found louskeha quite alone in his Cabin, and that he 
received them very kindly. After some compliments 
on both sides, in the fashion of the Country, he ad- 
vised them to conceal themselves in some corner, 
otherwise he would not ans wer fo r their lives ; that 
Aataentsic was sure to play them a bad trick, if they 
did not keep on their guard. This Fury arrives to- 
ward evening, and, as she assumes any form she 
sees fit, perceiving that there were new guests in the 
"house she took the form of a beautiful young girl, 
handsomely adorned, with a beautiful necklace and 
bracelets of [93] Porcelain, and asked her son where 
his guests were. He replied that he did not know 
wh^at she meant. Thereupon she went out of the 
Cabin, smAJouskeha took the oppertunity to warn his 
guests, and thus saved their lives. Now, although 
their Cabin is so very distant, they are nevertheless 
both present at the feasts and dances which take 
"place in the villages. Aataentsic is often badly abused 
there. louskeha throws the blame on a certain horned 
oki named Tehonrressandeen; but it is found at the 
end of the tale that it is he himself who, under that 
disguise, thus insults his mother. ^ '^' 

Moreover, they esteem themselves greatly o bliged 
ia-this__personage ; lor, in the first place, according 
to the opinion of some, — who hold a belief quite con- 
trary to that of those whom we have mentioned thus 
far, — without him we would not have^so many fine 
rivers andsomany beautiful lakes. In the begin- 
ning of the world, they iay, the earth was dry and 





qui font dans vne opinion toute contraire a ceux dont 
nous auos parl6 iufques a prefent, fans luy nous n'au- 
rions pas tant de belles riuieres, & tant de beaux 
lacs. Au commencement du monde, difent-ils, la 
terre efloit feiche & aride, & toutes las eaux efloient 
ramaff^es fous Taiffelle d'vne groffe grenoiiille, de 
forte que IHskeha n'en pouuoit auoir vne goutte que 
par fon entremife. Vn iour il fe refolut de fe deli- 
urer luy & toute fa Poflerit6 de cefle feruitude, & 
pour en venir k bout, il luy fit [94] vne incifion fous 
Taiffelle, d'ou les eaux fortirent en telle abondance, 
qu'elles fe repandirent par toute la terre, & de W les 
fleuues, les lacs, & les mers ont pris naiffance. Voi6s 
fi ce n'efl pas fouldre fubtilement la queftio de nos 
Echoles fur ce poinct. lis tiennent auffi que fans 
Ib!skcha leur chaudiere ne pourroit bouillir, & qu'il a 
appris de la Tortue I'inuention de faire du feu. Sans 
luy ils ne feroient pas fi bonne chaffe, & n'auroient 
pas tant de facilite h. prendre, comme ils font, les 
animaux h. la courfe ; car ils font dans cefle croyance 
que les animaux n'ont pas efl6 en liberty des le com- 
mencement du monde, mais qu'ils efloient renfermez 
dans vne grande cauerne, oil lis'ske/ia les gardoit: 
peut-eflre y a-il en cela quelque allufion a ce que 
Dieu amena tous les animaux a Adam. Qu'vn iour 
il fe refolut de leur donner conge afin qu'ils multipli- 
affent, & rempliflent les forefls, en telle fa9on neant- 
moins qu'il en peufl ayfement difpofer quand bon 
luy fembleroit. Voicy ce qu'il fit pour en venir h 
bout. A mefure qu'ils fortirent de cet autre, il les 
bleffa tous au pied d'vn coup de fleche ; toutesfois le 
Loup efquiua le coup; de la vient, difent-ils, qu'ils 
ont de la peine a le prendre a la courfe. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 137 

arid ; all the waters were collected under the armpit 
of a large frog, so that louskeha could not have a drop 
except through its agency. One day, he resolved to i 
deliver himself and all his Posterity from this servi- 
tude; and, in order to attain this, he made [94] an 
incision under the armpit, whence the waters came 
forth in such abundance that they spread throughout 
the whole earth, and hence the origin of rivers, lakes, 
and seas. Behold here a subtle solution of the ques- 
tion of our Schools upon this point. They hold also 
that without louskeha their kettles would not boil, as 
he learned from the Turtle the process of making 
fire. Were i t no t for him, they would not have such 
good huntings and would not have so much ease in 
capturing animals in the chase, as they now have. 
For they believe that animals were not at liberty 
from the beginning of the world, but that they were 
shut up in a great cavern, where louskeha guarded 
them. Perhaps there may be in that some allusion 
to the fact that God brought all the animals to Adam, ry 
However, one day he determined to give them liber- 
ty in order that they might multiply and fill the for- 
ests, — in such a way, nevertheless, that he might 
easily dispose of them when it should seem good to 
him. This is what he did to accomplish his end. 
In the order in which they came from the cave, he 
wounded them all in the foot with an arrow. How- 
ever, the Wolf escaped the shot; hence, they say, 
they have great difficulty in catching him in the 

[95] They pass yet beyond this, and regard him as 
profane Antiquity once did Ceres. According to 
their story, it is louskeha who gives them the wheat 
they eat, it is he who makes it grow and brings it to 


[95] lis pafTent encor plus auant, & le regardent 
comme faifoit iadis I'Antiquite profane, vne Ceres; k 
les entendre c'efl li^skeha qui leur donne le bled qu'ils 
mangent, c'efl luy qui le fait croiflre, & le conduit ^ 
maturite; s'ils voyent leurs campagnes verdoyates au 
Printemps, s'ils recueillent de belles & plantureufes 
moifTons, & fi leurs Cabanes regorgent d'efpics, ils 
n"en ont robligation qu'^ li'ske/ia. le ne ffay ce que 
Dieu nous garde cefle annee, mais a entendre les 
bruits qui courent nous fommes menacez tout de bon 
d'vne grande fterilite. On a veu, dit-on, /is'ske/ta, 
tout defait & maigre comme vne fquelete, auec vn 
epy en fa main mal fourny; d'autres adiouftent qu'il 
portoit vne iambe d'homme, & la dechiroit h belles 
dents; tout cela, difent-ils, eft vne marque indubi- 
table d'vne fort mauuaife ann^e: mais le plaifir eft, 
qu'il ne fe trouue dans le Pays qui dife, ie I'ay veu, 
ou ay parle h homme qui I'a veu, & cependant tout 
le monde croit cecy comme vne chofe indubitable, & 
perfonne ne fe met en peine de faire vne plus curi- 
eufe recherche de la verite. S'il plaifoit k la diuine 
Bonte faire mentir ces faux Prophetes, ce ne nous fe- 
roit pas vn petit auantage pour authorifer noftre [96] 
croyance dans le Pays, & donner cours h la publica- 
tion du fainct Euangile. Nous auos receu, & rece- 
uons tous les iours tant de faueurs du Ciel, que nous 
anons fuiet d'efperer encor celle-cy, fi tant eft que 
ce foit la gloire de Dieu. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 139 

matu^it3^_Jf they see their fields verdant in the 
Spring;^ Jfjhey reap good and abundant harvests, and 
if their Cabins are^crammed with ears of com, they 
pwe it to louskc ha. I do not know what God has in \ 
store for us this year; but, to judge from the reports 
going round, we are threatened in earnest with a 
great scarcity. louskcha, it is reported, has been seen 
quite dejected, and thin as a skeleton, with a poor 
ear of corn in hi s hand._ Some add that he was car- 
rying a man's leg and was t earing it with sharp 
'te£lli^_ All this, they say, is an indubitable sign of a ^iQA'iCcoiQ 
very bad year. But the fun of it is, no one can be 
found in the Country who will say, " I have seen 
him, or I have spokeji to a man that Jias _seen him ; " 
and yet e ver y one- -deems _this an indubitable fact, 
and no man takes the trouble to make a_ more search- 
ing inquiry into the truth of it. If it should please 
the divine Goodness to provB these false Prophets 
untruthful, it would be no small advantage to add 
authority to our [96] faith in this Country, and to 
open the way for the publication of the holy Gospel. 
We have received and are receiving every day so 
many favors from Heaven that we have reason to 
hope for this one as well, if it is for the glory of -God. 






c'est VIE, qu'apres la MORT. 

CI EST vn plaiGr de lesentendre parler des ames, 
ou pour mieux dire, c'eit vne chofe tout k 
fait digne de compaffion, de voir des hommes 
raifonnables, auoir des fentimens fi bas, d'vne effence 
fi noble, & qui porte des traicts G vifs de la Diuinite. 
lis luy donnent diuers noms felon fes diuers eflats 
ou diuerfes operations. Entant qu'elle anime feule- 
ment le corps, & luy donne la vie, ils I'appellent k//z- 
ondhech!i\ entant qu'elle eft raifonnable, oKi andatfrandi, 
femblable h vn demon, qui contrefait le demon: en- 
tant qu'elle penfe & delibere [97] fur quelque chofe, 
ils I'appellet cndionrra, &. gonenJioncHal, en tant qu'elle 
fe porte d'affection vers quelque obiect, d'ou vient 
qu'ils difent fouuent, ondayee ihaton oncnnoticifat \ voila 
ce que le coeur me dit, voila ce que mon appetit de- 
fire. Maintenant fi elle eft feparee du corps, ils I'ap- 
pellent esken, & les os mefmes des morts atisken ; h. 
mon auis fur cette faulle perfuafion qu'ils ont, que 
I'ame y demeure en quelque fa96 attachee quelque 
temps apres la mort, au moins qu'elle n'en efl pas 
beaucoup eloignee, ils fe la figurent diuifibles; & 
vous auriez toutes les peines du monde S. leur faire 
croire, que noftre ame eft toute entiere en toutes les 
parties de noftre corps, ils luy donnet mefme vne 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 141 





IT is amusing to hear them speak of their souls, — 
or rather, I should say, it is a thing quite worthy 
of compassion to see reasonable men, with senti- 
ments so low concerning an essence so noble and 
bearing so distinct marks of Di\'inity. They give it 
different names according to its different conditions 
or different operations. In so far as it merely ani- 
mates the body and gives it life, they call it khion- 
dhecwi; in so far as it is possessed of reason, oki an- 
da^randi, "like a demon, counterfeiting a demon;" 
in so far as it thinks and deliberates [97] on any- 
thing, they call it endionrra; and gonennonciual, in so 
far as it bears affection to any object ; whence it hap- 
pens that they often say ondayee ihaton onennoncwat, 
" That is what my heart says to me, that is what my 
appetite desires." Then if it is separated from the 
body they call it esken, and even the bones of the 
dead, atisken, — in my opinion, on the false persua- 
sion entertained by them that the soul remains in 
some way attached to them for some time after death, 
at least that it is not far removed from them ^ they 
think of the soul as divisible, and you would have all 
the difficulty in the world to make them believe that 
our soul is entire in all parts of the body. They 
give to it even a head, arms, legs, — in short, a body ; 


tefte, des bras, des iambes, en vn mot vn corps; & 
pour les mettre bien en peine, il ne faut que leur de- 
mander par ou Tame fort k la mort, 11 tant eft qu'elle 
foit corporelle, & ayt vn corps auffi grand que celuy 
qu'elle anime; car a cela ils n'ont point de reponfe. 

Pour ce qui eft de I'eftat de I'ame apres la mort, 
ils tiennent qu'elle fe fepare tellement du corps, 
qu'elle ne I'abandonne pas incontinent: quand on le 
porte au [98] tombeau, elle marche deuat, & demeure 
dans le cimetiere iufques h. la fefte des Morts; de 
nuict elle fe pourmene par les villages, & entre dans 
les Cabanes, ou elle prend fa part des feftins, & 
mange de ce qui eft reft^ le foir dans la chaudiere ; 
d'oii vient que plufieurs, pour cette confideration, 
n'en mangent pas volontiers le lendemain; il y en a 
mefme qui ne fe trouuent point aux feftins qui fe font 
pour les ames, croyans qu'ils mourroient indubitable- 
ment, s'ils auoient feulement goufte des viandes qui 
leur font preparees ; d'autres neantmoins ne font pas 
fi fcrupuleux, & en mangent tout leur faoul. 

A la fefte des Morts, qui fe fait enuiron de douze 
en douze ans, les ames quittent les cimetieres, & au 
dire de quelques-vns fe changent en Tourterelles, 
qu'ils perfecutent par apres k coups de fieches dans 
les bois pour en faire grillade & les manger ; neant- 
moins la plus commune creance eft, qu'apres cette 
ceremonie, dont ie parleray icy bas, elles s'en vont 
de compagnie, couuertes qu' elles font des robbes & 
des colliers qu'on leur a mis dans la foffe, h. xn grand 
Village, qui eft vers le [99] Soleil couchant, excepte 
toutefois les vieillards & les petits enfans, qui n'ont 
pas fi bonnes iambes que les autres, pour pouuoir 
faire ce voyage : ceux-cy demeurent dans le pays, oii 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 143 

and to put them in great perplexity it is only neces- 
sary to ask them by what exit the soul departs at 
death, if it be really corporeal, and has a body as 
large as that which it animates; for to that they 
have no reply. 

As to what is the state of the soul after death, they 
hold that it separates in such a way from the body 
that it does not abandon it immediately. When they 
bear it to the [98] grave, it walks in front, and re- 
mains in the cemetery tmtil the feast of the Dead; 
by night, it walks through the villages and enters 
the Cabins, where it takes its part in the feasts, and 
eats what is left at evening in the kettle ; whence it 
happens that many, on this account, do not willingly 
eat from it on the morrow ; there are even some of 
them who will not go to the feasts made for the 
souls, believing that they would certainly die if they 
should even taste of the provisions prepared for them ; 
others, however, are not so scrupulous, and eat 
their fill. 

At the feast of the Dead, which takes place about 
every twelve years, the souls quit the cemeteries, 
and in the opinion of some are changed into Turtle- 
doves, which they pursue later in the woods, with 
bow and arrow, to broil and eat; nevertheless the 
most common belief is that after this ceremony, of 
which I shall speak below, they go away in company,^ 
covered as -they are with robes and collars which 
have been put into the grave for them, to a great 
Village, which is toward the [99] setting Sun, — ex- 
cept, however, the old people and the little children 
who have not as strong limbs as the others to make 
this voyage; these remain in the country, where 
they have their own particular Villages. Some as- 


ils ont leurs Villages particuliers ; on entend quel- 
quefois, difent-ils, le bruit des portes de leurs Ca- 
banes, & las voix des enfans qui chaffent les oyfeaux 
de leurs champs, ils fement des bleds en la faifon, 
& fe feruent des champs que les viuans ont abandon- 
nez; s'il fe brufle quelque Village, ce qui arriue fou- 
uent en ce pays, ils ont foin de ramaffer du milieu de 
cette incendie le bled rofty, & en font vne partie de 
leurs prouifions. 

Les ames qui font plus fortes & plus robuftes, ont 
leur rendez-vous, comme i'ay deja dit, vers I'Occi- 
dent, ou chaque Nation a fon Village particulier, & 
fi I'ame d'vn Algonquin efloit fi hardie de fe prefenter 
au Village des ames de la Nation des Ours, elle n'y 
feroit pas la bien venue. 

Les ames de ceux qui font morts en guerre font 
bande k part, les autres les craignent, & ne leur per- 
mettent point 1' entree de leur Village, non plus 
qu'aux [lOo] ames de ceui qui fe font defaits eux- 
mefmes. Quant aux ames des larrons, elles y font 
les bien venues, & fi elles en eftoiet bannies, il n'y 
refteroit ame qui vine. Car, comme i'ay dit, Huron 
& larron ne font qu'vn; & le plus homme de bien du 
Pays fera tout ce qu'il pourra pour faire fa main, s'il 
trouue quelque chofe chez vous a I'ecart qui luy 

le demandois vn iour a vn de nos Sauuages, oti ils 
penfoient que fuft le Village des ames, il me r6pon- 
dit qu'il eftoit vers la Nation du Petun, c'efl k dire 
vers I'Occident, k huict lieues de nous, & que quel- 
ques-vns les auoient veues comme elles y alloient, 
que le chemin qu' elles tenoient efloit large, & aflfez 
battu, qu'elles paffoient aupres d'vne roche, qu'ils ap- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 145 

sert that at times they hear the noise of the doors of 
their Cabins, and the voices of the children chasing 
the birds in the fields. They sow com in its season, 
and use the fields the living have abandoned ; if any 
Village takes fire, which often happens in this coun- 
try, they take care to gather from the middle of this 
fire th& roasted com, and lay it by as a part of their 

The souls which are stronger and more robust 
have their gathering place, as I have said, toward 
the West, where each Nation has its own Village; 
and if the soul of an Algonquin were bold enough to 
present itself at the Village of the Bear Nation's 
souls, it would not be well received. 

The souls of those who died in war form a band 
by themselves; the others fear them, and do not per- 
mit their entry into their Village, any more than to 
the [100] souls of those who have killed themselves. 
As to the souls of thieves, they are quite welcome, 
and, if they were banished from them, there would 
not be a soul left ; for as I have said, Huron and thief 
are one and the same thing ; and the wealthiest man 
in the Country will do all he can to try his hand at 
it, if he finds something in your house lying apart 
which he likes. 

I asked one day one of our Savages where they 
thought the Village of souls was ; he answered that 
it was toward the Tobacco Nation, ^^ that is to say, 
toward the West, eight leagues from us, and that some 
persons had seen them as they were going; that the 
road they took was broad and well-beaten ; that they 
passed near a rock called Ecaregniondi, which has 
often been found marked with the paint which they 
use to smear their faces. 


pellent Ecaregniondi, qui s'eft trouu^e fouuent mar- 
quee des peintures, dont ils ont accouftum^ de fe bar- 
boiiiller le vifage. 

Vn autre me dit, que fur le mefme chemin, auant 
que d'arriuer au Village, on rencontre vne Cabane, 
ou loge vn certain nomme Ofcotarach, ou Perce-tefte, 
qui tire la ceruelle des teftes des morts, & la garde ; 
il faut palTer vne riuiere, & pour [loi] tout pont 
vous n'auez que le tronc d'vn arbre coucli6 en trauers, 
& appuye fort legerement. Le paffage eft garde par 
vn chien qui donne le fault k plufieurs ames & les fait 
tomber; elles font en mefme temps emport6es par 
la violence du torrent, & etouffees dans les eaux; 
mais, luy dif-ie, d'ou auez vous appris toutes ces nou- 
uelles de I'autre monde? Ce font, me dit-il, des per- 
sones refufcitees qui en ont fait le rapport. C'efl 
ainG que le diable les abufe dans leurs fonges; c'eft 
ainfi qu'il parle par la bouche de quelques-vns, qui 
ayans efte laiiTez comme pour morts, reuiennent par 
apres en fante, & difcourent k perte de veue de I'autre 
vie, felon les idees que leur en donne ce mauuais 
maiftre : ^ leur dire le Village des ames n'eft en rien 
diffemblable du Village des viuans, on y va ^ la 
chaffe, k la pefche, & au bois ; les baches, les robbes, 
& les colliers y font autant en credit, que parmy les 
viuants. En vn mot tout y eft pareil, il n'y a que 
cette difference, que iour & nuict elles ne font que 
gemir & fe plaindre ; elles ont des Capitaines, qui de 
teps en temps mettent le hola, & tafchent d'apporter 
quelque moderation k leurs [102] foupirs, & k leurs 
gemiilemes. Vray Dieu que d'ignorance & de ftupi- 
dit6 ! Illuminare his qui in tenebris & in vvibra mortis 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 147 

Another told me that on the same road, before ar- 
riving at the Village, one comes to a Cabin where 
lives one named Oscotarach, or " Pierce-head," who 
draws the brains out of the heads of the dead, and 
keeps them. You must pass a river, and [loi] the 
only bridge you have is the trunk of a tree laid 
across, and very slightly supported. The passage is 
guarded by a dog, which jumps at many souls, and 
makes them fall ; they are at the same time carried 
away by the violence of the torrent, and stifled in 
the waters. " But," said I to him, " whence have 
you learned all this news of the other world?" " It 
is," he told me, " persons brought back to life, who 
have reported it." Thus it is the devil deceives them 
in their dreams; thus he speaks by the mouth of 
some, who having been left as dead, recover health, 
and talk at random of the other life, according to the 
ideas that this wretched master gives them. Accord- 
ing to them the Village of souls is in no respect un- 
like the Village of the living, — they go hunting, 
fishing, and to the woods; axes, robes, and collars 
are as much esteemed as among the living. In a 
word, everything is the same; there is only this 
difference, that day and night they do nothing but 
groan and complain. They have Captains, who from 
time to time put an end to it and try to moderate 
their [102] sighs and groans. God of truth, what 
ignorance and stupidity! Illuminare his qui in tene- 
bris, et in umbra tnortis sedent. 

Now this false belief they have about souls is kept 
up among them by means of certain stories which 
the fathers tell their children, which are so poorly 
put together that I am perfectly astounded to see 
how men believe them and accept them as truth. 


Or cette fauffe creance qu'ils ont des ames s'entre- 
tient parmy-eux, par le moyen de certaines hifloires 
que les peres racontent 'k leurs enfans, lefquelles font 
fi mal coufues, que ie ne fgaurois affez m'eflonner de 
voir comma des hommes les croyent, & les prennent 
pour veritez. En voicy deux des plus niaifes, que ie 
tiens de perfonnes d'efprit & de iugement parmy-eux. 

Vn Sauuage ayant perdu vne Qenne f oeur qu'il aymoit 
%Tiiquement, & ayant pleur6 quelque temps fa mort, 
fe refolut de la chercher en quelque part du monde 
qu'elle peuft eftre, & fit douze iournees tirant vers le 
Soleil couchant ; oil il auoit appris qu'eftoit le Village 
des ames, fans boire ny mager ; au bout def quels fa 
foeur luy apparut fur le foir, auec vn plat de farine 
cuite a I'eau, k la fa9on du pays, qu'elle luy donna, 
& difparut en mefme temps qu'il voulut mettre la 
main fur elle pour I'arrefter; il pafTa outre, & che- 
mina trois mois entiers, efperant toufiours venir k 
[103] bout de fes pretenflons; pendant tout ce temps 
elle ne manquoit pas tous les iours de fe monflrer, & 
luy rendre le mefme office qu'elle auoit commence, 
allant ainfi augmentant fa paffion, fans luy donner 
autre foulagement, que ce peu de nourriture qu'elle 
luy apportoit. Les trois mois expirez, il rencontra 
vne riuiere, qui le mit en peine d'abord, car elle efloit 
fort rapide, & ne paroifToit pas gayable; il y auoit 
bien quelques arbres abbatus qui tenoient le trauers, 
mais ce pont efloit fl branlant qu'il n'auoit pas la har- 
diefTe de s'y fier. Que fera-il? II y auoit au delk 
quelque piece de terre defrichee, ce qui luy fit croire 
qu'il y trouueroit quelques habitans. De fait apres 
auoir regarde de cofte & dlautre, il apperceut k I'en- 
tree du bois, vne petite Cabane, il crie a diuerfes re- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 149 

Here are two of the most stupid ones, which I get 
from persons of intelligence and judgment among 

A Savage having lost one of his sisters, whom he 
loved above all the rest, and having wept for some 
time after her death, resolved to seek her, in what- 
ever part of the world she might be ; and he trav- 
eled twelve days toward the setting Sun, where he 
had learned the Village of souls was, without eating or 
drinking. At the end of this time, his sister ap- 
peared to him in the night, with a dish of meal 
cooked in water, after the fashion of the country, 
which she gave to him, and disappeared at the moment 
he wished to put his hand on her and stop her. He 
went on, and journeyed three whole months, hoping 
always to succeed [103] in claiming her. During all 
this time she never failed to show herself every day, 
and to render him the same service that she had at 
first, — increasing in this way his desire, without giv- 
ing it any other consolation than the little nourish- 
ment which she brought him. The three months 
expired; he came to a river, which presented great 
difficulty to him at first, for it was very rapid and did 
not appear fordable. There were, indeed, some fall- 
en trees thrown across it ; but this bridge was so 
shaky that he did not dare to trust himself to it. 
What should he do ? There was on the other side a 
piece of cleared land, which made him think there 
must be some inhabitants near. In fact, after look- 
ing in all directions he perceived, on the outskirts of 
the wood, a little Cabin. He calls several times. A 
man appears and shuts himself up immediately in 
his Cabin ; this gives him great joy, and he resolves 
to cross. Having successfully accomplished this, he 


prifes, vn homme paroift & fe renferme incontinent 
en fa Cabane : ce qui le reioiiit, & le fit ref oudre k 
franchir le pas, I'ayant fait heureufement, il va droit 
h. cette Cabane, mais il y trouue vifage de bois, il ap- 
pelle, il heurte k la porte ; on luy repond qu'il attende, 
& qii'il paffe premierement fon bras, s'il veut entrer; 
I'autre fut bien eftonne de voir vn corps, il [104] luy 
ouure, & luy demande, oil il alloit, & ce qu'il preten- 
doit, que ce pays n'eftoit que pour les ames. le le 
f9ay bien, dit c^t Auenturier, c'eft pourquoy i'y viens 
chercher I'ame de ma foeur. Oily da, repart I'autre, 
k la bonne-heure ; allez, prenez courage, vous voila 
tantoft au Village des ames, vous y trouuerez ce que 
vous defirez ; toutes les ames font maintenant affem- 
bl^es dans vne Cabane, ou elles danfent pour guerir 
Aatanitfic, qui eft malade; ne craignez point d'y en- 
trer, tenez voila vne courge, vous y mettrez I'ame de 
voftre foeur; il la prend, & demande en mefme temps 
conge k fon hofte, bien aife d'auoir fait vne fi bonne 
rencontre. Sur le depart il luy demade fon nom: 
Contente toy, dit I'autre, que ie fuis celuy qui garde 
la ceruelle des morts ; quand tu auras recouure I'ame 
de ta foeur, repaffe par icy, ie te donneray fa ceruelle. 
II s'en va done, & arriu6 qu'il efl au Village des ames, 
il entre dans la Cabane ^Aataentfic, ou il les trouue 
en effet qu'elles danfoient pour fa fant6, mais il ne 
pent encor voir I'ame de fa foeur : car elles furent Q 
eflfray^es k la veue de c6t homme, qu'elles s'euanoiii- 
rent en vn inftant; de forte qu'il demeura [105] 
mairtre de la Cabane toute la ioumee. Sur le foir, 
comme il eftoit affis aupres du foyer, elles retour- 
nerent, mais elles ne fe monftrerent du commence- 
ment que de loing, petit a petit s'eftant approch^es 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 151 

goes straightway to this Cabin, but finds the door 
closed ; he calls, he beats on the door. He is told to 
wait, and first to pass in his arm, if he wishes to en- 
ter ; the other one is much astonished to see a living 
body. He [104] opens to him, and asks him where he 
was going and what his purpose was, as this country 
was only for souls. " I know that well," says this 
Adventurer, ' ' and that is why I came here to seek 
the soul of my sister." " Oh indeed," replies the 
other one, " well and good; come, take courage, you 
will be presently in the Village of souls, where you 
will find what you desire. All the souls are now 
gathered in a Cabin, where they are dancing to heal 
Aataentsic, who is sick. Don't be afraid to enter-; 
stay, there is a pumpkin, you can put into it the soul 
of your sister." He takes it, and at the same time 
bids good-bye to his host, very glad of so fortunate 
a meeting. On his departure he asks the host his 
name, " Be satisfied," says the other, " that I am he 
who keeps the brains of the dead." So he goes away 
and reaches the Village of souls. He enters the 
Cabin of Aataentsic , where he finds that they are in- 
deed dancing for the sake of her health ; but he can- 
not yet see the soul of his sister, for the souls were 
so startled at the sight of the man that they vanished 
in a moment, so that he remained [105] all day the 
master of the Cabin. In the evening, as he was 
seated by the fire, they returned; but they showed 
themselves at first only at a distance. Approaching 
slowly, they began again to dance ; he recognized his 
sister amid the troop, he endeavored even to seize 
her, but she fled from him. He withdrew some dis- 
tance, and at last chose his time so well that she could 
not escape him. Nevertheless, he made certain of 


elles fe mirent de rechef ^ danfer; il recogneut fa 
fceur parmy la troupe, il s'effor9a mefme de la pren- 
dre, mais elle s'enfuit de luy, il fe retira h. I'ecart, & 
prit enfin fi bien f on temps qu'elle ne peut echapper ; 
neantmoins il ne fut pas affeur6 de fa proye qu'k 
bonnes enfeignes; car il luy fallut luiter cotre elle 
toute la nuict, & dans le combat elle diminua telle- 
ment, & deuint fi petite, qu'il la mit fans diflficulte 
dans fa courge : I'ayant bie bouchee, il s'en retourne 
fur la champ, & repaffe chez fon hofte, qui luy donne 
dans vne autre courge la ceruelle de fa foeur, & I'in- 
ftruit de tout ce qu'il deuoit faire pour la refufciter. 
Quand tu feras arriue, luy dit-il, va t'en au cime- 
tiere, prends le corps de ta foeur, porta le en ta Ca- 
bane, & fais feftin : tons les conuiez eflas affemblez, 
charge le fur tes 6paules, & fais vn tour par la Ca- 
bane, tenant en main les deux courges, tu n'auras 
pas fi toft repris ta place, que ta foeur refufcitera, 
[io6] pourueu que tu donne ordre que tons tiennent 
la veue baiiI6e, & que pas vn ne regarde ce que tu 
feras, autrement tout ira mal. Le voila done retour- 
ne dans fort pen de temps ^ fon Village, il prend le 
corps de fa foeur, fait feflin, & execute de point en 
point, tout ce qui luy auoit efle prefcrit; & de fait il 
fentoit d6ja du mouuement dans ce cadaure demy 
pourry ; mais comme il eftoit a deux ou trois pas de 
fa place, il y eut vn curieux qui leua les yeux, & en 
mefme temps cette ame s'echappa, & ne luy demeura 
que ce cadaure fur les bras, qu'il fut contrainct de re- 
porter au tombeau d'ou il I'auoit tire. 


Voicy vne autre de leurs fables de mefme tillure. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. 1636 153 

his prey only by securing her well; for he had to 
struggle against her all night, and in the contest she 
grew so little that he put her without difficulty into 
his pumpkin. Having corked her in well, he imme- 
diately returns by way of the house of his host, who 
gives him his sister's brains in another pumpkin, and 
instructs him in all he must do to resuscitate her. 
" When thou reachest home," he says to him, " go 
to the cemetery, take the body of thy sister, bear it 
to thy Cabin, and make a feast. When all thy 
guests are assembled, carry it on thy shoulders, and 
take a walk through the Cabin holding the two 
pumpkins in thy hands; thou wilt no sooner have 
resumed thy place than thy sister will come to life 
again, [106] provided thou givest orders that all keep 
their eyes lowered, and that no one shall look at 
what thou art doing, else everything will go wrong." 
Soon the man returns to his Village ; he takes the 
body of his sister, makes a feast, carries out, in due 
order, all the directions given him, — and, indeed, he 
already felt motion in the half-decayed corpse ; but, 
when he was two or three steps from his place, one 
curious person raised his eyes ; at that moment the 
soul escaped, and there remained to him only the 
corpse in his arms, which he was constrained to bear 
to the tomb whence he had taken it." 


Here is another of their fables, of like tissue. A 
young man of the highest standing among them, be- 
ing ill, after much entreaty finally answered that his 
dream showed a bow rolled in bark ; that if any one 
wanted to go with him as an escort, there was but 
one man on earth who had one of the sort. A com- 


Vn ieune homme des plus qualifiez d'entr'eux apres 
s'eftre bien fait prier, repondit enfin eftant malade, 
que fon fonge portoit vn arc roule en ecorce, que fi 
on vouloit luy faire efcorte, il n'y auoit qu'vn feul 
homme fur terre qui en eufl vn. Vne troupe de deli- 
berez fe mettent en chemin auec luy ; mais au bout 
de dix iours il ne luy refla que fix compagnons, le 
refte rebrouffa k caufe de la faim qui les preffoit: les 
fix vont auec luy [107] ^ grandes iourn^es, & fur les 
pifles d'vne petite befte noire rencontrent la Cabane 
de leur homme, qui les aduertit de ne manger rien 
de ce qu'vne femme qui alloit reuenir leur apprefte- 
roit pour la premiere fois ; k quoy ayant obei, & ren- 
uerf6 les plats par terre, ils s'apperceurent, que ce 
n'eftoient que beftes venimeufes, qu'elle leur auoit 
prefente. S'^ftans refaits du fecond feruice, il fut 
queftion de bander Tare roul6, dont pas vn n'ayant 
pfl venir k bout, que le ieune home, pour qui le voy- 
age auoit eft6 entrepris : il le receut en don de fon 
hofle, qui I'inuita de fuer auec luy, & au fortir de la 
fuerie metamorphofa vn de fes compagnons en Pin. 
Dela ils aborderent au Village des ames, d'ovx ils ne 
reuindrent que trois en vie, & tons effarez chez leur 
hofle, qui les encouragea de retourner chez eux, k la 
faueur d'vn peu de farine, telle que les ames la man- 
gent, & qui fuflente les corps k merueilles. Qu'au 
refte ils alloient paller "k trauers des bois, oii les Cerfs, 
les Ours, les Orignacs eftoient auffi communs que les 
fueilles des arbres; & qu'eflans pourueus d'vn arc fi 
merueilleux, ils n'auoient rien k craindre, que [108] 
leur chaffe feroit des meilleures. Les voila de retour 
en leur Village, & tout le monde a I'entour d'eux, k 
fe reiouir & apprendre leurs diuerfes rencontres. 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 156 

pany of resolute men put themselves on the road 
with him ; but at the end of ten days there remained 
to him only six companions, the rest turning back on 
account of the hunger which pressed them. The six 
go with him [107] many a day's journey, and in fol- 
lowing the tracks of a little black beast, come upon 
the Cabin of their man, who warns them not to par- 
take of what a woman who was to be present should 
offer them for the first time. Having obeyed him, 
and having upset the dishes upon the ground, they 
perceived it was only venomous reptiles she had 
presented to them. Having refreshed themselves 
with the second course, it was a question of bend- 
ing the rolled bow, which not one of them suc- 
ceeded in doing, except the young man in whose 
behalf the journey had been undertaken. He re- 
ceived it as a gift from his host, who invited him to 
take a sweat with him, and, upon emerging from the 
sweat-box, metamorphosed one of his companions 
into a Pine tree. From there they advanced to the 
Village of souls, whence only three returned alive, 
and all frightened, to the house of their host ; he en- 
couraged them to return home with the help of a 
little meal, such as the souls eat, and which sustains 
the body wonderfully. He told them, moreover, 
that they were going to pass through woods where 
Deer, Bears, and Moose were as common as the 
leaves on the trees; but that, being provided with 
so marvelous a bow, they had nothing to fear, that 
[108] they would be very successful in the chase. 
Behold them returned to their Village, with every 
one around them rejoicing, and learning their differ- 
ent adventures. 

Forsan et hcec olim meminisse juvabit, when these 


For/an &" hac olim mentinijfe iuuabit, lors que ces 
pauures gens 6clairez du del fe riront de leurs fot- 
tifes, comme nous I'efperons. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 157 

poor people, enlightened by heaven, will laugh at 
their own stupidities, as we hope. 






COMME ces pauures Sauuages pour eflre hommes 
n'on pu mecognoiflre Dieu tout k fait, & pour 
eftre vicieux n'en out fceu auoir que des con- 
ceptions indignes de fa gradeur, ils ne I'ont ny cher- 
che, ny recogneu qu'en la furface des creatures, ou 
ils ont efper6 leur bon-heur, ou redout^ quelque mal- 
heur. lis s'addreflent a la Terre, aux Riuieres, aux 
Lacs, aux Rochers dangereux, mais fur tout au Ciel, 
& croyent que tout cela eft anime, [109] & qu'il y re- 
fide quelque puiflfant Demon. Ils ne fe contentent 
pas de former de fimples voeux, il[s] les accompagnent 
fouuent d'vne efpece de facrifice. Fen ay remarqu6 
de deux fortes. Les vns font pour fe les rendre pro- 
pices & fauorables; les autres pour les appaifer, 
quand ils en ont receu, felon qu'il s'imaginent, quel- 
que difgrace, ou fe perfuadent auoir encouru leur ire 
et leur indignation. Voicy les ceremonies qu'ils gar- 
dent en ces facrifices. lis iettent du Petun dans le 
feu, & fi c'efl par exemple au Ciel qu'ils s'addreCfent, 
ils difent, Aronhiat^ otin^ aonJianiHas taitenr, Ciel voila 
ce que ie t'offre en facrifice, aye piti6 de moy, affifte 
moy: fi c'efl pour impetrer la fant6, taenguiaens, gue- 
ris moy. Ils ont recours au Ciel prefque en toutes 
leurs neceffitez, & refpectent ces grands corps fur 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION. 1636 169 





AS these poor Savages, being men, have not been 
able altogether to deny God, and, being given 
to vice, could have only conceptions of him 
unworthy of his greatness, — they have neither sought 
nor recognized him except on the surface of created 
things, in which they have hoped for happiness or 
dreaded some misfortune. They address themselves 
to the Earth, to Rivers, to Lakes, to dangerous 
Rocks, but above all, to the Sky; and believe that 
all these things are animate, [109] and that some 
powerful Demon resides there. They are not con- 
tented with making simple vows, they often accom- 
pany them with a sort of sacrifice. I have remarked 
two kinds of these. Some are to render them propi- 
tious and favorable ; others to appease them, when 
they have received in their opinion some disgrace 
from them, or believe they have incurred their anger 
or indignation. Here are the ceremonies they em- 
ploy in these sacrifices. They throw some Tobacco 
into the fire; and if it is, for example, to the Sky 
that they address themselves, they say, Aronhiatd 
onn^ aonstaniwas taitenr, " O Sky, here is what I offer 
thee in sacrifice; have pity on me, assist me." If it 
is to implore health, iaenguiacns, "Heal me."'''' 
They have recourse to the Sky in almost all their ne- 


toutes les creatures, & y remarquent parti culierement 
quelque chofe de diuin: auffi eft-ce apres rhomme 
la plus viue image que nous ayons de la Diuinit^ ; il 
n'y a rien qui nous la reprefente fi clairement : nous 
y remarquons fa toute-puiffance dans les prodigieux 
effets qu'ils caufent icy bas ; fon immenfite dans leur 
vafte eftendue; fa fageffe dans I'ordre [no] de leurs 
mouuemens; fa bonte dans les benignes influences 
qu'ils verfent continuellement fur toutes les creatures ; 
& fa beaute dans le Soleil, & fur le front des Eftoilles. 
le dis cecy pour monftrer combien il fera facile auec 
le temps, & I'afliftance diuine, de conduire ces Peuples 
k la cognoiffance de leur Createur, puis qu'ils hon- 
norent deja fi particulierement vne creature, qui en 
eft vne fi parfaite image : & encore puis ie dire que 
c'eft proprement Dieu qu'ils honnorent, quoy qu'k 
I'aueugle, car ils s'imaginent dans les Cieux vn Oki, 
c'eft k dire vn Demon, ou vne puiffance qui regie les 
faifons de I'annee, qui tient en bride les vents, & les 
flots de la mer, qui pent rendre fauorable le cours de 
leurs nauigations, & les aflifter en toutes leurs neceffi- 
tez: ils redoutent mefme fon ire, & I'appellent k tef- 
moin pour rendre leur foy inuiolable, quand ils font 
quelque promeffe d'importance, ou paffent quelque 
accord, ou traitte de paix auec I'ennemy. Voicy les 
termes dont ils fe feruent, Hakhrihott! ckaroyihiatd tUt 
IcHakhier ekentatd, Le Ciel entend ce que nous fai- 
fons auiourd'huy: & croyent apres cela que s'ils [i 1 1] 
venoient a contreuenir k leur parole, ou "k rompre 
cette alliance, le Ciel les chaftieroit infalliblement. 
Bien dauantage, ils eftiment qu'il ne fait pas bon fe 
moquer du Ciel. En voicy vne preuue bien remar- 
quable. Vn Sorcier fort renomme dans le Pais nous 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, r6j6 161 

cessities, and respect the great bodies in it above all 
creatures, and remark in it in particular something 
divine. Indeed, it is, after man, the most vivid 
image we have of Divinity; there is nothing which 
represents him to us so clearly ; we remark his omnip- 
otence in all the prodigious effects they cause here 
below, his immensity in their vast extent, his wis- 
dom in the order [i lo] of their movements, his good- 
ness in the benign influences they shed continually 
over all creatures, and his beauty in the Sun and in 
the aspect of the Stars. I say this to show how easy 
it will be, with time and divine aid, to lead these 
Peoples to the knowledge of their Creator, since they 
already honor so especially a creature which is so 
perfect an image of him. And, furthermore, I may 
say it is really God whom they honor, though blind- 
ly, for they imagine in the Heavens an Oki, that is 
to say, a Demon or power which rules the seasons of 
the year, which holds in check the winds and the 
waves of the sea; which can render favorable the 
course of their voyages, and assist them in every 
time of need. They even fear his anger, and invoke 
him as a witness in order to render their faith invio- 
lable, when they make some promise of importance, 
or agree to some bargain or treaty of peace with an 
enemy. Here are the terms they use, Hakhrihdte 
ekaronhiatd tout Icwakhier ekentatd, ' ' The Sky knows 
what we are doing to-day;" and they think that if, 
after this, they [iii] should violate their word or 
break their alliance, the Sky would certainly chas- 
tise them. More than that, they do not think it right 
to mock the Sky. Here is a very remarkable proof of it : 
A very renowned Sorcerer of this Country threatens 
us this year with a great famine. The corn will 


menace cette ann6e d'vne gfrade famine ; Les bleds 
croiftront, dit-il, & monteront en ^pics, les enfans 
mefmes en feront roftir en leur verdure ; mais vne 
gel^e blanche furuiendra, qui moifTonnera les efpe- 
rances du Pais. Au refte il ne fonde pas fon dire fur 
ces apparitions pretendues A'lHskeka ; voicy ce qui le 
fait parler de la forte. On crie, dit-il, tous les iours 
au Ciel, Aronhiat^ onne aonJlaancHas, & cependant on 
ne luy donne rien, cela irrite le Ciel, il ne manquera 
pas de s'en venger, & lors que les bleds commeceront 
^ entrer en maturite, il fera fans doute ^clatter les 
effets de fa colere. 

lis croyent encore que le Ciel efl courouce quand 
quelqu'vn fe noye, ou meurt de froid ; il faut vn facri- 
fice pour I'appaifer: mais, 6 bon Dieu! quel facrifice, 
ou pluftofl quelle boucherie ! La chair du mort eft 
la victime qui doit eftre immol^e, [112] il fe fait vn 
concours des villages circonuoifins ; on fait force 
feflins, & on n'6pargne point les prefents, comme 
eftat queftion d'vne chofe h. laquelle tout le Pays a 
interefl: on porte le mort dans le cimetiere, on 
I'eftend fur vne natte; d'vn cofte eft vne folle, & de 
I'autre vn feu pour le facrifice: en mefme temps 
quelques ieunes hommes choifis par les parens fe 
prefentent, & fe rangent autour du corps, chacun le 
couteau "k la main ; & le protecteur du def unt ayant 
marque auec du charbon les parties qui doiuent 
eftre coupp^es, ils trauaillent k qui mieux mieux fur 
ce cadaure, & en enleuent les parties les plus char- 
nues ; en fin ils luy ouurent le corps, & en tirent les 
entrailles, qu'ils iettent au feu auec toutes ces pieces 
de chair qu'ils ont coupp6es, & mettent dans la foffe 
la carcaffe toute dechamee. I'ay remarqu6 que pen- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 163 

grow, he says, and will shoot into ear ; the children 
will even cause the ears to be roasted when they are 
green ; but a white frost will occur, which will de- 
stroy the hopes of the Country. Moreover he does 
not base his statements on those pretended appari- 
tions of louskeha; here is what leads him to speak in 
this way. " The people," he says, " are crying every 
day to the Sky, Aronkiatd onne aonstaancwas; and yet 
nothing is given to it. This irritates the Sky, it will 
not fail to take revenge ; and, when the corn shall 
begin to mature, it will without doubt vent upon it 
the effects of its wrath." 

They believe that the Sky is angry, when any one is 
drowned or dies of cold ; a sacrifice is needed to ap- 
pease it, but, good God! what a sacrifice, or rather 
what a butchery ! The flesh of the dead man is the 
victim who is to be immolated. [112] A gathering of 
the neighboring villages takes place; many feasts 
are made, and no presents are spared, as it is a mat- 
ter in which the whole Country is interested. The 
dead body is carried into the cemetery, and is stretched 
out on a mat. On one side is a ditch, and on the 
other a fire for a sacrifice. At the same time, some 
young men chosen by the relatives present them- 
selves, and station themselves around the corpse, 
each with a knife in his hand ; and the protector of 
the dead person having marked with a coal the parts 
which are to be cut, they vie with each other in cut- 
ting the body, tearing off the fleshiest parts. At last 
they open the body and draw out its entrails, which 
they throw into the fire with all the pieces of flesh 
they had cut off, and throw into the ditch the carcass 
quite stripped of flesh. I have observed that during 
this butchery the women walk around them several 


dant cette boucherie les femmes tournent tout autour 
a diuerfes fois, & encouragent ces ieunes hommes qui 
decouppent ce corps k rendre ce bon office k tout le 
Pais, leur mettant des grains de Pourcelaine dans la 
bouche. Quelquefois mefme la mere du defunt toute 
baignee dans fes larmes fe [113] met de la partie, & 
chante d'vn ton pitoyable en fe lamentant fur la mort 
de fon fils. Cela fait, ils croyent fermement auoir 
appaife le Ciel : s"ils manquent h. cette ceremonie ils 
regardent toutes les mauuaifes difpofitions de I'air, 
& tous les flniltres accidens qui leur arriuent par 
apres comme autant d'effets de fa colere. 

L'an palT^ au commencement de Nouembre vn Sau- 
uage fe noya retournant de la pefche, on I'enterra le 
dix-feptieme, fans autres ceremonies; le mefme iour 
les neiges tomberent en telle abondance, qu'elles nous 
cacherent la terre pour tout I'hyuer; & nos Sauuages 
ne manquerent pas d'en reietter la caufe fur ce qu'on 
n'auoit pas decoupe le mort k I'ordinaire. Voila les 
facrifices qu'ils font pour fe rendre le Ciel fauorable. 

Sur le chemin des Hurons k Kebec il y a des Ro- 
chers qu'ils refpectent particulierement, & aufquels 
ils ne manquent iamais, quand ils defcendent pour 
la traitte, d'offrir du Petun. lis appellent I'vn Hihi- 
hi^ray, c'ell a dire vne Roche ovi le Chahuan fait fon 
nid: mais le plus celebre eft celuy qu'ils appellent, 
Tfanliohi Arajla, la demeure ^Tfanhohi, qui eft vne 
[114] efpece d'oifeau de proye. lis difent des mer- 
ueilles de cette Roche : a les entendre c'efloit autre- 
fois vn homme qui a eft^ ie ne fgay comment change 
en pierre ; tant y a qu'ils y diftinguent encore la 
teile, les bras, & le corps: mais il falloit qu'il fust 
merueilleufement puiffant ; car cette malle eft fi vafte 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 165 

times, and encourage the young men who cut up this 
body to render this good service to the whole Coun- 
try, putting Porcelain beads into their mouths. 
Sometimes even the mother of the deceased, all 
bathed in tears, [113] joins the party and sings in a 
pitiful tone, lamenting the death of her son. That 
done, they firmly believe they have appeased the 
Sky. If they fail in this ceremony, they look upon 
all the disastrous changes of the weather, and all the 
untoward accidents which happen to them after- 
wards, as so many results of its anger.'® 

Last year, at the beginning of November, a Savage 
was drowned when returning from fishing; he was 
interred on the seventeenth, without any ceremonies. 
On the same day snow fell in such abundance that it 
hid the earth all the winter ; and our Savages did 
not fail to cast the blame on their not having cut up 
the dead person as usual. Such are the sacrifices 
they make to render Heaven favorable. 

On the way by which the Hurons go to K6bec, 
there are some Rocks that they particularly reverence 
and to which they never fail, when they go down to 
trade, to offer Tobacco. They call one of them Hihi- 
houray, meaning " a Rock where the Owl makes its 
nest." But the most celebrated is the one they call 
Tsanhohi Arasta, "the home of Tsanlwhi," which is 
a [114] species of bird of prey. They tell marvels of 
this Rock. According to their story, it was formerly 
a man who was, I know not how, changed into stone. 
At all events, they distinguish still the head, the 
arms, and the body ; but he must have been extraor- 
dinarily powerful, for this mass is so vast and so 
high that their arrows cannot reach it. Besides, they 
hold that in the hollow of this Rock there is a De- 


& fi haute, que leurs fleches n'y peuuent atteindre. 
Au refle ils tiennent que dans le creux de ce Rocher 
il y a vn Demon qui eft capable de faire reiiflir leur 
voyage; c'eft pourquoy ils s'y arreftent en paffant, & 
luy oflfrent du Petun, qu'ils y mettent fimplement 
dans vne des fentes, en luy addrellant cette priere, 
Oki ca ichikJwn condayee acnUacn ondayee d" aonJlaancHas, 
&c. Demon qui habites en ce lieu, voila dti Petun 
que ie te prefente, aflifte nous, garde nous de nau- 
frage, defends nous contre nos ennemis, & fais qu'a- 
pres auoir fait \'Tie bonne traitte, nous retournions 
fains & faufs k noftre Village. Ie dirois volontiers 
Ik delTus, Voluntaria oris eorutn beneplacita fac Doviine: 
Mon Dieu, efcoutez-les, & vous faites cognoiftre k 
eux, car ils veulent s'addreffer k vous. 

Ils tiennent les poiflons raifonnables, [115] comme 
auffi les Cerfs, & Orignaux; c'eft ce qui fait qu'ils 
ne iettent aux Chiens ny les os de ceux cy quand ils 
font k la chaffe, ny les aretes de ceux la tandis qu'ils 
pefchent: autrement fur I'aduis que les autres en 
auroient, ils fe cacheroient, & ne fe laifferoient point 
prendre. lis mariet tous les ans leur rets ou Seine k 
deux petites filles, qui ne doiuent eftre que de fix k fept 
ans, de peur qu'elles n'ayent deja perdu leur virgfi- 
nite, qui eft vne quality bien rare parmy eux. La 
ceremonie de ces ^poufailles fe fait en vn bon feftin, 
ou la Seine eft placee au milieu de ces deux vierges: 
c'eft pour la rendre heureufe a prendre du poiilon. 
Encore fuis je bien aife que la virginite re9oiue par- 
my eux cette forte d'honneur; cela nous pourra fer- 
uir vn iour pour leur en faire conceuoir le prix. Les 
poiffons, difent-ils, n'aiment point les morts, & Ik 
deffus ils s'abftiennent d'aller a la pefche quand 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 167 

mon, who is capable of making their journey success- 
ful ; that is why they stop as they pass, and offer it 
Tobacco, which they simply put into one of the 
clefts, addressing to it this prayer, Oki ca ichikhon 
condayee aenwaen ondayec d'aonstaancwas, etc., " Demon 
who dwellest in this place, here is some Tobacco 
which I present to thee ; help us, guard us from ship- 
wreck, defend us from our enemies, and cause that 
after having made good trades we may return safe and 
sound to our Village."'^ I could willingly say there- 
upon, Voluntaria oris eoruni bcneplacita fac Domine: 
My God, listen to them, and make yourself known 
to them, for they desire to address themselves to you. 
They hold that fish are possessed of reason, [115] 
as also the Deer and Moose ; and that is why they 
do not throw to the Dogs either the bones of the lat- 
ter when they are hunting, or the refuse of the 
former when fishing; if they did, and the others 
should get wind of it, they would hide themselves, 
and not let themselves be taken. Every year they 
marry their nets or Seines to two little girls, who 
must be only from six to seven years of age, for fear 
they may have lost their virginity, which is a very 
rare quality among them. The ceremony of these 
espousals takes place at a fine feast, where the Seine 
is placed between the two virgins ; this is to render 
them fortunate in catching fish. Still, I am very glad 
that virginity receives among them this kind of 
honor; it will help us some day to make them un- 
derstand the value of it. Fish, they say, do not like 
the dead ; and hence they abstain from going fishing 
when one of their friends is dead. But lately, when 
they took up from the cemetery the bodies of their rel- 
atives and carried them into their Cabins, on the oc- 


quelqu'vn leur eft mort. Nagueres qu'ils tirerent 
du cimetiere les corps de leurs pares, & les porterent 
dans leurs Cabanes, k I'occafion de la fefte des morts, 
quelques vns nous apporterent chez nous leurs rets, 
allegants pour pretexte la crainte qu'ils [i 16] ancient 
du feu; car c'ell d'ordinaire en cette faifon que le 
feu mine fouuent les Villages entiers ; que chez nous 
nous eftions quafi toufiours fur pied, & dormions fort 
peu; que nous eflions eloignez du Village, & par con- 
fequent moins en danger de ce cofle la : mais tout 
cela n'eftoit que difcours; la vraye raifon efloit, 
comme nous apprifmes par apres, qu'ils craignoient 
que leurs rets ne fulfent profanez par le voiCnage de 
ces carcaffes : voila bien quelque chofe ; mais voicy 
le fond de la plus grand part de leurs fuperftitions. 

lis ont vne croyance aux fonges qui furpafle toute 
croyance, & fi les Chreftiens mettoient en execution 
toutes les infpirations diuines auec autant de foin que 
nos Sauuages executent leurs fonges, fans doute ils 
deuiendroient bien toft de grands Saincts. lis pren- 
nent leurs fonges pour des ordonnances & des arrefts 
irreuocables, & dont il n'eft pas permis fans crime de 
differer I'execution. Vn Sauuage de noll;re Village 
fongea c6t byuer des fon premier fommeil qu'il de- 
uoit faire promptement feftin, & fur le champ toute 
nuit qu'il eftoit, fe leua, s'en vint nous [117] eueil- 
ler, et nous emprunter vne de nos chaudieres. 

Le fonge eft 1' oracle que tons ces pauures Peuples 
confultent & efcoutent, le Prophete qui leur predit 
les chofes futures, la Caffandre qui les aduertit des 
malheurs qui les menacent, le Medecin ordinaire dans 
leurs maladies, I'Efculape & le Galien de tout le 
Pays, c'eft le maiftre le plus abfolu qu'ils ayent; 11 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 169 

casion of the feast of the dead, some brought into 
our Cabin their nets alleging as a pretext the fear 
they [116] had of fire, — for it is usually in this sea- 
son that fire often ruins entire Villages ; that in our 
Cabin we were almost always moving about, and 
slept very little; that we were at some distance 
from the Village, and consequently were in less dan- 
ger in that respect. But all this was talk ; the true 
reason was, as we learned afterwards, that they were 
afraid their nets would be profaned by the proximity 
of these dead bodies. That is something, to be 
sure ; but here is the foundation of the greater part 
of their superstitions. 

They have a faith in dreams which surpasses all 
belief; and if Christians were to put into execution 
all their divine inspirations with as much care as 
our Savages carry out their dreams, no doubt they 
would very soon become great Saints. They look 
upon their dreams as ordinances and irrevocable de- 
crees, the execution of which it is not permitted 
without crime to delay. A Savage of our Village 
dreamed this winter, in his first sleep, that he ought 
straightway to make a feast; and immediately, night 
as it was, he arose, and came [117] and awakened us 
to borrow one of our kettles. 

The dream is the oracle that all these poor Peoples 
consult and listen to, the Prophet which predicts to 
them future events, the Cassandra which warns them 
of misfortunes that threaten them, the usual Physi- 
cian in their sicknesses, the Esculapius and Galen of 
the whole Country, — the most absolute master they 
have. If a Captain speaks one way and a dream an- 
other, the Captain might shout his head off in vain, — 
the dream is first obeyed. It is their Mercury in 


vn Capitaine parle d'vn cofle, & xn. fonge de I'autre, 
le Capitaine a beau fe rompre la tefte k crier, le fonge 
eft le premier obey. C'eft leur Mercure dans leurs 
voyages, leur Oeconome dans leurs families : le fonge 
prefide fouuent k leurs confeils; la traitte, la pefche 
& la chaffe s'entreprennent ordinairement fouz fon 
aueu, & ne font quaH que pour luy fatisfaire ; ils ne 
traittent rien de '^\ precieux dont ils ne fe priuent vo- 
lontiers en vertu de quelque fonge : s'ils ont fait vne 
heureufe chaffe, s'ils retournet de la pefche leurs Ca- 
nots chargez de poiffon, tout cela eft k la difcretion 
du fonge ; vn fonge leur enleuera quelquefois leur 
prouiCon de toute vne annee : il prefcrit les feftins, 
les danfes, les chanfons, les ieux, en \m mot le fonge 
fait [i i8] icy tout, & eft a vray dire comme le prin- 
cipal Dieu des Hurons. Au refte qu'on ne penfe pas 
que ie face icy vne amplification ou exaggeration k 
plaifir, I'experience de cinq ans qu'il y a que ie fuis 
k eftudier les moeurs & les fa9ons de faire de nos 
Sauuages, m'obligent de parler de la forte. 

II eft vray que tons les fonges ne font pas dans ce 
credit, on a egard aux perfonnes, & il y en a tel qui 
aura beau fonger, pas vn ne s'en remuera pour cela; 
de mefme fi c'eft vn pauure, fes fonges font en fort 
peu de confideration : il faut que ce foit vne perfonne 
allez accommodee, & dont les fonges fe foient trouuez 
plufieurs f ois veritables : & encor ceux qui ont le don 
de bien reuer n'ecoutent pas tous leurs fonges in- 
differemment ; ils en recognoiffent de faux & de ve- 
ritables ; & cevix-cy, difent-ils, font affez rares. 
Toutefois dans la pratique ils agiffent d'vne autre 
fa9on, & en executent de fi mal fagotez, & compofez 
de tant de pieces qui ont fi peu de rapport, qu'il ne 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 171 

their journeys, their domestic Economy in their fami- 
lies. The dream often presides in their councils; 
traffic, fishing, and hunting are undertaken usually 
under its sanction, and almost as if only to satisfy it. 
They hold nothing so precious that they would not 
readily deprive themselves of it for the sake of a 
dream. If they have been successful in hunting, if 
they bring back their Canoes laden with fish, all this 
is at the discretion of a dream. A dream will take 
away from them sometimes their whole year's provi- 
sions. It prescribes their feasts, their dances, their 
songs, their games, — in a word, the dream does [118] 
everything and is in truth the principal God of the 
Hurons. Moreover, let no one think I make herein 
an amplification or exaggeration at pleasure ; the ex- 
perience of five years, during which I have been 
studying the manners and usages of our Savages, 
compels me to speak in this way. 

It is true that all dreams are not held in such cred- 
it ; regard is had to the persons, and there are some 
who dream in vain ; for these no one will stir a step. 
Likewise if it is a poor person, his dreams are held 
in very little consideration. It must be a person in 
fairly good circumstances, and one whose dreams 
have been found several times true. And even those 
who have the gift of dreaming well do not all give 
heed to their dreams indifferently; they recognize 
some of them as false and some as true, — the latter, 
they say, being quite rare. Yet in practice they act 
in another way, and carry out some so badly put to- 
gether, and made up of so many parts having so little 
connection, that it would not be possible to say what 
are in their own jiidgment false, and what true; I 
fancy they [ 1 1 9] themselves would find considerable 


me feroit pas poffible de dire quels font k leur iuge- 
ment les faux fonges, ou les veritables; ie penfe 
qu'eux [i 19] mefmes y feroient bien empefchez ; c'efl 
pourquoy, de peur de manquer en ce point, pluGeurs 
en executent la plus part; s'il y a quelque obfcurit6 
dans vn fonge, ou G les chofes qu'ils ont fong6es, 
font, ou impoffibles, ou difficiles k recouurer, ou hors 
de faifon, il fe trouue des Artemidores qui les inter- 
pretent, & qui y coupent & tranchent comme bon 
leur femble. Quand les enfans font malades, les 
peres, ou les meres fongent pour eux ; nous en vifmes 
vn exemple c6t hyuer dans noftre Village. Vn de 
nos petits Chrefliens eftoit fort malade, fa mere fongea 
qu'il luy falloit pour fa fant^ cent pains de Petun, & 
quatre Caftors, dont elle feroit feftin ; mais parce que 
le Petun eftoit rare, les cent pains furent reduits k 
dix, & les Caftors qui eftoient hors de faifon, chan- 
gez en quatre g^rands poiflons qui pafTerent pour 
Caftors dans le feftin, & dont les queues furent don- 
n6es aux principaux pour des queues de Caftor. Apres 
cela ce petit Ange ne laiffa pas de s'enuoler au ciel, 
au grand regret de fes parens, mais auec beaucoup 
de confolation de noftre coft^. Ces ames innocentes 
ont fans doute vn grand pouuoir aupres [120] de Dieu, 
pour moyenner la conuerfion de leurs peres, & pour 
impetrer mefme des graces fort particulieres pour 
cexix qui s'employent au falut de ces Peuples, & qui 
leur ont procur6 le bien, dont ils fe voyent en poilef- 
fion pour iamais. Mais paffons, nous ne fommes pas 
encor au bout de leurs fuperftitions. 

1636] LE /EUNE-S RELATION, i6j6 173 

difficulty in doing this ; that is why, for fear of fail- 
ing in this point, many carry out the greater part of 
them. If there be any obscurity in their dreams, or 
if the things they have dreamed are either impossible 
or difficult to recover, or are out of season, there are 
found Artemidores who interpret them, and who cut 
and slice them as seems good to them. When chil- 
dren are sick, the fathers or mothers dream for them ; 
we saw an example of this in our Village this winter. 
One of our little Christians was very sick ; his mother 
dreamed that to make him well he must have a hun- 
dred cakes of Tobacco, and four Beavers, with 
which she would make a feast ; but, because the To- 
bacco was very rare, the hundred cakes were reduced 
to ten, and the Beavers which were out of season 
were changed to four large fish that passed for Beav- 
ers in the feast, and the tails of which were given to 
the principals as Beaver tails. But this little Angel, 
for all that, flew away to heaven, to the great grief 
of its parents, but with much consolation to us. 
These innocent souls have no doubt great power with 
[120] God to bring about the conversion of their fa- 
thers, and even to request very special graces for 
those who employ themselves in the salvation of these 
Peoples, and who have procured for them the good 
of which they see themselves in possession forever. 
But let us pass on ; we are not yet at the end of their 




IE n'entreprends pas de deduire par le menu, tout 
ce que nos Sauuages ont couflume de faire en 
vertu de leurs fonges, il faudroit Staler fur ce 
papier trop de chimeres ; ie me contenteray de dire 
que leurs fonges fe raportent ordinairement, ou k vn 
feflin, ou k cliater, ou k danfer, ou k ioiier, ou enfin 
k vne certaine efpece de manie qu'ils appellent en 
effet Ononharoia, e'eft k dire renuerfement de cer- 
uelle. Si done il efchet que quelqu'vn de quelque 
confideration tombe malade, [121] le Capitaine luy 
va demander fi fouuent, de la part des Anciens, ce 
qu'il a fong6, qu'enfin il tire de luy ce qu'il deCre 
pour fa fant6, & lors ils fe mettent tous en peine de 
le luy trouuer, n'en fut-il point, il en faut auoir. De 
cette fagon d'agir, & de ce qu'ils exercent entr'eux 
riiofpitalit6 gratuitement, ne prenant rien que de 
nous, de qui ils attendent toufiours quelque chofe, 
i'entre en efperace, qu'ils fe rendront vn iour fufcep- 
tibles de la charity Chreflienne. 

L' ononhara eH pour les fols; quand quelqu'vn dit 
qu'il faut qu'on aille par les Cabanes dire qu'on a 
fong6. Alors d6s le foir vne troupe d'infenfez s'en 
vont par les Cabanes, & renuerf ent tout : le lendemain 
ils y retoument crians h. pleine tefte. Nous auons 
fong6, fans dire quoy. Ceux de la Cabane deuinent 

1636] LE JEUNES RELA TION, 1636 175 



I DO not undertake to mention in detail every- 
thing our Savages are accustomed to do in virtue 
of their dreams ; I should be compelled to display 
on this paper too many absurdities. I shall content 
myself with saying that their dreams usually relate 
either to a feast, or to a song, or to a dance, or to a 
game, — or, lastly, to a certain sort of mania that they 
in fact call Ononharoia, or " turning the brain upside 
down." If therefore it happens that some one of 
some consideration falls sick, [121] the Captain goes 
to inquire so often, on behalf of the Old Men, what 
he has dreamed, that at last he draws from him what 
he desires for his health, and then they all put them- 
selves to trouble to find it for him ; if it does not ex- 
ist, it must be found. From this mode of acting, 
and from the fact that they exercise hospitality among 
themselves gratuitously, taking nothing except from 
us, from whom they always expect something, I en- 
tertain the hope that they will one day become sus- 
ceptible of Christian charity. 

The ononhara is for the sake of mad persons, when 
some one says that they must go through the Cabins 
to tell what they have dreamed. Then, as soon as 
it is evening, a band of maniacs goes about among 
the Cabins and upsets everything; on the morrow 
they return, crying in a loud voice, "We have 


ce que ce pent eflre, & le prefentet aux compagnos, 
qui ne refufent rien, iufqu'k ce qu'ils ayent rencontr6. 
Vous les voyez fortir le col charge de Haches, de 
Chaudieres, de Pourcelaine, & femblables prefens k 
leur fagon. Quand ils ont trouu6 ce qu'ils cher- 
choient, ils remercient celuy qui le leur a donne, & 
apres auoir receu encore [122] quelques accompagne- 
mens de ce prefent myflerieux ; comme du cuir, ou 
vne aleine, fi c'efloit vn foulier ; ils s'en vont de com- 
pagnie au bois y letter, difent-ils, la folie, hers du 
Village ; & le malade commence k fe guerir. Pour- 
quoy non? il a ce qu'il cherchoit, ou ce que le Diable 

Pour le regard des feftins ; c'eft vne chofe infinie, 
le Diable les y tient fi fort attachez, qu'il n'eft pas 
poffible de plus, fgachant bien que c'eft le moyen de 
les rendre toufiours plus brutaux, & moins capables 
des veritez furnaturelles. Ils en rapportent I'origine 
k vne certaine entreueue des Loups & du Hibou, oii 
c6t animal nocturne leur predit la venue d' Ontarraou- 
ra, c'ell vne befle qui retire au Lyon par la queiie; 
lequel Ontarraoura, refufcita, difent-ils, vn ie ne f9ay 
quel bon Veneur, grand amy des Loups, au milieu 
d'vn bon feflin: d'ou ils concluent qu'ils faut que 
les feftins foient capables de guerir les malades, puis 
que mefmes ils rendent la vie aux morts. N'eft-ce 
pas bien raifonn6 pour des gens de ventre & de table? 

Tous ces feftins peuuent eftre reduits [123] k quatre 
efpeces. Athataion, eft le feftin des adieux. Endi- 
teuh^a, d'action de graces & de conioiiifTance. At^ront 
aochien eft vn feftin a chanter autant qu'k manger. 
Ai:Sataerohi, eft la quatriefme efpece, & fe fait pour la 
deliurance d'vne maladie ainfi appellee. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibjt Yll 

dreamed," without saying what. Those of the Cabin 
guess what it is, and present it to the band, who re- 
fuse nothing until the right thing is guessed. You 
see them come out with Hatchets, Kettles, Porcelain, 
and like presents hung around their necks, after their 
fashion. When they have found what they sought, 
they thank him who has given it to them; and, after 
having received further [122] additions to this mys- 
terious present, — as some leather or a shoemaker's 
awl, if it were a shoe, — they go away in a body to 
the woods, and there, outside the Village, cast out, 
they say, their madness; and the sick man begins to 
get better. Why not ? He has what he was seeking 
for, or what the Devil pretended. 

As regards feasts, it is an endless subject; the 
Devil keeps them so strongly attached thereto that 
they could not possibly be more so, he knowing well 
that it is a means of rendering them still more brutal, 
and less capable of supernatural truths. They as- 
cribe their origin to a certain meeting of Wolves and 
of the Owl, in which that nocturnal creature pre- 
dicted for them the coming of Ontarraoura, a beast 
allied to the Lion, by its tail. This Ontarraoura re- 
suscitated, they say, I know not what good Hunter, a 
firm friend of the Wolves, in the midst of a great 
feast.*' From this they conclude that feasts must be 
capable of healing the sick, since they even restore 
life to the dead. Is it not well reasoned for people 
who are slaves of the belly and of the table? 

All their feasts may be reduced [123] to four kinds. 
Athataion is the feast of farewells. Enditeuhwa, of 
thanksgiving and gratitude. Atouront aochien is a 
feast for singing as well as for eating. Awataerohi 


Les ceremonies y font prefque femblables ^ celles 
des Montagnes; c'eft pourquoy ie m'en remets de la 
plus part aux Relations des ann6es precedentes. 

Ie rougis de dire que fouuent ils y font les iours & 
les nuicts entieres: car enfin, il faut \aiider la chau- 
diere. Et fi vous ne pouuez aualler tout ce qu'on 
vous a feruy en vn iour, li vous ne trouuez qui vous 
vueille ayder, pour quelque prefent, quand les autres 
auront fait leur deuoir, on vous laiffera-lk dans vn 
petit retranchement, oil perfonne n'entrera que vous, 
les vingt-quatre heures entieres. C'eft vne chofe 
d'importance qu'vn feltin, crient-ils, en chailant ceux 
qui fe prefentent quand Ie ieu des dents a commence, 
& que Ie diftributeur a remply ^ chacun fon 6cuelle, 
ou d' ordinaire il y a k manger depuis Ie matin iuf- 
qu'au foir, & qui a Ie plufloft fait; c'efl k luy en fer- 
uir [124] toufiours de nouueau, iufqu'^ ce que la chau- 
diere foit nette. N'eft-il pas vray k ouir tout cecy, 
& pluCeurs autres traicts de gourmandife, que i'ob- 
mets par bienfeance, de dire, que ft Regnum Dei non 
eji e/ca &■ potus ; fi Ie Royaume de Dieu n'efl pas k 
boire & k manger ; li eft bien celuy que Ie Diable a 
vfurp6 fur ces pauures aueugles. Plaife k noftre 
Seigneur auoir pitie d'eux, & les deliurer de cette 

Mais il n'y a rien de magnifique comme les feftins 
qu'ils appellent AtHronta ochien, c'eft a dire feftins k 
chanter. Ces feftins dureront fouuent les vingt- 
quatres heures entieres, quelquefois il y aura trente 
& quarante chaudieres, & s'y mangera iufques k 
trente Cerfs: cet hyuer dernier il s'en fit vn au vil- 
lage d'Andiata de vingt-cinq chaudieres, oil il y auoit 
cinquante grands poifl^ons, qui valent bien [que] nos 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 179 

is the fourth kind, and is made for deliverance from 
a sickness thus named. 

The ceremonies here are almost like those of the 
Montagues ; on this account, I refer for the most part 
to the Relations of preceding years. 

I blush to say that they engage in them often whole 
days and whole nights, for they must, at the last, 
empty the kettle. And if you cannot, in one day, 
swallow all that has been provided for you, if you 
cannot find any one who will help you in considera- 
tion of a present, when the others have done their 
utmost you will be left there in a little enclosure, 
where no one but yourself will enter for twenty-four 
whole hours. It is a matter of importance, this feast- 
ing, they cry, driving awaj'^ those who present them- 
selves when the game of teeth has begun, and when 
the distributor has filled for each his bowl, in which 
usually there is enough to keep one eating from morn- 
ing until night. And, whoever soonest accomplishes 
this, it is for him to be served [124] again and again, 
uirtil the kettle be empty. Is it not true, on hearing 
all this, and several other traits of gluttony, which I 
omit out of respect for good taste, to say that si Reg- 
71UVI Dei non est esca et potus, verily the Kingdom of 
God is not in eating and drinking ; such is indeed the 
one which the Devil has usurped over these poor 
blind beings. May it please our Lord to have pity 
on them, and to deliver them from this tyranny. 

But the most magnificent of these feasts are those 
they call Atotironta ockien, that is, singing feasts. 
These feasts will often last twenty-four entire hours ; 
sometimes there are thirty or forty kettles, and as many 
as thirty Deer will be eaten. This last winter one was 
made in the village of Andiata,^^ of twenty-five kettles, 


plus grands Brochets de France, & fix vingtsautres de 
la grandeur de nos Saulmons. II s'en fit vn autre a 
Contarrea, de trente chaudieres, ou il y auoit vingt 
Cerfs & quatre Ours, auffi y a t'il ordinairement 
bonne compagnie, les huict & neuf villages y feront 
fouuent [125] inuitez, & mefme tout le Pais; & en 
ce cas le maiftre du feflin enuoye "k chaque Capitaine 
autant de buchettes qu'il inuite de perfonnes de cha- 
que Village. 

lis font ces Feftins quelquefois purement par ma- 
gnificence, & pour fe f aire renommer ; d'autrefoislors 
qu'ils prennent vn nouueau nom, principalement s'ils 
rellufcitent, comme ils difent, le nom de quelque 
Capitaine defunct, qui ait efte en confideration dans 
le Pais pour fa valeur & fa conduite au maniement 
des affaires ; mais fur tout lors qu'ils fe difpofent k 
prendre les armes, & aller k la guerre. La plus 
grande Cabane du Village ell; deitin^e pour receuoir 
la compagnie : ils ne font point de difficulte de s'in- 
commoder les vns pour les autres en ces occafions; 
la chofe elt eftimee de telle importance, qu'en mefme 
temps qu'on baftit quelque Village, on dreffe vne 
Cabane exprez, plus grande de beaucoup que les 
autres ; quelquefois on luy donnera iufques ^ vingt- 
cinq & trente braffes de longueur. 

La compagnie eftant affemblee, quelquefois on fe 
met a chanter auant que [126] de manger, quelque- 
fois pour auoir meilleur courage on mange aupara- 
uant : fi le feflin doit durer, comme il arriue fouuent, 
toute la iournee, vne partie des chaudieres fe vuide 
le matin, & I'autre partie fe referue pour le foir. 

Parmy ces chants & ces danfes quelques-vns pren- 
nent occafion d'affommer comme en ioiiant leurs en- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 181 

in which there were fifty great fish, larger than our 
largest Pike in France, and one hundred and twenty- 
others of the size of our Salmon. Another took 
place at Contarrca, of thirty kettles, in which there 
were twenty Deer and four Bears. Also there is 
usually a large company, for eight or nine villages 
will often be [125] invited, and even the whole Coun- 
try. In this case the master of the feast sends to 
each Captain as many sticks as the number of persons 
he invites from each Village. 

Sometimes they make these Feasts purely from dis- 
play, and to become renowned; at other times, when 
they take a new name, principally when they raise 
from the dead, as they say, the name of some de- 
ceased Captain who has been held in esteem in the 
Country for his valor and his skill in the manage- 
ment of affairs, but above all when they are inclined 
to take arms and go to war. The largest Cabin of 
the Village is set aside for the reception of the com- 
pany. They do not hesitate to inconvenience them- 
selves for each other on these occasions. The matter 
is esteemed of such importance that, when a Vil- 
lage is built, they purposely put up one Cabin much 
larger than the others, sometimes making it as much 
as twenty-five or thirty brasses in length. 

When the company is assembled, they sometimes 
begin to sing before [126] eating; sometimes, to have 
more courage, they eat first. If the feast is to last, 
as is often the case, the whole day, one portion of 
the kettles is emptied in the morning and the other 
is reserved for the evening. 

During these songs and dances, some take occa- 
sion to knock down, as if in sport, their enemies. 
Their most usual cries are hen, ken, or A/MV, or else 


nemis. Leurs cris plus ordinaires font hen, hen, ou 
A///^'/, ou bien Hiiiiiii. lis rapportent I'origine de 
tous ces myfteres k vn certain Geant plus qu'homme, 
qu'vn d6s leurs blega au front, lors qu'ils habitoient 
fur le bord de la mer, pour n'auoir point repondu, 
le compliment K!^ai. qui eft la repartie ordinaire de 
ceux qu'on falue. Ce monflre leur ietta la pomme 
de difcorde en punition de fa bleffeure, & apres leur 
auoir recommand^ les feftins de guerre, V Ononharoia, 
& ce refrain Siiiiiii, il s'enfonga danslaterre, & difpa- 
rut. Auroit-ce bien ell;6 quelque efprit infernal? 

Puis que nous fommes fur ce propos, ie diray qu'ils 
recognoiffent comme vne efpece de Dieu en guerre: 
ils le figurent comme vn petit Nain. A les entendre 
il paroifl k plufieurs, lors qu'on eft fur le [127] poinct 
d'aller en guerre ; il carefTe les vns, & c'eft vn figne, 
difent-ils, qu'ils retourneront victorieux ; les autres 
il les frappe au front, & ceux-la peuuent bien dire 
qu'ils n'iront point k la guerre fans y laiiler la vie. 

Retournons aux feftins. l^'A )itaerohi eft vn remede 
qui n'eft que pour vne certaine forte de maladie, 
qu'ils appellent auffi Ab'taerohi, du nom d'vn petit 
Demon gros comme le poing, qu'ils difent eftre dans 
le corps du malade, & fur tout dans la partie qui luy 
fait mal ; ils recognoiffent qu'ils font malades de cette 
maladie par le moyen d'vn fonge, ou par I'entremife 
de quelque Sorcier. Eftant vn iour alle vifiter vne 
femme qui fe faifoit malade de V Ai^tacrohi, comme 
ie luy alTignois vne autre caufe de fa maladie, & me 
mocquois de fon A^taerohi, elle fe mit k dire apoftro- 
phant ce Demon Aiitaerohi hechrio \iihenkhon. AUtae- 
rohi, ah ! ie te prie, que cettuy-cy cognoiffe qui tu es, 
& luy fais fentir les maux que tu me fais fouffrir. 

1686] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 183 

wiiiiiii. They ascribe the origin of all these myste- 
ries to a certain Giant of more than human size, 
whom one of their tribe wounded in the forehead 
when they dwelt on the shore of the sea, for not hav- 
ing given the complimentary answer, Kwat, which 
is the usual response to a salute. The monster cast 
among them the apple of discord, in punishment for 
his wound ; and after having recommended to them 
war feasts, Ononharoia, and this refrain wiiiiiii, he 
buried himself in the earth, and disappeared. Might 
this indeed have been some infernal spirit ? 

Since I am .speaking on this subject, I will .say that 
they recognize a sort of war God ; they im^igine him 
as a little Dwarf. By what they say, he appears to 
many when they are on the [127] point of going to 
war. He caresses some, and that is a sign, they say, 
that they will return victorious; others he strikes 
upon the forehead, and these can truly say that they 
will not go to war without losing their lives. 

Let us return to the feasts. The Aoutacrohi is a 
remedy which is only for one particular kind of dis- 
ease, which they call also Aoutaerohi, from the name 
of a little Demon as large as the fist, which they say 
is in the body of the sick man, especially in the part 
which pains him. They find out that they are sick 
of this disease, by means of a dream, or by the inter- 
vention of some Sorcerer. Having one day gone to 
visit a woman who thought herself sick of Aoutaerohi, 
when I assigned another cause for her sickness, and 
laughed at her Aoutaerohi, she began to say, apos- 
trophizing this Demon. Aoutaerohi hechrio Kihenkhon. 
Aoutaerohi, " Ah, I pray thee that this one may know 
who thou art, and that thou wilt make him feel the 
ills that thou makest me suffer. ' ' 


Or pour chaffer ce Demon, ils font des feflins 
qu'ils accompagnent de quelques chanfons, que fort 
peu f9auent bien [128] chanter. Voila bien de quoy 
pleurer aux pieds des Autels ; mais helas ce n'est pas 
encor tout. Outre ce que ie viens de dire, ie pour- 
rois diflinguer encor autant d'efpeces differentes de 
feflins, qu'il y a de diuerfes extrauagances dans leur 
fonges; car, comme i'ay dit, ce font ordinairement 
les fonges qui commandent les feflins, & ordon- 
nent mefmes iufques aux moindres ceremonies qui 
y doiuent eftre obferuees. De Ik viennent ces feftins 
\ rendre gorge, qui font horreur k la plus part, & 
neantmoins, quiconque y elt inuit^, 11 faut qu'il en 
paffe par la, & fe refolue d'ecorcher Ie renard, autre- 
ment Ie feflin fera gaft^. Quelque fois vn malade 
fongera qu'il faut que les conuiez entrent par vne 
certaine porte de la Cabane, & non par I'autre, qu'ils 
ne paffent que par vn certain colte de la chaudiere ; 
autrement faute de cela il ne fera pas guery ; y a t'il 
rien de plus ridicule? 

II y a iufques a douze fortes de danfes, qui font 
autat de fouuerains remedes pour les maladies, de 
f9auoir maintenant fi celle-cy, ou celle la eft propre 
pour telle, ou telle maladie, il n'y a qu'vn fonge qui 
Ie [129] ptiiffe determiner, ou bien VArendioi^ane, c'eft 
k dire Ie Sorcier. 

De trois fortes de ieux qui font particulierement 
en vfage parmy ces Peuples, fgauoir de croffe, de 
plat, & de paille. Les deux premiers font tout k 
fait, difent-ils, fouuerains pour la fante. Cela n'eft- 
il pas digne de compaffion ? Voila vn pauure malade 
qui a Ie feu dans Ie corps, & I'ame fur Ie bout de 
levres, & vn miferable Sorcier luy ordonnera pour 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELA TION, i6j6 185 

Now, to drive away this Demon, they make feasts 
that they accompany with songs which very few in- 
deed can [128] sing. There is, indeed, much to be- 
wail at the foot of the Altars. But alas ! this is not 
yet all. Besides what I have just mentioned, I might 
speak of as many different sorts of feasts as there are 
extravagances in their dreams, for, as I have said, it 
is usually dreams that ordain feasts, and fix even to 
the smallest details the ceremonies that must be 
observed there. Hence come those feasts where they 
disgorge, which cause horror to most of them ; and 
yet whoever is invited must resign himself, and re- 
solve to skin the fox, otherwise the feast will be 
spoiled. Sometimes the sick man will dream that 
the guests must enter by a certain door of the Cabin, 
and not by the other, or that they must pass only on 
one side of the kettle, else he will not be healed. 
Can anything be more ridiculous? 

There are as many as twelve kinds of dances that 
are so many sovereign remedies for sickness; now to 
know whether this or that is the proper remedy for 
such and such a disease, only a dream [129] or else 
the Arendiowane, or Sorcerer, can determine. 

Of three kinds of games especially in use among Peoples, — namely, the games of crosse, dish, 
and straw,'® — the first two are, they say, most heal- 
ing. Is not this worthy of compassion? There is a 
poor sick man, fevered of body and almost dying, 
and a miserable Sorcerer will order for him, as a 
cooling remedy, a game of crosse. Or the sick man 
himself, sometimes, will have dreamed that he must 
die unless the whole country shall play crosse for his 
health ; and, no matter how little may be his credit, 
you will see then in a beautiful field. Village con- 



tout remede refrigeratif vn ieu de croffe ; ou le ma- 
lade mefme quelquefois aura fong6, qu'il faut qu'il 
meure, ou que tout le pays croffe pour fa fant6, & en 
mefme temps s'il a tant foit peu de credit, vous ver- 
rez dans vn beau champ Village centre Village, h. 
qui croffera le mieux, & parient I'vn contre I'autre, 
pour s'animer dauantage, les robes de Caflor, & les 
colliers de Pourcelaine. 

Quelquefois auffi vn de ces longleurs dira que tout 
le Pays efl malade, & qu'il demande vn ieu de croffe 
pour fa guerifon ; il ne faut pas en dire dauantage, 
cela fe public incontinent par tout, & tous les Capi- 
taines de chaque Village donnent ordre que toute la 
ieuneffe faffe fon deuoir en ce point, autrement quel- 
que grand [130] malheur accueilleroit tout le Pays. 

Le ieu de plat eft auffi en grand credit en matiere 
de medecine, fur tout fi le malade I'a fong6. Ce ieu 
eft purement de hazard ; ils vous ont fix no^'aux de 
prunes, blancs d'vn coft6 & noirs de I'autre, dedans 
vn plat qu'ils heurtent affez rudemet contre terre, en 
forte que les noyaux fautent, & fe tournent tantoft 
d'vn cofte, tantoft de I'autre. La partie conflfte k 
amener tous blancs, ou tous noirs ; ils iouent d'ordi- 
naire Village contre Village. Tout ce monde s'a- 
maffe dans vne Cabane, & fe range fur des perches 
dreff^es iufques au haut, de part & d'autre. On y 
apporte le malade dans vne couuerture, & celuy du 
Village, qui doit remuer le plat; (car il n'y en a 
qu'vn de chaque colte etably pour cet effet) celuy Ik 
dif-ie marche apres, la tefte & le vifage enueloppe de 
fa robe. On parie fort & ferme de part & d'autre. 
Quad celuy de la partie aduerfe tient le plat, ils orient 
k pleine tefte achinc, achinc, achinc, trois, trois, trois, 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 163b 187 

tending against Village, as to who will play crosse 
the better, and betting against one another Beaver 
robes and J'orcelain collars, so as to excite greater 

Sometimes, also, one of these Jugglers will say 
that the whole Country is sick, and he asks a game 
of crosse to heal it ; no more needs to be said, it is 
published immediately everywhere ; and all the Cap- 
tains of each Village give orders that all the young 
men do their duty in this respect, otherwise some 
great [ 1 30] misfortune would befall the whole Country. 

The game of dish is also in great renown in affairs 
of medicine, especially if the sick man has dreamed 
of it. This game is purely one of chance : they play 
it with six plum-stones, white on one side and black 
on the other, in a dish that they strike very roughly 
against the ground, so that the plum-stones leap up 
and fall, sometimes on one side and sometimes on 
the other. The game consists in throwing all white 
or all black; they usually play Village against Vil- 
lage. All the people gather in a Cabin, and they 
dispose themselves on poles, arranged as high as the 
roof, along both sides. The sick man is brought in 
in a blanket, and that man of the Village who is to 
shake the dish (for there is only one on each side set 
apart for the purpose), he, I say, walks behind, his 
head and face wrapped in his garment. They bet 
heavily on both sides. When the man of the oppo- 
site party takes the dish they cry at the top of their 
voice achinc, achinc, acJiinc, " three, three, three," or 
perhaps ioio, ioio, ioio, wishing him to throw only 
three white or three black. You might have seen 
this winter a great crowd returning from here to their 
Villages, having lost their moccasins [131] at a time 


ou bien ioio, ioio, ioio, fouhaittans qu'il n'amene que 
trois blancs ou trois noirs. Vous en euffiez veu c^t 
hyuer vne bonne troupe s'en retourner d'icy k leurs 
Villages, ayans perdu leurs chauffes [131] en vne fai- 
fon, ou il y auoit pr6s de trois pieds de neige, aufH 
gaillards neantmoins en apparence que s'ils euffent 
gagn6. Ce que ie trouue de plus remarquable en ce 
point, c'eft la difpofition qu'ils y apportent. II s'en 
trouue qui ieufnent plufieurs iours auparauant que de 
iouer : la veille ils s'alTemblent tons dans vne Cabane, 
& font feftin pour cognoiflre quelle fera I'iffue du 
ieu. Celuy qui eft choifi pour tenir le plat, prend les 
noyaux, & les met indifferemment dans vn plat, & le 
couure, en forte que perfonne n'y puille mettre la 
main; cela faict on chante; la chanfon acheuee, on 
d^couure le plat, & les noyaux fe trouuent ou tons 
blancs, ou tous noirs. Lk deflus ie demanday i vn 
Sauuage, fi ceux contre lefquels ils deuoient iouer, 
ne faifoient pas le mefme de leur coft6, & s'ils ne 
pouuoient pas rencontrer les noyaux en mefme eftat ; 
il me dit qu'ouy; & cependant luy dif-ie, tous ne 
peuuent pas gagner; k cela il ne fceut que repondre. 
II m'apprit encor deux chofes remarquables : premi- 
erement qu'on choififfoit pour manier le plat, quel- 
qu'vn qui auoit fong6 qu'il gagneroit, ou qui auoit 
vn fort ; au refte ceux qui en ont pour quoy que ce 
foil, ne s'en cachent point, & [132] le portent par tout 
auec eux; nous en auos, dit-on, vn dans noftre Vil- 
lage, qui frotte les noyaux d'vn certain onguent, & 
ne manque quafi iamais de gagner. Secondement 
qu'en faifant I'effay, quelques vns des noyaux difpa- 
roiffoient, & fe retrouuoient quelque temps apres 
dans le plat auec les autres. 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 189 

when there was nearly three feet of snow, — appar- 
ently as cheerful, nevertheless, as if they had won. 
The most remarkable thing I notice in regard to this 
matter is the disposition they bring to it. There are 
some who fast several days before playing: the even- 
ing before, they all meet together in a Cabin, and 
make a feast to find out what will be the result of 
the game. The one chosen to hold the dish takes 
the stones, and puts them promiscuously into a dish, 
and covers it, so as to prevent any one from putting 
his hand into it. That done, they sing; the song 
over, the dish is uncovered, and the plum-stones are 
found all white or all black. On this point, I asked 
a Savage if those against whom they were to play 
did not do the same on their side, and if they might 
not find the plum-stones in the same condition. He 
said they did; " And yet," said I to him, " all can not 
win ;" to that he knew not what to answer. He in- 
formed me besides of two remarkable things : in the 
first place, that they choose, to handle the dish, some 
one who had dreamed that he would win, or who had 
a charm ; moreover, those who have a charm do not 
conceal it, and [132] carry it everywhere with them: 
we have, they tell me, one of these in our Village, 
who rubs the plum-stones with a certain ointment 
and hardly ever fails to win. Secondly, that in mak- 
ing the attempt some of the plum-stones disappear, 
and are found some time after in the dish with the 

Among all these fooleries, I dare not speak of the 
infamies and uncleanness which the Devil makes to 
slip into them, causing them to see in a dream that 
they can only be healed by wallowing in all sorts of 
filth. May he who has saved us by the blood of the 


Partny toutes ces niaiferies ie n'oferois dire les in- 
famies & lubricitez, que le Diable y fait gliffer, leur 
faifant voir en fonge, qu'ils ne f9auroient guerir, 
qu'en fe veautrant dans toute forte d'ordures. Celuy 
qui nous a fauuez par le fang de I'Agneau immacul^, 
y veiiille remedier au pluftofl, acceptant pour cet 
eflfect, fi befoin efl, nos ames & nos vies, que nous 
luy oflfrons de tres-bon coeur, pour le falut de ces 
Peuples, & la remifTion de nos pechez. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 191 

Lamb grant to remedy this as soon as possible, ac- 
cepting for this purpose, if need be, our souls and 
lives, that we most willingly offer to him for the 
salvation of these Peoples, and the remission of our 
own sins. 




EN voicy quelques coniectures; les plus fages en 
iugeront. Premierement ce Peuple n'eft pas 
fi hebete, qu'il ne cherche & ne reconnoiile 
quelque chofe de releue [133] au deffus des fens: & 
d'ailleurs fa vie licentieufe & Ces debordemens I'em- 
pefchans de rencontrer Dieu; il efl bien facile au 
Diable de s'ingerer & luy offrir fon feruice, dans les 
necefHtez preffantes oil il le void, fe faifant payer d'vn 
culte qui ne luy eft pas deut, & fe familiarifant a 
quelques efprits plus fubtils, qui le mettent en credit 
aupr^s de ces pauures gens. 

2. Vous ne voyez icy rien de plus frequent que 
les forts; les enfans en heritent de leurs peres, s'ils 
ont efte trouuez bons, & ils ne s'en cachent point, 
comme ie viens de dire. Nous auons vn Sauuage en 
noftre Village, fumotnme le Pefcheur, pour I'heur 
qu'il a "k pefcher; cet homme attribue tout fon bien 
aux cendres d'vn certain petit oyfeau qu'on appelle 
Ohguione; qui penetre, 'k I'entendre dire, les troncs 
des arbres fans refiftance. Allant k la pefche il de- 
mefle auec vn peu d'eau fes cendres, & en ayant 
frott^ fon rets, il s'affeure, que le poiffon donnera de- 
dans en abondance; en effect il en a acquis le renom. 

3. II y a parmy ce Peuple des hommes qui font 
eftat de commander aux pluyes & aux vents ; d'au- 
tres, de predire les chofes k venir; d'autres, de trou- 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 193 



HERE are some conjectures, let the wiser ones 
judge of them. In the first place, these People 
are not so foolish as not to seek and to acknowl- 
edge something [133] above the senses; and, since 
their lewdness and licentiousness hinder them from 
finding God, it is very easy for the Devil to thrust him- 
self in and to offer them his services in their pressing 
necessities, causing them to pay him a homage that 
is not due him, and having intercourse with certain 
more subtle minds, who extend his influence among 
these poor people. 

2. You see nothing more common here than 
charms; children inherit them from their fathers, if 
they have been proved good ; and they do not make 
any secret of them, as I have just said. We have a 
Savage in our Village, surnamed the Fisher, on ac- 
count of his good fortune in fishing ; this man attrib- 
utes all his success to the ashes of a certain little bird 
that is called Ohguione, which, according to his state- 
ment, penetrates the trunks of trees without resist- 
ance. When he goes fishing, he mixes his ashes 
with a little water, and, having rubbed his nets with 
them, he feels confident that the fish will enter them 
in abundance; in fact, he has acquired fame from 

3. There are among these People men who pre- 
sume to command the rain and winds; others, to 


uer celles qui font [134] perdues; d'autres finalement 
de rendre la fant^ aux malades, & ce auec des re- 
medes, qui n'ont aucun rapport aux maladies. Qu'ils 
ayent ces dons de Dieu, perfonne, "k mon aduis, ne 
I'ofera dire. Que tout leur faict foit tromperie ou 
imagination, cela ne s'accorde gueres bien auec le 
credit qu'ils ont acquis, & le long-temps qu'il y a 
qu'ils font cette profeffion. Quel moyen que leurs 
fourbes n'euffent point eft6 d^couuertes depuis tant 
d'ann^es, ou que leur meflier euft eft^ fi bien accre- 
dits, & fi bien recompenfS de tout temps, s'il n'eufl 
iamais reiiffy que par pure fantaifie. Perfone 
n'ofe leur contredire; ils font continuellement en 
feflins, qui fe font par leur ordonnance. II y a done 
quelque apparence, que le Diable leur tient la main 
par fois, & s'ouure k eux pour quelque profit tempo- 
ral, & pour leur damnation etemelle. Voyons-en 
quelques examples. Onditachia/ eft renommS en la 
Nation du Petun, comme vn luppin parmy les Pay- 
ens iadis, pour auoir en main les pluyes & les vents, 
& le tonnerre. Ce tonnerre, k fon conte, eft vn 
homme femblable h. vn coq-d'Inde; le Ciel eft fon 
Palais, il fe retire 1^ quand I'air eft ferain; il en de- 
fcend & vient fur terre faire fa prouifion [135] de cou- 
leuures & de ferpens, & de tout ce qu'ils appellent 
Oki, quand les nues grondent ; les Eclairs f e font h. 
mefure qu'il Stend ou replie fes aifles. Que fi le tin- 
tamarre eft vn pen plus grand, ce font fes petits qui 
I'accompagnent, & I'aydent k bruire du mieux qu'ils 
peuuent. Oppofant ^ celuy qui m'en faifoit le conte, 
d'oti venoit done la feichereffe ; il me repartit qu'elle 
venoit des chenilles, fur lesquelles Ondiaachia^, n'a 
point de pouuoir. Et luy demandant pourquoy le 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 195 

predict future events ; others, to find things that are 
[134] lost; and, lastly, others to restore health to the 
sick, and that with remedies that have no relation to 
the sicknesses. That they have these gifts from God, 
nobody in my opinion will dare to say ; that all they 
do is deception or imagination, hardly accords with 
the reputation they have acquired, and the length of 
time they have followed this profession. How is it 
that their tricks have not been discovered during so 
many years, and their business has acquired so much 
reputation, and been always so well rewarded, — if 
they have never succeeded except by sheer imagina- 
tion ? No one dares to contradict them. They are 
continually at feasts, which take place at their com- 
mand. There is, therefore, some foundation for the 
belief that the Devil occasionally gives them assist- 
ance, and reveals himself to them for some temporal 
profit, and for their eternal damnation. Let us see 
some examples of it. Onditachiatf'is renowned among 
the Tobacco Nation, like a Jupiter among the Heath- 
ens of former times, from having in hand the rains, 
the winds, and the thunder. This thunder is, by his 
account, a man like a Turkey-cock; the Sky is his 
Palace, and he retires there when it is serene; he 
comes down to earth to get his supply [135] of adders 
and serpents, and of all they call Oki, when the 
clouds are rumbling ; the lightnings occur in propor- 
tion as he extends or folds his wings. ^ If the uproar 
is a little louder, it is his little ones who accompany 
him, and help him to make a noise as best they can. 
Raising the objection to him who told me the tale, 
"whence, then, came dryness?" he replied that it came 
from the caterpillars, over whom Ondiaachiad had no 
power. And asking him " why the lightning struck 


tonnerre tomboit fur lesarbres; c'efl la, dit-il, qu'il 
fait fes prouifions. Pourquoy brufle-il les Cabanes, 
pourquoy tue il les hommes. Chieske; que ffay-ie, 
me dit-il, c'efl leur refrain quand ils demeurent 
courts. Pour la prediction du futur, mais qui n'efl 
gueres efloign6 ny difficile h. connoiftre en ces caufes, 
Louys de faincte Foy m'a affeure, qu'allant h. la 
guerre, vn de ces longleurs, leur predit h. poinct nom- 
m6 la rencontre des Iroquois, au fortir de la Suerie. 
II y a bien de la probability, que le Diable efloit en 
fentinelle pour luy. Ten dirois bien d'autres qui k 
la verite fe font trouu6es fauffes, & fur lefquelles vn 
bon vieillard me rauit il y a quelque temps. Ah, 
dit-il, il y a vn plus grand Maijlre [136] qiie luy; il par- 
loit d'vn certain faux Prophete, qui s'eftoit tromp6 
en fon calcul. N'efloit-ce pas bien dit pour vn Sau- 
uage? & n'y a-il pas en cela dequoy efperer quelque 
chofe de ce que nous cherchons icy. 

Les plus fameux d'entre ces Sorciers ou Trompeurs 
font les Arcndi^ane, qui fe meflent de dire &. vn ma- 
lade le poinct & la quality de fa maladie, apres vn 
feilin ou vne Suerie, & le laiffent Ik. II eft vray que 
quelques-vns ordonnent, qui de faire feftin d'vn chien, 
qui de faire crofler, ou ioiier au plat, qui de dormir 
fur vne telle & telle peau, & autres extrauagances ni- 
aifes ou diaboliques; qui vn vomitoire, pour faire for- 
tir le fort s'il y en a; comme ie veis moy-mefme 
eitant a la Rochelle vne pauure femme, qui ietta vn 
charbon gros d'vn poulce, apres quelques prifes d'eau ; 
& vn Sauuage m'a affeur^ auoir veu fortir du fable 
de toutes les parties du corps d'vne autre qui efloit 
ethique, apres que fon Arendii^ane I'eut fecoii^e comme 
on feroit vn crible. Autrefois ces offices d'Arendii^ane 

1638] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 197 

trees?" " It is there," said he, " that it lays in its 
supply." " Why does it burn Cabins, why does it 
kill men?" Chieske ? "How do I know?" he said. 
That is their refrain when they are driven to the 
wall. As regards predicting the future which is not 
remote, nor hard to know for that reason, I have 
been assured by Louys de saincte Foy that, when 
they were going to war, one of their Jugglers, as he 
came forth from the Sweat-box, predicted a meeting 
with the Iroquois at a certain spot. There is indeed 
much probability that the Devil was sentinel for him. 
I could say this of others who, in truth, have been 
found false, and about whom a good old man enter- 
tained rue some time ago. Ah, said he, there is a 
greater Master [136] than he. He spoke of a certain 
false Prophet who had been deceived in his calcula- 
tion. Was it not well said for a Savage? and is there 
not something in this to inspire some hope in regard 
to what we are seeking here? 

The most famous among these Sorcerers or Deceiv- 
ers are the Arendiwatte, who make it their business to 
tell a sick man the extent and nature of his sickness, 
after a feast or a Sweat, and leave him there. True, 
they prescribe for one a dog feast ; for another, that 
a game of crosses or dish should be played ; for an- 
other, sleep on such and such a skin, and other stupid 
and diabolical extravagances; another still, an emet- 
ic, to make the charm, if there be any, come forth, — 
as I myself saw, when at la Rochelle, a poor woman 
who threw up a coal as large as one's thumb, after 
some doses of water; and a Savage assured me that 
he had seen sand coming forth from all parts of the 
body of another, who had hectic fever, after his Aren- 
diwane had shaken him as one would shake a sieve. 


eftoient h. plus haut prix qu'k prefent ; ils les ont k 
cette heure k force de feftins. Vn temps fut, qu'il 
falloit ieufner les trente iours entiers dans vne Ca- 
bane k I'efcart, [137] fans que perfonne en approchaft, 
qu'vn feruiteur, qui pour eflre digne d'y porter du 
bois, s'y difpofoit luy-mefme en ieufnant. Les hon- 
neurs & les Emoluments en font touGours gfrands. 
Ces pauures gens n'ayans rien de plus cher que cette 
vie, faute d'en connoiflre vne meilleure, mettent tout 
k cela, au recouurement de leur fant6, & k qui fait 
mine de les ayder. II nous ferment quelquefois la 
bouche, lors que nous les voulons defabufer fur ces 
charlatanneries, difans, gfueriflez nous done. Si quel- 
que fage & vertueux Medecin vouloit venir icy, il y 
feroit de belles cures pour les ames, en foulageant 
les corps; & ie m'alleure que Dieu prendroit plaiQr 
vn iour de luy dire comme k Abraham. Ego ero nter- 
ces tua magna nimis. les miracles de la nature font 
de grandes difpoHtions k ceux de la grace, quand il 
plaift k I'Autheur des vns & des autres, de s'en feruir. 
Ie laiffe 'k part vne infinite d'autres remarques fur 
ce fujet, pour raconter vne partie de ce qui a tenu 
vn mois entier tout ce pays en haleine. Vn Sauuage 
nommE IhongHaha fongea vne nuict qu'il deuiendroit 
Arendiiiane, c'eft "k dire maiftre Sorcier, pourueu qu'il 
ieunaft trente iours fans manger. [138] Le lende- 
main k fon r^ueil il trouua cette quality fi honorable 
& H aduantageufe qu'il fe refolut de garder ce ieufne 
tres-eflroictement. Sur ces entrefaites on I'inuite k 
vn feftin d' Aiitaeroki: il y en a peu qui f9achent 
chanter au grE de ce Demon; cettuicy eft vn des 
Maiflres. II fe laifTe enfin emporter, & y mangea fi 
bien & y chanta auec telle contention, qu'il en fortit 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 199 

Formerly these offices of Arcndiwane were more val- 
ued than they are at present ; they have them now 
at many of the feasts. Time was when it was neces- 
sary to fast thirty entire days, in a Cabin apart, [137] 
without any one approaching it except a servant, 
who, in order to be worthy of carrying wood there, 
prepared himself for it by fasting. The honors and 
emoluments are always g^eat. These poor people, 
having nothing dearer than this life, knowing noth- 
ing of a better, will give their all for the recovery of 
their health, and to any one who pretends to help 
them. They sometimes close our mouths when we 
wish to undeceive them about this charlatanry, say- 
ing, " Do you cure us, then." If some wise and up- 
right Physician would come here, he would perform 
noble cures for their souls, in relieving their bodies; 
and I am certain God would take pleasure in saying 
to him some day, as to Abraham, Ego ero nterces tua 
magna ?iimis. The miracles of nature are great aids 
to those of grace, when it pleases the Author of both 
to employ them. 

I pass by many other remarks on this subject, to 
relate a part of what has astounded this country for 
a whole month. A Savage named Ihongwaha dreamed 
one night that he could become Arendiwane, — that 
is, a master Sorcerer, — provided he could fast thirty 
days without eating. [138] On the morrow, when he 
awoke, he considered this accomplishment so honor- 
able and so advantageous that he resolved to keep 
this fast very strictly. In the meantime, he was in- 
vited to a feast of Aoutaerohi. There are few who 
can sing to the satisfaction of this Demon ; this one 
is one of the Masters. He allowed himself, at last, 
to be so carried away, and ate so heartily and sang 


la ceruelle en ^charpe ; le voila en mefme temps la 
tortue, ou pour mieux dire la marote ^ la main, en 
la faifon la plus fafcheufe de I'hy-uer, en I'eflat qu'il 
eftoit forty du ventre de fa mere, il court par les 
neiges, & chante nuict & iour; le lendemain, c'efloit 
le vingt-liuicti6me de lanuier, il alia au village d'A'^'w- 
rio, ou on luy fit trois ou quatre feftins pour fa fant6, 
& en retouma auffi fol qu'il y efloit all6. Quelques 
Sauuages difoient que nous eftions caufes de tout 
cela, mais les plus fages remarquerent qu'il s'eftoit 
mocqu6 lors qu'expliquant les Commandemens de 
Dieu, i'auois condamn^ V AUtaerohi, & attribuerens 
fa folie k vne punition diuine. 

La nuict du trente-vn il fongea qu'il luy falloit vn 
Canot, huict Caftors, deux Rays, fix vingts ceufs de 
Mauue, vne Tortue, & [139] vn homme qui I'adoptafl 
pour fon fils; ie vous prie quelle chimere, & cepen- 
dant on luy doit faire comme vn cataplafme de tout 
cela pour luy guerir la ceruelle. De fait il n'a pas 
pluftoft, fait recit de fon fonge, que les anciens du 
village s'aff em blent pour aduifer Ik defTus; ils fe 
mettent en peine de luy trouuer ce qu'il auoit deman- 
ds auec autant de foin & d'empreffement que s'il euft 
eft^ queftion de la conferuation de tout le Pays; le 
pere du Capitaine le prit pour fon fils, & tout ce qu'il 
auoit fong6 luy fur liur6 le mefme iour; pour les oeufs 
de Mauue, ils furent changez en autant de petits pains 
qui donnerent de rexercice k toutes les femmes du 
village. Le feftin fe fit fur le foir, & tout cela fans 
effect : le Diable n'auoit pas encor tout. 

Le premier de Feurier on le danfa derechef, i'euffe 
fouhaitte que plufieurs Chreftiens eufl!ent affift6 k ce 
fpectacle, ie ne doute point qu'ils n'euffent honte 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 201 

with SO much vehemence that he left the feast with 
his brain in a sling. See him then with the turtle, 
or more correctly, with the fool's cap in his hand, in 
the most trying season of winter, — naked as when 
he was born, running about in the snow, and sing- 
ing night and day. Next day — it was the twenty- 
eighth of January — he went to the village of Wenrto, 
where they made three or four feasts for his health ; 
and he returned thence, as mad as when he went 
away. Some Savages said we were the cause of this ; 
but the wiser ones remarked that he had mocked 
when, in explaining the Commandments of God, I 
had condemned the Aotttaerohi; and they attributed 
his madness to divine punishment. 

On the night of the thirty-first, he dreamed that 
he must have a Canoe, eight Beavers, two Rays, six 
score Gull's eggs, a Turtle, and [139] a man who 
would adopt him as his son; just think, what a fan- 
cy ! and yet they must make for him a cataplasm of 
all that, to heal his brain. Indeed, he had no sooner 
recited his dream than the old people of the village 
met to talk it over. They set about finding what he 
had asked with as much care and eagerness as if it 
had been a question of preserving the whole Coun- 
try; the Captain's father adopted him as his son, and 
everything he had dreamed was given up to him, the 
same day; as for the Gull's eggs, they were changed 
into as many small loaves, which kept busy all the 
women of the village. The feast took place in the 
evening, and all without effect. The Devil had not 
everything yet. 

On the first of February, there was another feast ; 
I would have liked several Christians to be present 
at this sight; I doubt not they would have been 


d'eux-mefmes, voyans combien ils f ymbolif ent auec ces 
Peuples dans leurs folies du camaual, ils f e traueflirent 
& fe d^guiferent, non k la verite G richement, mais 
^ peu pr^s auffi ridiculement qu'on fait ailleurs. 

Vous en euffiez veu les vns auec vn fac [140] en la 
tefle, perc6 feulement aux yeux, les autres en auoient 
vn plein de paille k I'entour du ventre pour contra f aire 
les femmes groffes. PluHeurs eftoient nuds comme 
la main, blanchis par tout le corps, noirs par le vifage 
comme des Diables, des plumes ou des comes k la 
tefte; les autres barboiiillez de rouge, de noir, & de 
blanc; enfin chacun fe para auec le plus d'extraua- 
gance qu'il pent pour danfer ce Balet, & contribuer 
quelque chofe k la fant6 du malade. Mais ie m'ou- 
bliois d'vne circonftance notable, les bruits de guerre 
eftoient grands, ils eftoient dans des alarmes continu- 
elles, on attendoit I'Ennemy k toute heure, on auoit 
inuite toute la ieunefle k fe tranfporter au village 
d'Angb'iens, pour trauailler h. vne palliffade de pieux 
qui n'eftoit qu'k demy faite; le Capitaine eut beau 
crier k pleine tefte enonH eienti cc^arhakhion, ieunes 
gens allons, perfonne ne s'en remua, aymans mieux 
efcouter ce fol, & executer toutes fes volontez; cette 
medecine n'opera pas plus que les precedentes. 

Apres auoir ieufn^ dix-huict iours, fans manger ce 
dit-on que du petun, il me vint voir, ie luy donnay 
fept ou huit raifms, il me remercia, & me dit qu'il en 
mangeroit [141] vn tons les iours, ce^eftoit pas pour 
rompre fon ieufne. Le quatorzi^me de Feurier fai- 
fant la ronde par les Cabanes a fon ordinaire, il trou- 
ua qu'on preparoit vn feftin, & alors, Ce fera moy, 
dit-il, qui feray feftin, ie veux que ce foit icy mon 
feftin, & en mefme temps il prend des raquettes, & 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 20S 

ashamed of themselves, seeing how like these Peoples 
they act in their carnival follies ; these dress and dis- 
guise themselves, not in truth so richly, but almost 
as ridiculously as they do elsewhere. 

You would have seen some with a sack [140] on the 
head, pierced only for the eyes ; others were stuffed 
with straw around the middle, to imitate a pregnant 
woman. Several were naked as the hand, with bod- 
ies whitened, and faces as black as Devils, and 
feathers or horns on their heads ; others were smeared 
with red, black, and white; in short each adorned 
himself as extravagantly as he could, to dance this 
Ballet, and contribute something to the health of the 
sick man. But I would not forget one notable cir- 
cumstance. The reports of war were serious, they 
were in continual alarms, they expected the Enemy 
every hour ; all the youth had been invited to go to 
the village of Angwtens,'^ to work at a palisade of 
stakes, that was only half-made. The Captain had 
to cry in vain, as loudly as he could, enonou eicnti 
ecwarhakliion, " Young men, come." No one stirred, 
preferring to listen to this fool, and to carry out all 
his wishes. This medicine accomplished no more 
than the preceding. 

After having fasted eighteen days without tasting 
anything, it was said, except tobacco, he came to see 
me; I gave him seven or eight raisins; he thanked 
me and tpld me he would eat [141] one every day — 
that was in order not to break his fast. On the four- 'G- «»/««* 
teenth of February, making the round of Cabins as ' "i 

usual, he found the people preparing a feast; "I 
shall prepare a feast," said he then, " I wish this to 
be my feast ;" and immediately he took his snow- 
shoes and himself went around to invite the people 


s'en va luy mefme pour inuiter ceux des Villages cir- 
conuoifms: mais il y a bien de I'apparence qu'il ne 
fut pas plufloft en campagne, qu'il s'oublia de fon 
deffein, car il ne retouma que pr6s de deux fois vingft- 
quatre heures apres, & fit, ou il fe trouua, fept ou 
huit feflins pour vn. II luy arriua dit-on en cette 
courfe trois chofes memorables. La premiere, qu'il 
n'enfon9a point du tout dans les neiges, quoy qu'elles 
fullent de trois pieds de haut. La feconde, qu'il fe 
ietta du haut d'vne groffe roche fans fe bleffer. La 
troifi^me, qu'eflant de retour il ne parut non plus 
mouill^, & fes fouliers auffi fees, que s'il n'euft pas 
mis le pied hors la Cabane : celuy qui nous racontoit 
cecy, adioufta qu'il ne falloit pas s'en eftonner, qu'vn 
Diable le conduifoit. Sur la fin de fa maladie il me 
fit prier de Taller voir; ie le trouuay en apparence 
en affez bon fens ; il me raconta le progres, & la caufe 
de fa maladie, [142] qu'il attribuoit k la rupture de 
fon ieufne, & me dit qu'il efloit refolu d'aller iufques 
au bout, c'efl k dire iufques au terme que fon fonge 
luy auoit ordonn6. Vn autre iour il nous vint vifiter, 
& nous dit, que c'eftoit tout de bon qu'il eftoit deue- 
nu oki, c'efl k dire Demon, c' efloit bien encherir par 
dellus la quality de Sorcier, k laquelle feulement il 
afpiroit, toutefois il n'efloit pas hors de fa folie; il 
luy fallut encor refuer \Tie bonne fois pour en fortir; 
il fongea done qu'il n'y auoit qu'vne certaine forte de 
danfe, qui luy peufl rendre tout k fait la fante. lis 
I'appellent akhre?idoiaen, d'autant que ceux qui font 
de cette danfe, s'entredonnent du poifon; elle n 'auoit 
iamais efl6 pratiquee parmy cette Nation des Ours: la 
faifon efloit fort fafcheufe, la troupe efloit grande, 
& ne pouuoit qu'apporter beaucoup de defordre dans 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 205 

of the neighboring Villages. But it seems probable 
that he was no sooner in the country than he forgot 
his errand; for he only returned almost forty-eight 
hours later, and made, where he was, seven or eight 
feasts for one. It is said there happened to him on 
this journey three memorable things. The first, 
that he was not buried in the snow, though it was 
three feet deep. The second, that he threw himself 
from the top of a large rock, without being hurt. 
The third, that when he came back he was not at all 
wet, and his shoes were as dry as if he had not set 
foot outside the Cabin. The one who told us this 
added that no one need be astonished, — that a Devil 
had guided him. At the end of his sickness, he 
begged me to go to see him; I found him, to all ap- 
pearances, perfectly right in his mind. He told me 
the progress and cause of his malady, [142] which he 
attributed to the breaking of his fast; and he told 
me he had resolved to go on to the end, — -that is, 
during the term prescribed by his dream. Another 
day, he visited us, and told us that it was in earnest 
he had become oki, that is to say. Demon. This was 
to rise above the title of Sorcerer, to which alone he 
aspired; still he was not free from his madness, — he 
must yet dream, once for all, to free himself from it. 
He dreamed, therefore, that there was only one cer- 
tain kind of dance which would make him quite well. 
They call it akhrendoiaen, inasmuch as those who 
take part in this dance give poison to one another. 
It had never been practiced among this Nation of the 
Bear. The season was very disagreeable, the com- 
pany very large, and it could only create a great deal 
of disorder in a little Village; all these considera- 
tions did not stop them. So, behold, couriers are 


vn petit Village ; on ne s'arrefta point k toutes ces 
confiderations. Voila incontinent des courriers en 
campagne, quize iours fe paffent k les affembler ; la 
bande efloit compof^e ■ d'enuiron quatre-vingts per- 
fonnes, il y auoit Cx femmes ; ils f e mettent en che- 
min fans delay ; il faiit remarquer icy qu'ils eftiment 
que le ieufne leur rend la veue per9ante a [143] mer- 
iieille, & leur donne des yeux capables de voir les 
chofes abfentes & les plus ^loign^es, n'efl ce pas ren- 
uerfer toute I'Efcole, qui tient, ce me femble, que 
rien n'aflfoiblit tant la veue, que le ieufne exceffif; 
quoy que e'en foit, il y a bien de I'apparence que 
noftre fol n'auoit pas encor aflez ieufn^, car fa veue 
le trompa bien fort, & commen9a fort mal pour fe 
mettre en credit de Prophete. La troupe n'eftoit 
pas partie, qu'il la faifoit k deux lieues du Village. 

Or eftans arriuez enuiron k la port6e d'vn mouf- 
quet, ils s'arrefterent & fe mirent k chanter; ceux 
du Village leur r^pondirent. D^s le foir mefme de 
leur arriu^e ils danferent, pour prendre cognoiffance 
de la maladie, le malade efloit au milieu de la Cabane 
fur vne natte; la danfe finie, parce qu'il efloit tomb6 
k la renuerfe, & auoit vomy, ils le declarerent tout \ 
fait de la Confrairie des fols, & en vinrent au remede 
qui leur efl ordinaire en cette maladie, & qui feroit 
capable de les faire paffer pour tels, quand ils feroient 
les plus fages du monde. C'eft la danfe qu'ils appel- 
lant Otakrendoiae , les Confreres Atirenda. I'en d^cri- 
rois les particularitez, fi ie n'auois peur d'eflre trop 
long. Ce fera pour vne autre fois, fi i'apprends [144] 
qu'on defire les f9auoir. Suffit pour le prefent de 
dire en general, que iamais les Bacchantes forcen^es 
du temps paffe ne firent rien de plus furieux en leurs 

1636] LEJEUNE'S RELATION, i6s6 207 

sent immediately in all directions; a fortnight passes 
in assembling the company, which is composed of 
about eighty persons, including six women; they 
set off without delay. Here I must remark that they 
think fasting renders their vision wonderfully pierc- 
ing, [143] and gives them eyes capable of seeing 
things absent and far removed. Is not this to over- 
throw the belief of all that School, who, if I am not 
mistaken, hold that nothing so much weakens the 
sight as excessive fasting? However that may be, 
there is considerable ground for the belief that our 
madman had not yet fasted enough, for his sight de- 
ceived him very thoroughly, and did not help in- 
crease his reputation as a Prophet. The troop had 
not set out when he declared it was two leagues from 
the Village. 

Now having arrived within musket-range, they 
stopped and began to sing ; those of the Village re- 
plied. From the evening of their arrival, they 
danced, in order to get an understanding of the dis- 
ease; the sick man was in the middle of the Cabin, 
on a mat. The dance being ended, because he had 
fallen over backward and vomited, they declared him 
to belong entirely to the Brotherhood of lunatics; 
and came to the remedy therefor which is usual in 
this disease, and which would be sufficient to make 
them pass for fools, even if they were the wisest 
men in the world. It is the dance they call Otakren- 
doiae; the Brethren they call Atirenda. I would de- 
scribe the details of it, were I not afraid of being too 
long. I will do so another time, if I learn [144] that 
there is any desire to know them. Let it suffice for 
the present to say, in general, that never did fren- 
zied Bacchantes of bygone times do anything more 


orgj-es. C'eft icy k f'entretuer, difent-ils, par des 
forts qu'ils s'entreiettent, dont la compofition eft 
d'ongles d'Ours, de dents de Loup, d'ergots d'Aigles, 
de certaines pierres, & de nerfs de Chien. C'efl ^ 
rendre du fang par la bouche, & par les narines, ou 
plullofl d'vne poudre rouge qu'ils prennent fubtile- 
ment, eftans tombez fous le fort, & bleffez. Et dix 
mille autres fottifes que ie laiffe volontiers. Le plus 
grand mal eft, que ces malheureux fous pretexte de 
-charity vengent fouuent leurs iniures, & donnent \ 
deffein vn boucon k leurs malades au lieu de mede- 
cine. Ce qui y efl de plus remarquable, efl I'experi- 
ence qu'ils ont pour guerir les ruptures, k quoy s'en- 
tendent auffi plufieurs autres en ces quartiers. La 
fuperllition la plus notoire ell, que leurs drogues & 
leurs ongfuens fe plaifent, k leur dire, au Glece & aux 
tenebres. S'ils font recogneus, ou li leur fecret efl 
d^couuert, il efl fans fuccez. L'origine de toute 
cette folic vient d'vn nomme Oatarra, ou d'vne petite 
idole en forme d'vne poupee, qu'il demanda, [145] 
pour fa guerifon h. \Tie douzaine d'Enchanteurs qui 
I'efloient venus voir, & laquelle ayant mis en fon fac 
de Petun, elle fe remua la dedans, ordonna les ban- 
quets, & autres ceremonies de la danfe, ^ ce qu'ils 
cotent. Certes, voila bie des fornettes, & i'ay bien 
peur qu'il n'y ait quelque chofe de plus noir & de 
plus cach^. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, tbsb 209 

furious in their orgies. It is a question of killing 
one another here, they say, by charms which they 
throw at each other, and which are composed of 
Bears' claws, Wolves' teeth, Eagles' talons, certain 
stones, and Dogs' sinews. Having fallen under the 
charm and been wounded, blood pours from the 
mouth and nostrils, or it is simulated by a red pow- 
der they take by stealth ; and there are ten thousand 
other absurdities, that I willingly pass over. The 
greatest evil is, that these wretches, under pretext of 
charity, often avenge their injuries, and purposely 
give poison to their patients, instead of medicine. 
What is very remarkable is their experience in heal- 
ing ruptures, wherein many others in these regions 
are also skillful. The most extraordinary supersti- 
tion is that their drugs and ointments take pleasure, 
so to speak, in silence and darkness. If they are 
recognized, or if their secret is discovered, success is 
not to be expected. The origin of all this folly 
comes from one named Oatarra, or from a little idol 
in the form of a doll, which he asked, [145] for the 
sake of being cured, from a dozen Sorcerers who had 
come to see him ; having put it into his Tobacco 
pouch, it began to stir therein, and ordered the ban- 
quets and other ceremonies of the dance, according 
to what they say. Certainly you have here many 
silly things, and I am much afraid there may be some- 
thing darker and more occult in them. 





IE ne pretends pas icy mettre nos Sauuages en pa- 
rallele auec les Chinois, laponnois, & autres 
Nations parfaitement ciuilifees ; mais feulement 
les tirer de la condition des belles, ou I'opinion de 
quelques-vns les a reduits, leur donner rang parmy 
les hommes, & faire paroiflre qu'il y a mefme parmy 
eux quelque efpece de vie Politique & Ciuile. Celt 
d^ja beaucoup "k mon aduis de dire qu'ils viuent 
affemblez dans des Villages, quelquefois iufques "k 
cinquante, foixante, & cent Cabanes, c'eft k dire trois 
cens & [146] quatre cens menages; qu'ils cultiuent 
des champs, d'oii ils tirent a fuffifance pour leur 
nourriture de toute I'ann^e, & qu'ils s'entretiennent 
en paix & amiti6 les vns auec les autres. II eft vray 
que ie ne penfe pas qu'il y ayt peut-eftre Nation fouz 
le ciel plus recomandable en ce point qix'eft la Nation 
des Ours; oftez quelques mauuais efprits qui fe ren- 
contrent quafi par tout, ils ont vne douceur, & vne 
affabilite quaO incroyable pour des Sauuages; ils ne 
fe picquent pas aif6ment: & encor s'ils croyent auoir 
receu quelque tort de quelqu'vn, ils diffimulent fou- 
uent le reffentiment qu'ils en ont; au moins en 
trouue-on icy fort peu qui s'echapent en public pour 
la colere, & la vengeance. lis fe maintiennent dans 
cette fi parfaite intelligence par les frequentes vifites, 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 211 



I DO not claim here to put our Savages on a level 
with the Chinese, Japanese, and other Nations 
perfectly civilized ; but only to put them above 
the condition of beasts, to which the opinion of some 
has reduced them, to give them rank among men, 
and to show that even among them there is some 
sort of Political and Civil life. It is, in my opinion, 
a great deal to say that they live assembled in Vil- 
lages, with sometimes as many as fifty, sixty, and one 
hundred Cabins, — that is, three hundred and [146] 
four hundred households; that they cultivate the 
fields, from which they obtain sufficient for their 
support during the year; and that they maintain 
peace and friendship with one another. I certainly 
believe that there is not, perhaps, under heaven a 
Nation more praiseworthy in this respect than the 
Nation of the Bear. Leaving out some evil-minded 
persons, such as one meets almost everywhere, they 
have a gentleness and affability almost incredible for 
Savages. They are not easily annoyed, and, more- 
over, if they have received wrong from any one they 
often conceal the resentment they feel, — at least, 
one finds here very few who make a public display 
of anger and vengeance. They maintain themselves 
in this perfect harmony by frequent visits, by help 
they give one another in sickness, by feasts and by 


les fecours qu'ils fe donnent mutuellement dans leurs 
maladies, par les feflins, & les aliiauce[s]. Si leurs 
champs, la pefche, la chaffe, ou la traitte ne les occupe 
ils font moins en leurs Cabanes que chez leurs amis ; 
s'ils tombent malades, & qu'ils defirent quelque 
chofe pour leur fant6, c'eft k qui fe monftrera le plus 
obligeant. S'ils ont vn bon morceau, ie I'ay deja 
dit, ils [147] en font feftin a leurs amis, & ne le manget 
quafi iamais en leur particulier. Dans leurs ma- 
nages il y a cecy de remarquable, qu'ils ne fe marient 
iamais dans la parente en quelque degr6 que ce foit 
ou direct, ou collateral, mais font toufiours de nou- 
uelles alliances, ce qui n'efl pas vn petit auantage 
pour maintenir I'amiti^. Dauantage en cette fre- 
quentatio fi ordinaire, comme ils ont la plus part I'ef- 
prit affez bon, ils s'eueillent & fe fagonnent merueil- 
leufement; de forte qu'il n'y ^n a quafi point qui ne 
foit capable d' en tretien, & ne raifonne fort bien, & en 
bons termes, fur les chofes dont il a la cognoilTance : 
ce qui les forme ercor dans le difcours font les confeils 
qui fe tiennent quafi tous les iours dans les Villages 
en toutes occurrences : & quoy que les anciens y tien- 
nent le haut bout, & que ce foit de leur iugement 
que depende la decifion des affaires; neantmoins s'y 
trouue qui veut, & chacun a droit d'y dire fon aduis. 
Adioutez mefme que I'honneftet^, la courtoifie & la 
ciuilit^, qui eft comme la fleur & I'aggr^ement de la 
conuerfation ordinaire & bumaine, ne laiffe pas encor 
de fe remarquer parmy ces Peuples; ils [148] appel- 
lent vn homme ciuil Aiendai^asti. A la verity vous 
n'y voyez pas tous ces baife-mains, ces complimtis, 
& ces vaines offres de feruice, qui ne paffent pas le 
bout des Inures ; mais neantmoins ils fe rendent de 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 213 

alliances. When they are not busy with their fields, 
hunting, fishing, or trading, they are less in their 
own Houses than in those of their friends ; if they 
fall sick, or desire anything for their health, there 
is a rivalry as to who will show himself most oblig- 
ing. If they have something better than usual, as I 
have already said, they [147] make a feast for their 
friends, and haraly ever eat it alone. In their mar- 
riages there is this remarkable custom, — they never 
marry any one related in any degree whatever, either 
direct or collateral ; but always make new alliances, 
which is not a little helpful in maintaining friend- 
ship. Moreover, by this so common habit of fre- 
quent visitation, as they are for the most part fairly 
intelligent, they arouse and influence one another 
wonderfully ; so that there are almost none of them 
incapable of conversing or reasoning very well, and 
in good terms, on matters within their knowledge. 
The councils, too, held almost every day in the Vil- 
lages, and on almost all matters, improve their capac- 
ity for talking ; and, although it is the old men who 
have control there, and upon whose judgment depend 
the decisions made, yet every one who wishes may 
be present, and has the right to express his opinion. 
Let it be added, also, that the propriety, the courtesy, 
and the civility which are, as it were, the flower and 
charm of ordinary human conversation, are to some 
extent observed among these Peoples; they [148] 
call a polite person Aiendawasti. To be sure, you do 
not observe among them any of those hand-kissings, 
compliments, and those vain offers of service which 
do not pass beyond the lips; but, nevertheless, they 
render certain duties to one another, and preserve, 
through a sense of propriety, certain customs in their 


certains deuoirs les vns aux autres, & gardent par 
bien-fceance de certaines coullumes en leurs vifites, 
dafes, & feftins, aufquelles fi quelqu'vn auoit manqu6, 
il ne manqueroit pas d'eftre releue fur I'heure; & 
s'il faifoit fouuent de femblables pas de clerc, il 
pafferoit bien toft en prouerbe par le village, & per- 
droit tout a fait fon credit. A la rencontre pour 
toute faliiade, ils s'appellent chacun de leur nom, ou 
difent mon amy, mon camarade, men oncle, fi c'eft 
vn ancien. Si vn Sauuage fe trouue en voftre Ca- 
bane lors que vous mangez, & que vous luy prefen- 
tiez voftre plat, n'y ayant encor guieres touch^, il fe 
contentera d'en goufter, & vous le rendra. Que fi 
vous luy prefentez vn plat en particulier, il n'y por- 
tera pas la main qu'il n'en ait fait part k fes compa- 
gnons ; & ceux-cy fe contentent d'ordinaire d'en 
prendre vne cuilleree. Ce font petites chofes k la 
verity, mais qui monftrent neantmoins que ces Peuples 
[149] ne font pas tout ^ fait fi rudes & mal polls que 
quelqu'vn fe pourroit bien figurer. En outre, C les 
loix font comme la maiftreffe roue qui regie les Com- 
munautez, ou pourmieux dire I'ame des Republiques: 
il me femble que i'ay droit, eu egard h. cette fi par- 
faite intelligence qu'ils ont entr'eux, de maintenir 
qu'ils ne font pas fans loix. lis puniffent les meur- 
triers, les larrons, les traiftres, & les Sorciers: & 
pour les meurtriers quoy qu'ils ne tiennent pas la feue- 
rit6 que faifoient iadis leurs anceftres, neantmoins le 
pen de defordre qu'il y a en ce point, me fait iuger 
que leur procedure n'eft guieres moins efficace qu'eft 
ailleurs le fupplice de la mort : car les parens du de- 
funct ne pourfuiuent pas feulement celuy qui a fait 
le meurtre, mais s'addreffent h. tout le Village, qui 

1636] LE /EUNE'S RELATION, i6j6 215 

visits, dances, and feasts, — in which if any one failed, 
he would certainly be criticised on the spot ; and, if 
he often made such blunders, he would soon become 
a byword in the village, and would lose all his influ- 
ence. When they meet, the only salutation they 
gfive is to call the other by name, or say, " my friend, 
my comrade," — " my uncle," if it is an old man. If 
a Savage finds himself in your Cabin when you are 
eating, and if you present to him your dish, having 
scarcely touched anything, he will content himself 
with tasting it, and will hand it back to you. But, 
if you give him a dish for himself, he will not put 
his hand to it until he has shared it with his compan- 
ions: and they content themselves usually with tak- 
ing a spoonful of it. These are little things, of 
course; but they show nevertheless that these Peo- 
ples [149] are not quite so rude and unpolished as 
one might suppose. Besides, if laws are like the 
governing wheel regulating Communities, — or to be 
more exact, are the soul of Commonwealths, — it 
seems to me that, in view of the perfect understanding 
that reigns among them, I am right in maintaining 
that they are not without laws. They punish mur- 
derers, thieves, traitors, and Sorcerers; and, in re- 
gard to murderers, although the}' do not preserve 
the severity of their ancestors towards them, never- 
theless the little disorder there is among them in this 
respect makes me conclude that their procedure is 
scarcely less efficacious than is the punishment of 
death elsewhere; for the relatives of the deceased 
pursue not only him who has committed the murder, 
but address themselves to the whole Village, which 
must give satisfaction for it, and furnish, as soon as 
possible, for this purpose as many as sixt)' presents. 


en doit faire raifon, & fournir au pluftolt pour cet 
effet iixfques a foixante prefens, dont les moindres 
doiuent eftre de la valeur d'vne robbe neufue de 
Caftor: le Capitaine les prefente luy mefme en per- 
fonne, & fait vne longue harangue a chaque prefent 
qu'il offre; de fagon que les iournees entieres fe 
paffent quelquefois dans cette ceremonie. [150] II 
y a deux fortes de prefens ; les vns, tels que font les 
neuf premiers qu'ils appellent andaonhaan, fe mettent 
entre les mains des parens, pour faire la paix, & ofter 
de leur coeur toute I'aigreur, & les defirs de ven- 
geance, qu'ils pourroient auoir contre la perfonne du 
meurtrier: les autres fe mettent fur vne perche, qui 
efl etedue au deffus de la tefle du mort, & les appel- 
let Andaerraehaan; c'efl k dire qui fe mettent fur la 
perche. Or chacun de ces prefens a fon nom parti- 
culier. Voicy ceux des neuf premiers, qui font les 
plus confiderables, & quelque fois chacun de mille 
grains de Pourcelaine. Le Capitaine parlant, & 
hauffant fa voix au nom du coulpable, & tenant en 
fa main le premier prefent, comme fi la hache efloit 
encor dans la playe du mort, condayce onfahach^taiias \ 
voila, dit-il, dequoy il retire la hache de la playe, & 
la fait tomber des mains de celuy qui voudroit ven- 
ger cette iniure. Au fecond prefent, condayee ofcota- 
iieanon ; voila dequoy il effuie le fang de la playe de 
fa telle : par ces deux prefens il temoigne le regret 
qu'il a de I'auoir tue, & qu'il feroit tout preft de luy 
rendre la vie s'il eftoit poffible. [151] Toutefois 
comme fi le coup auoit reially fur la Patrie, & comme 
fi le Pais auoit receu la plus grande playe ; il adioufle 
au troifieme prefent, en difant condayce onfahondechari; 
voila pour remettre le Pais en eftat, condayee onfahon- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 217 

the least of which must be of the value of a new 
Beaver robe. The Captain presents them in person, 
and makes a long harangue at each present that he 
offers, so that entire days sometimes pass in this 
ceremony. [150] There are two sorts of presents; 
some, like the first nine, which they call andaonhaan, 
are put into the hands of the relatives to make peace, 
and to take away from their hearts all bitterness and 
desire for vengeance that they might have against the 
person of the murderer. The others are put on a 
pole, which is raised above the head of the murderer, 
and are called Andacrraehaan, that is to say, " what 
is hung upon a pole." Now each of these presents 
has its particular name. Here are those of the first 
nine, which are the most important, and sometimes 
each one of them consists of a thousand Porcelain 
beads. The Captain, speaking, and raising his voice 
at the name of the guilty person, and holding in his 
hand the first present as if the hatchet were still in 
the death wound, condayee onsahachoutaiuas, " There," 
says he, " is something by which he withdraws the 
hatchet from the wound, and makes it fall from the 
hands of him who would wish to avenge this injury." 
At the second present, condayee oscotaivcaiion, " There 
is something with which he wipes away the blood 
from the wound in the head." By these two pres- 
ents he signifies his regret for having killed him, 
and that he would be quite ready to restore him to 
life, if it were possible. [151] Yet, as if the blow 
had rebounded on their Native Land, and as if it had 
received the greater wounds, he adds the third pres- 
ent, saying, condayee onsaliotidechari, " This is to re- 
store the Country;" condayee onsahondwaronti, ctoton- 
hwentsiai, " This is to put a stone upon the opening 


dHarotiti, etotonhHentfiai; voila pour mettre vne pierre 
deffus I'ouuerture & la diuifion de la terre, qui s'eftoit 
faite par ce meurtre. Les metaphores font grande- 
ment en vfage parmy ces Peuples ; fi vous ne vous y 
faites, vous n'entendez rien dans leurs confeils, oil 
ils ne parlent quad que par metaphores. lis preten- 
det par ce prefent reiinir les coeurs & les volontez, & 
mefmes les Villages entiers, qui auoient efl6 comma 
diuifez. Car ce n'eft pas icy comme en France & 
ailleurs, ou le public & toute vne ville entiere n'6- 
poufe pas ordinairement la querelle d'vn particulier. 
Icy vous n'y f9auriez outrager qui que ce foit, que 
tout le Pais ne s'en reflente, & ne fe porta contre 
vous, & mafme contra tout vn Village ; c'eft de Ik 
que naiffent les guarres, & c'eft vn fujet plus que 
fuffifant de prendre les armes contre quelque Village, 
quand il refufe de fatisfaire par las prafance [prefents] 
ordonnez [152] pour celuy qui vous auroit tu6 qual- 
qu'vn das voftras. Le cinquieme fe fait pour appla- 
nir las chemins, & en ofter les broffailles, condayee 
on/a hannonkiai, c'eft k dire afin qu'on puiffe aller 
dorefnauant en touta feuret^ par les chemins, & de 
Village en Village. Les quatra autres s'adreflent 
immediatement aux pares, pour les confoler en leur 
affliction, & effuyer leurs larmes, condayee on/a hohe- 
ronti\ voila, dit-il, pour luy donner k petunar, par- 
lant da fon pera, de fa mere, ou da celuy qui faroit 
pour venger fa mort; ils ont cette creance qu'il n'y 
a rian fi propre que le Petun pour appaifar les paffions ; 
c'eft pourquoy ils ne fe trouuent iamais aux confeils 
que la pippe ou calumet k la bouche; catta fum6e 
qu'ils prennant laur donna, difent-ils, de I'efprit, & 
leur fait voir clair dans les affaires les plus embroiiil- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. i6s6 219 

and the division of the ground that was made by this 
murder." Metaphor is largely in use among these 
Peoples ; unless you accustom yourself to it, you will 
understand nothing in their councils, where they 
speak almost entirely in metaphors. They claim by 
this present to reunite all hearts and wills, and even 
entire Villages, which have become estranged. For 
it is not here as it is in France and elsewhere, where 
the public and a whole city do not generally espouse 
the quarrel of an individual. Here you cannot in- 
sult any one of them without the whole Country re- 
senting it, and taking up the quarrel against you, 
and even against an entire Village. Hence arise 
wars ; and it is a more than sufficient reason for tak- 
ing arms against some Village if it refuse to make 
satisfaction by the presents ordained [152] for him 
who may have killed one of your friends. The fifth 
is made to smooth the roads and to clear away the 
brushwood ; condayee ansa hannonktai, that is to say, 
in order that one may go henceforth in perfect secur- 
ity over the roads, and from Village to Village. The 
four others are addressed immediately to the rela- 
tives, to console them in their affliction and to wipe 
away their tears, condayee ansa hoheronti, " Behold," 
says he, " here is something for him to smoke," 
speaking of his father or his mother, or of the one 
who would avenge his death. They believe that 
there is nothing so suitable as Tobacco to appease 
the passions ; that is why they never attend a coun- 
cil without a pipe or calumet in their mouths. The 
smoke, they say, gives them intelligence, and en- 
ables them to see clearly through the most intricate 
matters.^' Also, following this present, they make 
another to restore completely the mind of the offended 


lees. Aufli en fuitte de ce prefent on en fait vn autre 
pour remettre tout k fait I'efprit a la perfonne off en- 
fee, condayee on/a kondionroetikhra . Le huictiefme efl 
pour donner \ti breuuage h. la mere du defunct, & la 
g^erir comma eftant griefuement malade k I'occafion 
de la mort de fon fils, condayee on/a a^eannonc^a [153] 
d^ocHeton. Enfin le neufieme eft, comme pour luy 
mettre, & etendre vne natte, fur laquelle elle fe repofe, 
& fe couche durant le temps de fon deiiil, condayee 
on/a hohiendaen. Voila les principaux prefens, les 
autres font comme vn furcroift de confolation, & re- 
prefentent toutes les chofes dont fe feruoit le mort 
pendant fa vie; I'vn s'appellera fa robbe, I'autre fon 
collier, I'autre fon Canot, I'autre fon auiron, fa rets, 
fon arc, fes fleches, & ainfi des autres. Apres cela, 
les pares du defunt fe tiennet plainemet fatisfaits. 
Autrefois les parties ne s'accordoient pas fi aifemet, 
& a fi peu de frais : car outre que le public payoit 
tons ces prefens, la perfonne coupable eftoit obligee 
de fubir vne honte, & vne peine que quelques-vns 
n'eftimeroient peut eftre gueres moins infupportable 
que la mort mefme. On etendoit le mort fur des 
perches, & le meurtrier eftoit contraint de fe tenir 
delTous, & receuoir deffus foy le pus qui alloit de- 
goutant de ce cadaure ; on luy metoit aupres de luy 
vn plat pour fon manger, qui eftoit incontinent plein 
de r ordure & du fang pourn.- qui peu a peu en tom- 
boit, & pour obtenir feulemet que le plat fuft tat 
[154] foit peu recule, il luy en couftoit vn prefent de 
fept cens grains de Pourcelaine, qu'ils appelloient 
liaffaendijla ; pour luy il demeuroit en cet eltat tant 
& fi long temps qu'il plaifoit aux parens du defunct; 
& encore apres cela pour en fortir luy falloit-il faire 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELA TION, 1636 221 

person, condayee onsa hondionroenkhra. The eighth is 
to give a drink to the mother of the deceased, and to 
heal her as being seriously sick on account of the 
death of her son, condayee onsa azveafitioncwa [153] d'oc- 
■weton. Finally, the ninth is, as it were, to place and 
stretch a mat for her, on which she may rest herself 
and sleep during the time of her mourning, condayee 
onsa hohiendaen. These are the principal presents, — 
the others are, as it were, an increase of consolation, 
and represent all the things that the dead man would 
use during life. One will be called his robe, another 
his belt, another his Canoe, another his paddle, his 
net, his bow, his arrows, and so on. After this, the 
relatives of the deceased regard themselves as per- 
fectly satisfied. Formerly, the parties did not come 
to terms so easily, and at so little expense ; for, be- 
sides that the public paid all these presents, the guil- 
ty person was obliged to endure an indignity and 
punishment that some will perhaps consider almost 
as insupportable as death itself. The dead body was 
stretched upon a scaffold, and the murderer was com- 
pelled to remain lying under it and to receive upon 
himself all the putrid matter which exuded from the 
corpse; they put beside him a dish of food, which 
was soon filled with the filth and corrupt blood which 
little by little fell into it ; and merely to get the dish 
[154] pushed back ever so little would cost him a 
present of seven hundred Porcelain beads, which they 
called hassaendista; as for the murderer, he remained 
in this position as long as the relatives of the de- 
ceased pleased, and, even after that, to escape it he 
had to make a rich present called akhiataendista. If, 
however, the relatives of the dead man avenged 
themselves for this injury by the death of him who 


vn riche prefent qu'ils appelloient akhiataetidijia. Que 
fi les parens du mort fe vengeoient de cette iniure, 
par la mort de celuy qui auoit fait le coup, toute la 
peine retomboit de leur cofte; c'efloit auffi k eux a 
faire des prefens k ceux mefmes qui auoient tue les 
premiers, fans que ceux cy fuflent obligez k aucune 
fatisfaction, pour montrer combien ils eftiment que 
la vengeance efl deteflable, puis que les crimes les 
plus noirs, tel qu'eft le meurtre, ne paroiffent quafi 
rien en fa prefence, qu'elle les abolit, & attire deffus 
foy toute la peine qu'ils meritent. Voila pour ce 
qui eft du meurtre : les blefTeures k fang ne fe gue- 
riffent auffi qu'k force de prefence [prefents], de col- 
liers, de haches, felon que la playe eft plus ou moins 

Ils puniffent auffii feuerement les Sorciers, c'eft k 
dire, ceux qui fe meflent d'empoifonner, & faire mou- 
rir par fort; [155] & cette peine eft authorif^e du 
confentement de tout le Pais ; de forte que quiconque 
les prend fur le fait, il a tout droit de leur fendre la 
tefte, & en defaire le monde fans crainte d'en eftre 
recherche, ou oblige de faire aucune fatisfaction. 

Pour les larrons, quoy que le Pais en foit remply, 
ils ne font pas-pourtant tolerez ; fi vous trouuez quel- 
qu'vn faifi de quelque chofe qui vous appartienne, 
vous pouuez en bonne confcience ioiier au Roy d6- 
poiiille, & prendre ce qui eft voftre, & auec cela le 
mettre nud comme la main ; fi c'eft k la pefche, luy 
enleuer fon Canot, fes rets, fon poiffon, fa robbe, tout 
ce qu'il a: il eft vray qu'en cette occafion le plus fort 
I'emporte: tant y a que voila la couftume du Pais, 
qui ne laiffe pas d'en tenir plufieurs en leur deuoir. 

Or s'ils ont quelque efpece de Loix qui les main- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibjb 223 

gave the blow, all the punishment fell on them ; it 
was their part also to make presents to those even 
who were the first murderers, without the latter be- 
ing obliged to give any satisfaction, — to show how 
detestable they regard vengeance ; since the blackest 
crimes, such as murder, appear as nothing in com- 
parison with it, as it does away with them and at- 
tracts to itself all the punishment that they merit. 
So much for murder. Bloody wounds, also, are 
healed only by means of these presents, such as belts 
or hatchets, according as the wound is more or less 

They also punish Sorcerers severely, that is, 
those who use poisoning, and cause death by 
charms; [155] and this punishment is authorized by 
the consent of the whole Country, so that whoever 
takes them in the act has full right to cleave their 
skulls and rid the world of them, without fear of be- 
ing called to account, or obliged to give any satisfac- 
tion for it. 

As to thieves, although the Country is full of them, 
they are not, however, tolerated. If you find any 
one possessed of anything that belongs to you, you 
can in good conscience play the despoiled King and 
take what is yours, and besides leave him as naked 
as your hand. If he is fishing, you can take from 
him his Canoe, his nets, his fish, his robe, all he 
has ; it is true that on such an occasion the strongest 
gains the day, — still, such is the custom of the Coun- 
try, and it certainly holds some to their duty. 

Besides having some kind of Laws maintained 
among themselves, there is also a certain order estab- 
lished as regards foreign Nations. And first, con- 
cerning commerce ; several families have their own 


tiennent entre eux, il y a auffi quelque ordre eftably 
pour ce qui regarde les Peuples eftrangers : & pre- 
mierement pour le commerce ; plufieurs families ont 
leurs traittes particulieres, & celuy-1^ eft cenf6 Mai- 
ftre d'vne traitte qui en a fait le premier la decou- 
uerte: les enfans [156] entrant dans le droict de leurs 
parens pour ce regard, & ceux qui portent le mefme 
nom; perfonne n'y va fans fon conge, qui ne fe 
donne qu'a force de prefens; il en affocie tant & fi 
peu qu'il veut ; s'il a beaucoup de marchandife c'eft 
fon aduantage d'y aller en fort petite compagnie, car 
ainfi il enleue tout ce qu'il veut dans le Pais: c'eft 
en cecy que confifte le plus beau de leurs richeffes. 
Que fi quelqu'vn elloit fi hardy que d'aller k vne 
traitte, fans le conge de celuy qui en eft le Maiftre, 
il peut bien faire fes affaires en fecret & ^ la defro- 
b6e, car s'il eft furpris par le chemin, on ne luy fera 
pas meilleur traittement qu'k vn larron, & il ne rap- 
portera que fon corps k la maifon, ou il faut qu'il 
foit en bonne compagnie : que s'il retoume bagues 
fauues, on fe contente de s'en plaindre, fans en faire 
autre pourfuitte. 

Dans les guerres mefmes oil regne fouuent la con- 
fufion, ils ne laiffent pas d'y tenir quelque ordre : ils 
n'en entreprennent point fans fuiet, & le fuiet le plus 
ordinaire qu'ils ayent de prendre les armes, eft lors 
que quelque Nation refufe de fatisfaire pour quelque 
mort, & de [157] four[nJir les prefens que requierent 
les conuentions faites entre eux ; ils prennent ce re- 
fus pour vn acte d'hoftilite, & tout le pais mefme 
efpoufe cette querelle : fur tout les parens du mort 
s'eftiment obligez par honneur de s'en reffentir, & 
font vne leuee pour leur courir fus. le ne parle 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, rbjd 225 

private trades, and he is considered Master of one 
line of trade who was the first to discover it. The 
children [156] share the rights of their parents in 
this respect, as do those who bear the same name; 
no one goes into it without permission, which is given 
only in consideration of presents; he associates with 
him as many or as few as he wishes. If he has a 
good supply of merchandise, it is to his advantage to 
divide it with few companions, for thus he secures 
all that he desires, in the Country ; it is in this that 
most of their riches consist. But if any one should 
be bold enough to engage in a trade without permis- 
sion from him who is Master, he may do a good busi- 
ness in secret and concealment; but, if he is sur- 
prised by the way, he will not be better treated than 
a thief, — he will only carry back his body to his 
house, or else he must be well accompanied. If he 
returns with his baggage safe, there will be some 
complaint about it, but no further prosecution. 

Even in wars, where confusion often reigns, they 
do not fail to keep some order. They never under- 
take them without reason ; and the commonest rea- 
son for their taking arms is when some Nation refuses 
to give satisfaction for the death of some one and to 
[157] furnish the presents required by the agreements 
made between them ; they take this refusal as an act 
of hostility, and the whole country espouses the quar- 
rel ; in particular, the relatives of the dead man con- 
sider themselves obliged in honor to resent it, and 
raise a force to attack them. I am not speaking of 
the leadership they display in their wars, and of 
their military discipline ; that comes better from 
Monsieur de Champlain, who is personally acquainted 
with it, having held command among them. More- 


point de la conduite qu'ils tiennent en leurs guerres, 
& de leur difcipline militaire, cela vient mieux k 
Monlieur de Champlain qui s'y eft trouu6 en per- 
fonne, & y a command^; auffi en a-t-'il parl6 ample- 
ment, & fort pertinemment, comme de tout ce qui 
regarde les mceurs de ces Nations barbares. le diray 
feulement, que fi Dieu leur faifoit la grace d'embraffer 
la Foy, ie trouuerois k reformer en quelques vnes de 
leurs procedures ; car premierement il y en a tel qui 
leuera vne trouppe de ieunes gens deliberez pluftoft, 
ce femble, pour venger vne querelle particuliere, & 
la mort d'vn amy, que pour I'honneur & la conferua- 
tio de la Patrie : & puis quand ils peuuet tenir quel- 
ques-vns de leurs ennemis ils les traittent auec toute 
la cruaut6 qu'ils fe peuuent imaginer: les cinq & fix 
iours fe pafleront quelquefois k affouuir leur rage, & 
les bruler h. petit [158] feu, & ne fe contentent pas de 
leur voir la peau toute grill6e, ils leur ouurent les 
iambes, les cuiffes, les bras, & les parties les plus 
charnues, & y fourrent des tifons ardens, ou des 
baches toutes rouges ; quelquefois au milieu de ces 
tourtnens ils les obligent h. chanter ; & ceux qui ont 
du courage le font, & vomiffent mille imprecations 
cotre ceux qui les tourmentet : le iour de leur mort 
il faut encor qu'ils pafset par Ik, s'ils ont les forces; 
& quelquefois la chaudiere das laquelle on les doit 
mettre boiiillir fera fur le feu, que ces pauures mife- 
rables chanteront encore h. pleine tefte. Cette inhu- 
manity eft tout k fait intolerable ; auffi pluHeurs ne 
fe trouuent pas volontiers k ces funeftes banquets. 
Apres les auoir enfin affomm6, s'ils eftoiet vaillas 
hommes, ils leur arrachet le cceur, le font griller fur 
les charbons, & le diftribuent en pieces k la ieuneffe ; 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. JdjO 227 

over, he has spoken of it fully and very pertinently, 
as of everything which concerns the manners of these 
barbarous Nations. I will only say that, if God 
gives them the grace to embrace the Faith, I shall 
find certain matters in some of their procedures to 
reform; for, in the first place, there are some who 
raise a band of resolute young braves for the pur- 
pose, it seems, of avenging a private quarrel and the 
death of a friend, rather than for the honor and pres- 
ervation of the Fatherland, — and then, when they 
seize some of their eneqiies, they treat them with all 
the cruelty they can devise. Five or six days will 
sometimes pass in assuaging their wrath, and in burn- 
ing them at a slow [158] fire; and they are not satis- 
fied with seeing their skins entirely roasted, — they 
open the legs, the thighs, the arms, and the most 
fleshy parts, and thrust therein glowing brands, or 
red-hot hatchets. Sometimes in the midst of these 
torments they compel them to sing; and those who 
have the courage do it, and hurl forth a thousand 
imprecations against those who torment them ; on 
the day of their death they must even outdo this, if 
they have strength; and sometimes the kettle in 
which they are to be boiled will be on the fire, while 
these poor wretches are still singing as loudly as they 
can. This inhumanity is altogether intolerable ; and 
so many do not go willingly to these baleful feasts. 
After having at last brained a victim, if he was a 
brave man, they tear out his heart, roast it on the 
coals, and distribute it in pieces to the young men ; 
they think that this renders them courageous. Others 
make an incision in the upper part of their necks and 
cause some of his blood to run into it, — which has, 
they say, this virtue, that since they have mingled 


ils eftiment que cela les red courageux : d'autres leur 
font vne incifion au deffus du col, &y font couler de 
leur fang, qui a, difent-ils, cette vertu, que depuis 
qu'ils I'ont ainfi mefl^ auec le leur, ils ne peuuent 
iamais eftre furpris de I'ennemy, & ont toufiours con- 
noiflancede fes approches, pour fecrettes [159] qu'elles 
puiflent eflre. On les -met par morceaux en la chau- 
diere; & quoy qu'aux autres feftins la tefte, foit d'vn 
Ours, foit d'vn Chien, d'vn Cerf, ou d'vn grand 
poifTon eft le morceau du Capitaine; en cetuy-cy la 
tefle f e donne au plus malotru de la compagnie : en 
effet quelques-vns ne gouflent de ce mets non plus 
que de tout le refte du corps, qu'auec beaucoup d'hor- 
reur: il y en a qui en mangent auec plaifir; i'ay veu 
des Sauuages en noftre Cabane parler auec appetit de 
la chair d'vn Iroquois, & loiier fa bonte en mefmes 
termes que Ton feroit la chair d'vn Cerf, ou d'vn 
Orignac: c'efl eftre bien cruel; mais nous efperons 
auec I'affiftance du Ciel, que la cognoilTance du vray 
Dieu bannira tout h. fait de ce Pais cette barbarie. Au 
refte pour la garde du Pais, ils entouret les princi- 
paux Villages d'vne forte palliffade de pieux, pour 
fouflenir vn fiege : ils entretiennent des penfionnaires 
dans les Nations neutres, ou mefmes parmy les enne- 
mis, par le moyen def quels ils font aduertis fouz 
main de toutes leurs men6es : il font bien fi aduifez 
& circonfpects en ce poinct, que s'il y a quelque Peu- 
ple auec qui ils [160] n'ayent pas entierement rompu, 
ils leur donnent en effet la liberty d'aller & venir dans 
le Pais ; mais neantmoins pour plus grande affeurance 
on leur affigne des Cabanes particulieres ou ils fe doi- 
uent retirer ; C on les trouuoit ailleurs on leur feroit 
vn mauuais party. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ib3b 229 

his blood with their own they can never be surprised 
by the enemy, and have always knowledge of their 
approach, however secret [159] it may be. They 
put him in the kettle piece by piece ; and although 
at other feasts the head, — whether of a Bear, or a 
Dog, or a Deer, or a large fish, — is the Captain's 
share, in this case the head is given to the lowest 
person in the company; indeed some taste of this 
part, or of all the rest of the body, only with great 
horror. There are some who eat it with pleasure ; I 
have seen Savages in our Cabin speak with gusto of 
the flesh of an Iroquois, and praise its good qualities 
in the same terms as they would praise the flesh of a 
Deer or a Moose. This is certainly very cruel; but 
we hope, with the assistance of Heaven, that the 
knowledge of the true God will entirely banish from 
this Country such barbarity. Moreover, for the se- 
curity of the Country, they surround the principal 
Villages with a strong palisade of stakes, in order to 
sustain a siege. They maintain pensioners in the 
neutral Nations, and even among their enemies, by 
means of whom they are secretly warned of all their 
plots; they are, indeed, so well advised and so cir- 
cumspect on this point that, if there be some People 
with whom they [160] have not entirely broken, they 
give them, in truth, the liberty of going and coming 
in the Country, — but, nevertheless, for greater as- 
surance, they assign to them special Cabins, to which 
they must retire; if they found them elsewhere, they 
would do them grievous harm. 

As regards the authority of commanding, here is 
what I have observed. All the affairs of the Hurons 
are included under two heads : The first are, as it were, 
affairs of State, — whatever may concern either citi- 


Pour ce qui regarde I'autorit^ de commander, voicy 
ce que i'en ay remarque. Toutes les affaires des Hu- 
rons fe rapportent a deux chefs : les vnes font comme 
les affaires d'Eftat, foit qu'elles concernent ou les 
citoyens, ou les Eflrangers, le public ou les particu- 
liers du Village, pour ce qui eft des feftins, danfes, 
ieux, croffes, & ordre des funerailles. Les autres 
font des affaires de guerre. Or il fe trouue autant 
de fortes de Capitaines que d'affaires. Dans les 
grads Villages il y aura quelquefois plufieurs Capi- 
taines tant de la police, que de la guerre, lefquels diui- 
fent entre eux les families du Village, comme en au- 
tant de Capitaineries ; on y void mefme par fois des 
Capitaines, k qui tous ces gouuememens fe rapportent 
^ caufe de leur efprit, faueur, richeffes, & autres qua- 
litez, qui les rendent conQderables dans le Pays. II 
n'y en a point, qui en vertu de leur election foient 
plus grands les vns [i6i] que les autres. Ceux li 
tiennent le premier rang, qui fe le font acquis par 
leur efprit, eloquence, magnificence, courage, & fage 
conduite, de forte que les affaires du Village s'ad- 
dreffent principalement k celuy des Capitaines, qui 
a en luy ces qualitez; & de mefme en eft-il des 
affaires de tout le Pays, ou les plus grands efprits 
font les plus grads Capitaines, & d' ordinaire il n'y 
en a qu'vn qui porte le faix de tous. C'eft en fon 
nom que fe paffent les Traictez de Paix auec les Peu- 
ples eftrangers ; le Pays mefme porte fon nom : & 
maintenant par exemple, quand on parle A! Anenkhi- 
07idic dans les Confeils des Eftrangers, on entend la 
Nation des Ours. Autrefois il n'y auoit que les 
braues hommes qui fuffent Capitaines, & pour cela 
on les appelloit Enondecha, du mefme nom qu'ils ap- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 231 

zens or Strangers, the public or the individuals of the 
Village; as, for example, feasts, dances, games, crosse 
matches, and funeral ceremonies. The second are 
affairs of war. Now there are as many sorts of Cap- 
tains as of affairs. In the large Villages there will 
be sometimes several Captains, both of administra- 
tion and of war, who divide among them the families 
of the Village as into so many Captaincies. Occa- 
sionally, too, there are even Captains to whom these 
matters of government are referred on account of 
their intellectual superiority, popularity, wealth, or 
other qualities which render them influential in the 
Country. There are none who, by virtue of their 
election, are of higher rank [161] than others. Those 
hold the first rank who have acquired it by intellec- 
tual preeminence, eloquence, free expenditure, cour- 
age, and wise conduct. Consequently, the affairs of 
the Village are referred principally to that one of the 
Chiefs who has these qualifications ; and the same is 
true with regard to the affairs of the whole Country, 
in which the men of greatest ability are the leading 
Captains, and usually there is one only who bears 
the burden of all ; it is in his name Treaties of Peace 
are made wnth foreign Peoples; the Country even 
bears his name, — and now, for example, when one 
speaks of Anetikhiondic in the Councils of Foreigners, 
the Nation of the Bear is meant. Formerly only 
worthy men were Captains, and so they were called 
Enondecha, the same name by which they call the 
Country, Nation, district, — as if a good Chief and 
the Country were one and the same thing. But to- 
day they do not pay so much attention to the selec- 
tion of their Captains ; and so they no longer give 
them that name, although they still call them atiwa- 


pellent le Pays, Nation, terre, comme H vn bon Capi- 
taine & le Pays eftoient vne mefme chof e ; mais au- 
iourd'huy ils n'ont pas vn tel 6gard en 1' election de 
leurs Capitaines; aufli ne leur donnent-ils plus ce 
nom Ik, quoy qu'ils I'appellent encor atti^arontas, 
ati^anens, ondakhienhai, les groffes pierres. les an- 
ciens, les fedentaires. Cependant ceux la ne laiffent 
pas de tenir, comme i'ay dit, le premier rang tant 
dans [162] les affaires particulieres des Villages, que 
de tout le Pays, qui font les plus grands en merites 
& en efprit. Leurs parens font come autant de Lieu- 
tenans & de Confeillers. 

Ils arriuent k ce degr6 d'honneur, partie par fuc- 
ceffion, partie par Election, leurs enfans ne leur 
fuccedent pas d' ordinaire, mais bien leurs neueux & 
petits fils. Et ceux cy encor ne viennent pas h. la fuc- 
ceffion de ces petites Royautez, comme les Dauphins 
en France, ou les enfans en I'heritage de leurs peres; 
mais en tant qu'ils ont les qualitez conuenables, 
& qu'ils les acceptent, & font acceptez de tout 
le Pays. II s'en trouue qui refufent ces honneurs, 
tant parce qu'ils n'ont pas le difcours en main, 
ny affez de retenue ny de patience, que pource qu'ils 
ayment le repos ; car ces charges font pluflofl de fer- 
uitudes, qu'autre chofe. II faut qu'vn Capitaine fade 
eftat d'eftre quail touiours en campagne: fi on tient 
Confeil k cinq ou fix lieues pour les affaires de tout 
le Pays, Hyuer ou Efte en quelque faifon que ce foit 
il faut marcher: s'il fe fait vne Alfemblee dans le 
Village, c'efl en la Cabana du Capitaine: s'il y a 
quelque chofe a publier, c'efl a luy a le faire; & puis 
le peu d'authorite qu'il a d'ordinaire fur fes fuiets, 
n'eft pas [163] vn puiilant attrait pour accepter cefte 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATIOX, ib36 233 

roHtas, athvanens, ondakhicnhai, " big stones, the elders, 
the stay-at-homes." However, those still hold, as I 
have said, the first rank as well in [162] the special 
affairs of the Villages as of the whole Country, who 
are most highly esteemed and intellectually preemi- 
nent. Their relatives are like so many Lieutenants 
and Councilors. 

They reach this degree of honor, partly through 
succession, partly through election ; their children do 
not usually succeed them, but properly their nephews 
and grandsons. And the latter do not even come to 
the succession of these petty Royalties, like the Dau- 
phins of France, or children to the inheritance of 
their fathers ; but only in so far as they have suitable 
qualifications, and accept the position, and are ac- 
cepted by the whole Country. Some are found who 
refuse these honors, — sometimes because they have 
not aptitude in speaking, or sufficient discretion or 
patience, sometimes because they like a quiet life; 
for these positions are servitudes more than anything 
else. A Captain must always make it a point to be, 
as it were, in the field; if a Council is held five or 
six leagues away for the affairs of the Country, Win- 
ter or Summer, whatever the weather, he must go. 
If there is an Assembly in the Village, it is in the 
Captain's Cabin; if there is anything to be made 
public, he must do it ; and then the small authority 
he usually has over his subjecfs is not [163] a power- 
ful attraction to make him accept this position. 
These Captains do not govern their subjects by means 
of command and absolute power ; they have no force 
at hand to compel them to their duty. Their gov- 
ernment is only civil ; they represent only what is to 
be done for the good of the village, or of the whole 


charge. Ces Capitaines icy ne gouuernent pas leurs 
fuiets par voye d'empire, & de puiffance abfolue; 
ils n'ont point de force en main, pour las ranger \ 
leur deuoir. Leur gouuemement n'eft que ciuil, ils 
reprefentent feulement ce qu'il eft queftion de faire 
pour le bien du village, ou de tout le Pays. Apres 
cela fe remue qui veut. II y en a neantmoins, qui 
fgauent bien fe faire obeyr, principalement quand ils 
ont I'affection de leurs fuiets. Quelques vns font 
auffi reculez de ces charges, pour la memoire de leurs 
anceftres qui ont d^feruy la Patrie. Que s'ils y font 
receus, c'efl k force de prefens, que les Anciens ac- 
ceptent en leur AfTembl^e, & mettent dans les coffres 
du Public. Tous les ans enuiron le Printemps fe 
font ces refurrections de Capitaines, fi quelques cas 
particuliers ne retardent ou n'aduancent I'affaire. le 
demanderois volontiers icy k ceux qui ont peu d'opi- 
nion de nos Sauuages, ce qu'il leur femble de cette 

Mais en preuue de ce que ie viens de dire de I'ef- 
prit de nos Capitaines, il faut que ie conclue ce Cha- 
pitre par vn difcours que me fit ce Printemps vn 
Capitaine, nomme [164] Aenons, il pretendoit nous 
perfuader de tranfporter noflre Cabane en fon Vil- 
lage. Surquoy nous auons 'k loiier Dieu, de ce qu'il 
nous fait la grace d'eftre aymez & recherchez dans 
le Pays; c'efl k qui nous aura en fon Village: les 
Arendoronnon nous en ont fouuent port6 la parole, les 
Attignenonghac, & ceux du Village Offoffan^, que nous 
appellons la Rochelle, nous font encor plus d'in- 
flance : mais G nous auons ^gard aux importunitez, 
affeur^ment ce Capitaine I'emportera; il y a plus de 
fix mois qu'il ne nous donne aucun repos, quelque 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, ibsb 235 

Country. That settled, he who will takes action. 
There are, however, some who know well how to se- 
cure obedience, especial!}' when they have the afifec- 
tion of their subjects. Some, too, are kept back from 
these positions by the memory of their ancestors who 
have badly served their Country. But, if they are 
received therein, it is by dint of presents which the 
Old Men accept in their Assembly and put into the 
Public coffers. Every year, about Spring, these res- 
urrections of Captains take place, if some special 
cases do not delay or hasten the matter. I should 
like here to ask those who have a low opinion of our 
Savages, what they think of this method of conduct- 
ing affairs. 

But, in proof of what I have just said of the intel- 
ligence of our Captains, I must conclude this Chap- 
ter with a speech, made to me, this Spring, by a 
Captain named [164] Aenons. He was trying to per- 
suade us to transfer our Cabin to his Village. For 
this we have to praise God, that he gives us the 
favor to be loved and sought after throughout the 
Country ; there is a strife as to who will have us in 
his Village. 'V^xo^ Arendoronnon'^- \vsjwq often invited 
us; the Attigiienongliac, and the people of the Vil- 
lage of OssossaiKf, which we call la Rochelle, have 
pressed us still more earnestly ; but, if we have re- 
gard to importunities, assuredly this Chief will pre- 
vail. For more than six months he has given us no 
rest; whatever Public affair he may relate to us, he 
never fails to draw expressly or tacitly this conclu- 
sion; but this Spring, more than ever, he has em- 
ployed all his Rhetoric to secure our promise, and 
gain our ii\\\ consent. Going then one day to Wen- 
rio, to visit one of our Christians sick unto death, I 


affaire du Pais qu'il nous raconte, il ne manque point 
d'en tirer expreffement ou tacitement cette conclu- 
fion; mais fur tout a ce Printemps il a employ^ toute 
fa Rhetorique pour nous faire dire le mot, & obtenir 
tout a fait noftre confentement. Allant done vn 
iour k Henrio, pour aflCfter vn de nos Chrefliens ma- 
lade k la mort, ie trouuay par le chemin vn Sauuage 
qui me venoit querir de la part d'Aoions; ie I'allay 
voir apres auoir fatisfait a noftre malade, qui nous 
menoit particulierement. II me fit ce difcours: mais 
ie luy feray tort de le mettre icy, car ie ne luy don- 
neray pas la grace qu'il auoit en la bouche [165] de 
ce Capitaine; n'importe, on verra toufiours fes pen- 
fees, que i'ay rangees h mon aduis h peu pres dans 
leur ordre. Voicy comme il commenga. 

Echon, ie vous ay mande pour fgauoir au vray voftre 
derniere refolution : ie ne vous euffe pas donn6 la 
peine de venir iufques icy, n'eufl efl6 que ie crai- 
gnois de ne pas trouuer chez vous la commodite de 
vous parler: voftre Cabane eft toufiours pleine de 
tant de perfonnes qui vous vifitent, qu'il eft quafi 
impoffible de vous y communiquer quelque chofe en 
particulier : & puis maintenant que nous fommes fur 
le poinct de nous affembler pour deliberer touchant 
I'eftabliffement d'vn nouueau Village, cette entre- 
ueue euft peu eftre fufpecte a ceux qui defirent vous 

Les Frangois ont toufiours efte attachez k moy, & 
m'ont ay me, ie les ay aulTi toufiours afllfte en tout ce 
que i'ay peu, & n'ont pas trouu6 en toutes ces terres 
de meilleur amy que moy: ce n'a pas efte fans en- 
courir I'enuie de tout le Pais, qui m'en regarde il y 
a long temps de manuals ceil, & a fait tout ce qu'il 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION. j6j6 237 

met by the way a Savage who was coming with a 
message for me from Acuons. I went to see the lat- 
ter after having attended to our sick man, and he 
took me to one side. He made to me this speech, 
but I shall do him wrong to put it here, for I shall 
not give it the grace it had in the mouth [165] of this 
Chief ; no matter, the reader will see his ideas, which 
I have set down, as I think, almost in their order. 
See how he began. 

" Echon, I have sent for you to learn your final de- 
cision. I would not have given you the trouble to 
come here, had I not been afraid that I should not 
find at your house the opportunity of speaking to 
you. Your Cabin is always full of so many people 
visiting you, that it is almost impossible to say any- 
thing to you in private; and then, now that we are 
on the point of assembling to deliberate regarding 
the establishment of a new Village, this interview 
might have aroused the suspicions of those who wish 
to keep you. 

" The French have always been attached to me, 
and have loved me ; I have always assisted them in 
every way I could, and they have not found in all 
this land a better friend than I. This has not been 
without incurring the envy of others throughout the 
Country, who have therefore for a long time regarded 
me with an evil eye, and have done all they could to 
prejudice you against me. The)' have even, as you 
[166] know, imputed to me the death of Brusl6; and 
immediately after he was killed, when the question 
of Sfoinof down to Kebec was discussed, it was said 
loudly and distinctly that, if I went, I would without 
doubt lose my head. Notwithstanding all that, the 
following year (for that year I went elsewhere to 


a peu pour me mettre mal aupres de vous ; iufques 
Ik que, comme vous [i66] f^auez, on m'a impute la 
mort de Brufl^, & incontinent apres qu'il eut elte tue, 
quand il fut queftion de defcendre k K6bec, on difoit 
haut & clair que fi i'y allois, fans doute i'y lailTerois 
la telle: nonobftant tout cela I'ann^e fuiuante (car 
pour cette ann6e Ik i 'allay en traite ailleurs) ie ne 
laiffay pas de m'embarquer, & defcendre, appuy6 
(jue i'eftois fur mon innocence. Au refte fi ce mal- 
heur me full arriu^, la hache eflant leuee fur ma 
tefle, i'euffe demand^ vn peu de temps pour parler, 
& ie croy que ie me fuffe li bien iuflifi^, que i'euffe 
oblig^ celuy qui commandoit ou de faire manifefle- 
ment vne iniuflice, ou me laiffer la vie. Mais ie n'en 
fus pas en la peine, & ceux qui s'attendoient de me 
voir affommer furent bien eftonnez, quand ils virent 
I'honneur qu'on me fit; iufques Ik que quelques vns 
difoient, que puis qu'on traitoit fi fauorablement vn 
meurtrier, Ie vray moyen de fe faire aimer des Fran- 
5ois efloit de fendre la tefle k quelqu'vn. Tons ces 
difcours n'ont point empefche que mon innocence 
n'ait efle toufiours au deffus de I'enuie: quoy qu'on 
dife, i'aimeray & obligeray toute ma vie les Fran§ois 
en tout ce que ie pourray. 

Echoti, nous penfions que voflre Village [167] deufl 
nous fuiure, & fe ioindre k nous, maintenat que nous 
somes fur Ie poinct d'en faire vn autre ailleurs, & il 
n'a pas tenu k vous, les prefens que vous fifles I'an 
paffe fur ce fuiet n'efloient que trop capables de les 
porter k cette refolution ; mais cependant, k ce que 
nous voyons, il n'en faut plus parler; c'efl \Tie piece 
tout k fait d^tachee, & nagueres que i 'allay chez vous 
pour fjauoir voflre refolution, ie perdis courage, vous 

1636] LE JEUNBS RELATION, 1636 239 

trade) I was not hindered from embarking and going 
down, supported as I was by my innocence. More- 
over, if that misfortune had happened and the axe 
been raised over my head, I should have asked a little 
time to speak ; and I believe I should have so fully 
cleared myself that I would have compelled him who 
ordered it either to do a manifest injustice, or to 
leave me my life. But I had no trouble about it, 
and those who expected to see me struck down were 
very much astonished when they saw the honor that 
was done me; so astonished were they, that some 
said, since a murderer was so favorably dealt with, 
the true way to get oneself liked by the French was 
to cleave some one's head open. All these speeches 
have not prevented my innocence from always being 
above suspicion; whatever maybe said, I shall, all 
my life, love and serve the French, in every way I 

" Echon, we thought that your Village [167] ought 
to follow ours, and join itself to ours, now that we 
are on the point of establishing another one else- 
where, and it is not your fault, since the presents 
you made on this account, last year, were only too 
well calculated to bring them to this resolution. 
Nevertheless, as far as we can see, it is not necessary 
to say anything more regarding this, — it is a matter 
quite aside; and lately when I was going to your 
house to learn your decision, I lost courage; you an- 
swered me so coldly that I had almost resolved not 
to speak to you any more about it. 

" Yet the thing is of such importance, as well for 
your interests as for ours, that I have judged it fit- 
ting to speak my feelings about it once more. If 
you do not answer me clearly to-day, I shall never 


me refpondiftes fi froidement, que ie m'eflois comma 
refolu de ne vous en plus parler. 

Toutefois la chofe eft de telle importance, tant 
pour vos interefls que pour les noftres, que i'ay iuge 
a propos de vous en dire mon fentiment encore vne 
fois: fi vous ne me refpondez auiourd'huy diftincte- 
ment, iamais plus ie ne vous en ouuriray la bouche. 
Nous nous affemblerons demain cinq Villages que 
nous fommes pour conclure Ie deffein que nous 
auons de nous vnir, & n'en faire qu'vn. Nous 
auons fuiet de prendre cette refolution, puis que fi 
nous fommes en paix cette annee, nous ne pouuons 
manquer Ie Printemps fuiuant d'auoir I'ennemy fur 
les bras : nous n'en fommes que trop bien informez ; 
en I'eftat que [i68] vous nous voyez maintenant nous 
ferions en peine, au moins pour nos femmes, & nos 
enfans, fi la neceffite nous contraignoit de prendre les 
armes : au lieu que fi nous fommes en vn bon Village 
bien ferme de pieiix, noftre ieuneffe aura fuiet de 
faire paroiilre fon courage, & nous mettrons nos 
femmes & nos enfans en affeurance. A cette occa- 
fion tout Ie Pais iette les yeux fur vous ; nous nous 
eftimerons tout a fait hors de crainte, pourueu que 
nous vous ayons auec nous ; vous auez des armes k 
feu dont Ie feul bruit elt capable de donner I'epou- 
uante a I'ennemy, & Ie mettre en fuite. 

Au refte, il y va auffi de vos interefts; voyez en 
quelle peine vous eftes au moindre bruit de guerre: 
& puis fi on vous fait quelque tort, a qui aurez vous 
recours demeurans en ce petit Hameau ou vous eftes? 
Vous n'auez point la de Capitaine qui vous prenne en 
fa protection, & vous fafl!e faire raifon; il n'y a per- 
fonne qui tienne la ieunefl^e en deuoir: fi les bleds 
vous manquent, qui donnera ordre qu'on vous en pour- 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 241 

more open my lips to you about it. Five of our Vil- 
lages meet to-morrow, to settle the plan we have of 
uniting and making only one of them. We have 
reason to take this resolution, since, if we are at peace 
this year, we are certain next Spring to have the ene- 
my on our hands. We are only too well informed 
about them; in the position in which [168J we are 
now, we should be in trouble, at least for our wives 
and our children, if necessity should compel us to 
take arms; whereas if we are in one good Village, 
well protected by stakes, our youth will have occa- 
sion to show their courage, and we will place our 
wives and children in .safety. On this account the 
whole Country turns its eyes upon you ; we shall es- 
teem ourselves quite beyond fear, if we have you 
with us ; you have firearms, the mere report of which 
is capable of inspiring dread in the enemy, and put- 
ting him to flight. 

" Moreover, these are also your own interests; see 
in what trouble you are at the least report of war; 
and then, if any harm is done to you, to whom will 
you have recourse, living in that petty Hamlet where 
you are ? You have no Captain there who will take 
you under his protection, and cause right to be done 
you ; there is no one to keep the young men within 
bounds ; if corn is lacking to you, who will give orders 
to provide you with it? for your Village is not capable 
of furnishing you with a sufficiency of it, and how 
much trouble it would be to go yourselves in search 
of it [169] elsewhere. On the other hand, if you 
were with us, you would lack for nothing ; as we shall 
have asked you to come with us, so we shall be 
obliged to support you ; and, in case they should be 
lax in furnishing you your provisions, I give you my 


uoye, car voftre Village n'eft pas capable de vous en 
fournir ^ fuffifance, & quelle peine d'en aller vous 
mefmes chercher [169] ailleurs. Au lieu que fi vous 
eftes des noftres, rien ne vous ffauroit manquer; 
come nous vous aurons voulu auoir aupres de nous, 
auffi f erons nous obligez de vous nourrir : & au cas 
que Ton fe portaft lafchement k vous fournir voftre 
prouifion, ie vous donne parole que i'employeray 
tout mon credit pour reprefenter a nos gens I'obliga- 
tion qu'ils vous auront, & ie f^ay bien qu'il n'y en a 
pas vn qui ne fe mette incontinent en deuoir de vous 
feruir: de mefme quand il fera queftion de dreffer 
voftre Cabane, ie commanderay a toute la ieuneffe 
de mettre la main a I'oeuure, & vous vous verrez in- 
continent auffi bien logez que vous pouuez fouhaitter 
dans Ie Pais. 

II s'arrefta icy, & il me dit qu'il n'auoit pas neant- 
moins encor acheu6, mais qu'il defiroit auant que de 
palTer outre, que ie communiqualfe ^ vn de nos Peres 
qui eftoit auec moy ce qu'il venoit de dire. Puis il 
continua en ces termes : 

Eckon, ie vois bien que vous m'allez dire que vous 
craignez d'eftre plus eloignez du Lac que vous n'eftes 
maintenant; & moy ie vous donne parole que vous 
n'en ferez pas fi eloignez que vous pourriez bien pen- 
fer; [170] & puis quand ainfi feroit. dequoy vous 
mettez vous en peine ? Vous n'allez point a la pefche, 
tout Ie Village y ira pour vous: Vous aurez de la 
peine h. embarquer vos paquets pour K6bec; rien 
moins, il n'y aura perfonne dans Ie Village qui ne fe 
tienne heureux de vous feruir en cette occafion. II 
eft vray que vous ne ferez pas au bord du Lac pour re- 
ceuoir les paquets qu'on vous enuoyera; mais qu'im- 
porte, puis qu'on vous les apportera iufques chez 

1636] LE JEUNBS RELATION, 1636 243 

word that I will use all my influence in representing 
to our people the obligations they are under to you, 
and I know well there is not one of them who will 
not put himself immediately to work to serve you ; 
in the same way, when the question arises of erect- 
ing your Cabin, I shall command all the young men 
to put their hands to the work, and you will see your- 
self immediately as well lodged as you can wish in 
this Country." 

He stopped at this point, and told me that he had 
not yet finished ; but he desired that, before proceed- 
ing further, I should communicate to one of our Fa- 
thers who was with me what he had just said. Then 
he continued in these words: 

" Echon, I see well that you were going to say to 
me that you fear to be further distant from the Lake 
than you are now ; but I give you my word that you 
will not be as far from it as you might think ; [ 1 70] 
and then, even if it were so, how could it inconven- 
ience you? You do not go fishing; the whole Village 
will go for you. You will have difficulty in embark- 
ing your parcels for Kebec ? Not at all ; there will 
be nobody in the Village who will not consider him- 
self happy to serve you in this matter. It is true, you 
will not be on the shore of the Lake to receive the par- 
cels sent to you ; but what does it matter, since they 
will be brought all the way to your house ? And in case 
you desire to employ the people of la Rochelle, if 
they love you, as they must usually pass before the 
Village we intend to build, they will not give you 
the trouble to go and seek for them in their Village. 
Echon, this is what I had to say to you ; I beg that I 
may learn now your final decision, in order that I 
may report it to the Council to-morrow." 


vous : & au cas que vous defiriez vous f eruir de ceux 
de la Rochelle, s'ils vous aiment, comme ils doiuent 
ordinairement paffer deuant le Village que nous pre- 
tendons baftir, ils ne vous donneront pas la peine de 
les aller querir ^ leur Village. Eckon, voila ce que 
i'auois a vous dire : ie vous prie que ie f9aclie main- 
tenant voftre derniere refolution, afin que i'en faffe 
demain le rapport au Confeil. 

Voila la harangue de ce Capitaine, qui palTeroit, ^ 
mon aduis au iugement de plufieurs pour vne de 
celles de Tite Line, fi le fuiet le portoit: elle me 
fembla fort perfuaOue. En effet ie luy fis refponfe, 
qu'il nous obligeoit de I'affection qu'il tefmoignoit 
pour nous, qu'il I'auoit aflez faict paroiltre [171] en 
plufieurs occafions ; mais fur tout en celle cy : que 
nous eflions tres-contens de tranfporter noftre Caba- 
ne en fon Village : qu'il y auoit long temps que nous 
en auions le deffein ; que nous ne nous eflions arreflez 
a Ihonatiria, que comme en vn Village qui releuoit de 
luy, & qui ne faifoit bande a part que pour vn temps: 
mais neantmoins que nous ne pouuions pas encor 
nous refoudre a engager noilre parole, que les Capi- 
taines des cinq Villages qui fe deuoient affembler ne 
nous promilTent premierement au nom de tous leurs 
fuiets, qu'ils feroient contens de receuoir la Foy, 
croire tout ce que nous croyons, & viure comme nous. 
Ie pris de la occaffion de luy repeter quelques prin- 
cipaux myiteres de noltre Foy, & tafchay fur tout de 
luy monftrer quelle facilite ils deuoient auoir en ce 
poinct, puis que Dieu ne nous commandoit rien qui 
ne fufl tres-raifonnable, & qu'ils ne iugeaffent eux 
mefmes par apres tres-aduantageux pour le Pais. II 
m'^couta fort attentiuement, & me promit d'en faire 
fidelement fon rapport au Confeil, adiouftant que pour 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELATION, 1636 245 

That is the harangue of this Captain; and, in my 
opinion, it would, if the subject moved him, pass in 
the judgment of many for one of those of Titus Livi- 
us; it seemed to me very persuasive. In effect, I 
replied that he laid us under obligations by the affec- 
tion he showed for us, which he had made apparent 
[171] on several occasions, but above all on this one; 
that we were perfectly satisfied with the idea of trans- 
porting our Cabin to his Village; that we had in- 
tended doing this for a long time, and had only 
stayed at Ihonatiria as in a Village which was depend- 
ing on him, and was keeping apart only for a time; 
but, nevertheless, we could not yet resolve to pledge 
our word unless the Captains of the five Villages 
which were to meet would promise us, in the first 
place, in the name of all their subjects, that they 
would be content to receive the Faith, to believe all 
that we believe, and to live as we do. I then took 
occasion to repeat to him a few of the principal mys- 
teries of our Faith, and tried especially to show him 
how easy it ought to be for them on this point, since 
God commanded us to do nothing which was not 
most reasonable, and which they themselves would 
not afterwards consider very advantageous for the 
Country. He listened to me very attentively, and 
promised to make a faithful report of our talk to the 
Council, — adding that, so far as he was concerned, 
he was of a mind to be baptized, and that all in his 
Cabin were similarly inclined. 

[172] The Council took place some days after; this 
Captain was there. He was asked what was the final 
sentiment and decision of the French. He replied 
that we made some objection. They asked him what 
it was. " They do not wish," he said, " to go to a 


luy il eftoit dans la refolution de fe faire baptifer, & 
que toute fa Cabane auoit la mefme penfee. 

[172] Le Confeil fe tint quelques iours apres; ce 
Capitaine s'y trouua. On luy demanda quel efloit 
enfin le fentiment & la refolution des Frangois. II 
leur repondit, que nous faifions quelque difficult6. 
lis luy demanderent, quelle difficulte nous pouuions 
faire. lis ne veulent point, dit-il, fe mettre dans vn 
Village, qu'ils ne foient affeurez d'auoir affaire k des 
perfonnes, qui ecouteront, & feront tout ce qu'ils en- 
feignent. A cela ils repartirent. Voila qui va bien : 
Nous en fommes contens, il nous enfeignera puis 
nous ferons tout ce qu'il defirera. En effect ils creu- 
rent I'affaire fi bien conclue, qu'ils nous vindrent 
dire par apres qu'ils venoient querir noltre Cabane 
pour la tranfporter : mais ce ne fera pas encor pour 
cette annee, la felte des Morts a trauerfe, dit-on, ce 
deffein. Cependant ce Capitaine qui eft fi echauff6 
k nous auoir auec luy en ce nouueau Village, voyant 
que noftre Cabane efloit quaO inhabitable, & qu'il 
fembloit que noftre Village fe voulult diffiper: & 
craignant que nous ne prifllons party ailleurs, nous 
vint offrir fa Cabane, a peine de s'incommoder, luy, 
& toute fa famille. Neantmoins nous auons iuge 
plus a propos de paffer encor vn [173] Hyuer oil nous 
fommes, tant pour cultiuer ces nouuelles plantes que 
nous y auons acquifes a noflre Seigneur, par le raoy- 
en du fainct Baptefme ; que parce que nous efperons 
que les Chefs de ces Villages qui pretendent de 
s'affembler. & font maintenant en diuifion auec le 
refte du Pays, peurront entre cy & le Printemps fe 
reiinir, & ainfi nous pourrons plus aifement toumer 
du cofte que nous iugerons plus a propos pour la gloire 
de Dieu. fans craindre d'offenfer perfonne. Ce qui 

1636] LE JEUNE-S RELATION, 1636 247 

Village where they will not be certain of having to 
do with persons who will listen to them, and will do 
all they teach." To that they replied, " That is well, 
we are satisfied. He will teach us, and we will do 
all he desires." In short, they believed the matter 
so fully concluded that they came to tell us afterward 
that they were coming for our Cabin to transport it 
there. But this will not occur this year; the feast of 
the Dead, they say, has come in the way of this ar- 
rangement. In the meantime, this Chief who is so 
anxious to have us with him in this new Village, 
seeing that our Cabin was almost uninhabitable, and 
that our Village seemed about to be scattered, and 
fearing lest we should go elsewhere, came to offer 
us his Cabin at the risk of inconveniencing himself 
and his whole family. Nevertheless, we have judged 
it best to pass one more [173] Winter where we are, — 
as much to cultivate these new plants we have won 
for our Lord by means of holy Baptism, as because we 
hope the Captains of those Villages who intend to 
come together, and are now at variance with the rest 
of the Country, will be able between now and Spring 
to reunite, and thus we can more readily take such 
action as we shall judge most proper for the glory 
of God, without fear of offending any one, which 
would be very difficult in the present condition of 

This resolution taken, we were obliged to think of 
repairing and enlarging our Cabin. I broached the 
matter to the Captain of our Village. He immedi- 
ately assembled the Old Men. and communicated to 
them our plan. They were so pleased that they came 
to us to present their congratulations, for they were 


nous feroit maintenant bien difi&cile en I'eftat ou font 
les affaires. 

Cette refolution prife nous a obligez de penfer ^ 
reftablir & accroiflre noflre Cabane: i'en fis ouuer- 
ture au Capitaine de noflre Village ; il aflembla in- 
continent les Anciens, & leur communiqua noftre 
delTein, ils en furent £i con tens, qu'ils nous en vin- 
rent faire des coniouiffances ; car ils craignoient de 
iour en iour que nous ne les quitaffions. 

Pour les encourager ie leur fis prefent d'vne dou- 
zaine de pains de Petun, & quelques peaux ; ils me 
rendirentles peaux, difant que c'eftoit keuxknousen 
donner; & que d'ailleurs ils nous auoient deja aflfez 
[174] d 'obligation, que nous les obligions tous les 
iours k vne infinite d'occafions; que fi quelques- vns 
auoiet befoin d'vn coufteau, ou d'vne alaifne, ils 
n'auoient qu'k venir chez nous, & que nous les leurs 
donnions incontinent. Au refle ces temoignages de 
bien-veillance ne furet pas feulement des paroles, ils 
furent fuiuis de bons effets; ils mirent diligemment 
la main k I'oeuure, & trauailleret auec tat d'aiUduit^, 
qu'ils nous drefferent prefque en trois iours vne nou- 
uelle Cabane ; aufTi persone ne s'y epargna, les vieil- 
lards y eftoient les premiers. Quelques-vns mefmes 
s'oublians de leur aage montoient iufques au haut de 
la Cabane, les autres alloient querir & preparoient 
force 6corces pour lier, ou trauailloient a dreffer le 
bas de la Cabane. 

La diligence du Capitaine empefcha le dernier iour 
quatre d'entre nous de dire Meffe ; cas d6s le point 
du iour il fe mit en befogne, & du haut de la Cabane 
ou il eltoit crioit a pleine tefte, & inuitoit au trauail 
toute la ieunefle qui n'efloit pas encor bien ^ueillee. 
Mais difons vn mot de leurs Confeils. 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 163b 


afraid from day to day that we were going to leave 

To encourage them, I made them a present of a 
dozen cakes of Tobacco, and some skins. They gave 
me back the skins, saying that it was their duty to 
give some to us, and that, besides, they were already 
under sufficient [174] obligation to us, — that we 
helped them every day, in an infinite variety of ways ; 
that if any had need of a knife, or an awl, they had 
only to come to us, and we gave them to them at once. 
Moreover, these pledges of good will were not mere 
words, they were followed by good results. They 
set to work so diligently and worked with so much 
zeal that they erected a new Cabin for us in less than 
three days. Indeed, no one spared himself; the old 
people were foremost in the work. Some, forget- 
ting their age, even climbed to the top of the Cabin ; 
others went to seek and prepare plenty of bark to cover 
it, or worked at setting up the frame thereof. 

The zeal of the Captain prevented four of us from 
saying Mass on the last day ; for, as soon as it was 
daylight, he set himself at work ; and from the top 
ridge of the Cabin, where he was, he shouted as 
loudly as he could, and invited all the youth who 
were not already awake to come and get to work. 
But let us say a word about their Councils. 


DE l'ordre que les hurons tiennent en leurs 


IE parleray icy principalement des Confeils ou 
Affemblees generales, les particuliers eftant 
quafi ordonnez de mefme fagon, quoy qu'auec 
moins d'appareil. 

Ces Affemblees generales font comme les Eftats 
de tout le Pais, & partant il s'en fait autant, & non 
plus que la neceffite le requiert. Le lieu d'iceux efl 
d'ordinaire le Village du principal Capitaine de tout 
le Pais: la Chambre de Confeil eft quelque fois la 
Cabane du Capitaine, paree de nattes, ou ionchees de 
branches de Sapin, auec diuers feux, fuiuant la fai- 
fon de Tannic. Autrefois chacun y apportoit fa 
bufche pour mettre au feu ; maintenant cela ne fe 
pratique plus, les femmes de la Cabane fupportent 
cette depenfe, elles font les feux, & ne s'y chauffent 
pas, fortant dehors pour ceder la place k Meffieurs le 
Cofeillers. Quelquefois Taffembl^e fe fait au milieu 
du Village, fi c'efl en Eft6, & [176] quelquefois aulTi 
en I'obfcurite des forefts k I'^cart, quand les affaires 
demandent le fecret: le temps eft pluftoft de nuict 
que de iour, ils y paffent fouuent les nuicts entieres. 

Le Chef du Confeil eft le Capitaine qui I'affemble. 
Les affaires s'y decident k la plurality des voix, oil 
I'authorite des Chefs en attire plufieurs ^ leur opi- 
nion : de fait la commune fa9on d'opiner eft de dire 

1636] LE JEUNE'S RELA TION, 1636 251 



1 SHALL speak here of the general Councils or 
Assemblies, the special ones being ordered in 
almost the same way, although with less display. 

These general Assemblies are, as it were, the States- 
General of the Country, and consequently they 
take place only so often as necessity requires. The 
place of these is usually the Village of the principal 
Captain of the whole Country. The Council Cham- 
ber is sometimes the Cabin of this Captain, adorned 
with mats, or strewn with Fir branches, with several 
fires, according to the season of the year. Former- 
ly, each one brought his fagot to put on the fire; this 
is now no longer the custom, the women of the Cabin 
take this responsibility ; they make the fires, but do 
not warm themselves thereat, going outside to give 
place to Messieurs the Councilors. Sometimes the 
assembly takes place in the midst of the Village, if 
it is Summer; and [176] sometimes also in the ob- 
scurity of the forest, apart, when affairs demand se- 
crecy. The time is oftener night than day, whole 
nights often being passed in council. — t 

The Head of the Council is the Captain who calls ' 
it. Matters are decided by a plurality of votes, in 
which the authority of the Captains draws over many 
to their views; in fact, the usual way of coming to a 
decision is to say to the Old Men, Do you give advice; 
you are the Masters. 


aux Anciens. Adiiifez y voiis autres, vous ejles les 

Les gages ordinaires de ces Meffieurs font affignez 
fur la force de leurs bras, fur leur diligence & bon 
menage: s'ils effartent mieux que les autres, s'ils 
chaffent mieux, s'ils pefchent mieux ; bref s'ils font 
heureux a la traitte, ils font auCQ plus riches qu'eux; 
finon ils font les plus necelTiteux, ainfi comme I'expe- 
rience le fait voir en quelques-vns. 

Leurs parties cafuelles font premierement les meil- 
leurs morceaux des feltins, ou on ne manque point de 
les inuiter. 2. Quand quelqu'vn fait quelque pre- 
fent ils y ont la meilleure part. 3. Quand quelqu'\Ti 
foit Citoyen, foit Eftranger, veut obtenir quelque 
chofe du Pais, la couftume [177] eft de graifTer les 
mains des principaux Capitaines, au branle defquels 
tout le refle fe remue. le fuis tres affeure de ce que 
ie viens de dire, le regret que quelques particuliers 
ont de femblables defordres, & I'enuie mefme des 
autres Capitaines, qui ne font pas appellez au butin, 
en decouuret plus qu'on ne defireroit ; ils fe decrient 
les vns les autres, & le feul foup9on de ces prefents 
fecrets emeut quelquefois de grands debats & diui- 
fions, non pas tant pour le defir du bien public, que 
pour le regret de n'eltre pas de la partie ; & cette ia- 
loufie empefche par fois de bonnes affaires. Mais 
venons k I'ordre qu'ils tiennent en leurs Confeils. 

Premierement le Chef ayant deja confulte en par- 
ticulier auec les autres Capitaines & Anciens de fon 
Village, & iuge que I'affaire merite vne affemblee 
publique, il enuoye conuier au Confeil par chaque 
Village autant de perfonnes qu'il delire ; les Meffa- 
gers font ieunes hommes volontaires, ou aucunefois 

163(jj LE JEUNES RELATION, ibsb 263 

The usual wages of these Gentlemen are assigned 
according to the strength of their arms, to their zeal 
and good management. If they clear the ground 
better than the others, hunt better, fish better, — in 
short, if they are successful in trading, they are also 
richer than the others; but if not, they are the most 
necessitous, as experience has shown in the cases of 

The incidental advantages are, in the first place, 
the best portions of the feasts, to which they are sure 
to be invited. 2. When any one makes a present, 
they get the best part of it. 3. When some one, 
be he Citizen or Stranger, wishes to obtain some- 
thing from the Country, the custom [177] is to grease 
the palms of the principal Captains, at whose beck 
and call all the rest move. I am quite sure of what 
I have just said. The regret that some private in- 
dividuals have for such irregularities, and the envy 
of the other Captains who have not been called upon 
to share the booty, discourage the practice more than 
they like ; they decry one another, and the mere sus- 
picion of these secret presents stirs up sometimes 
great debates and divisions, — not so much through 
desire of the public good as from regret at not hav- 
ing a share in them ; and this jealousy sometimes 
hinders good measures. But let us come to the or- 
der they keep in their Councils. 

In the first place, the Captain, having already con- 
sulted in private with the other Captains and Old 
Men of his Village, and having concluded that the 
aflfair warrants a public assembly, sends invit